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LiSRARr 
OF 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 


A  HISTORY  OF 

THE   RED  TERROR   AND  THE   SOCIAL  REVOLUTION 
IN  AMERICA  AND  EUROPE. 


COMMUNISM,  SOCIALISM,  AND   NIHILISM 

IN   DOCTRINE  AND  IN  DEED. 


THE  CHICAGO  HAYMARKET  CONSPIRACY, 

AND    THE    DETECTION    AND    TRIAL    OF    THE    CONSPIRATORS. 


BY 

MICHAEL  J.  SCHAACK, 

CAPTAIN  OF  POLICE. 

WITH  NUMEROUS  ILLUSTRATIONS  FROM  AUTHENTIC  PHOTOGRAPHS, 
AND  FROM  ORIGINAL   DRAWINGS 

BY  WM.   A.   McCuLLOUGH,  WM.   OTTMAN,   Louis    BRAUNHOLD,   TRUE 
WILLIAMS,  CHAS.  FOERSTER,  O.  F.  KRITZNER,  AND  OTHERS. 


CHICAGO: 
R.  J.  SCHULXE  &  COMPANY. 

NEW  YORK  AND  PHILADELPHIA  :  W.  A.   HOUGHTON, 

ST.  Louis  :  S.   F.  JUNKIN  &  Co.      PITTSBURG  :  P.  J.   FLEMING  &  Co. 

MDCCCLXXXIX. 


COPYRIGHT,  1889, 
BY   MICHAEL   J.  SCHAACK. 

ALL    RIGHTS     RESERVED. 


*»*  THE  ILLUSTRATIONS  JN  THIS  WORK  ARE  ALL    ORIGINAL,  AND  ARE 
PROTECTED  BY  COPYRIGHT, 


TO 

HON.  JOSEPH   E.  GARY 

AND    TO 

HON.  JULIUS  S.  GRINNELL 

THIS  VOLUME  IS  RESPECTFULLY  DEDICATED  BY 

THE   AUTHOR. 


253214 


PREFACE. 


IT   has  seemed  to  me  that  there  should  be  a  history  of  the  development, 
the  revolt,  and   the  tragedy  of  Anarchy  in  Chicago.     This   history    I 
have  written  as  impartially   and  as  fairly  as  I  knew  how  to  write  it.      I 
have  kept  steadily  before  my  eyes  the  motto, — 

"  Nothing  extenuate,  nor  set  down  aught  in  malice." 

It  will  be  found  in  the  succeeding  pages  that  neither  animosity  against 
the  revolutionists,  nor  partiality  to  the  State,  has  influenced  the  work.  I 
have  dealt  with  this  episode  in  Chicago's  history  as  calmly  and  as  fairly  as 
I  am  able.  I  have  tried  to  put  myself  in  the  position  of  the  misguided 
men  whose  conspiracy  led  to  the  Haymarket  explosion  and  to  the  gallows; 
to  understand  their  motives;  to  appreciate  their  ideals  —  for  so  only  could 
this  volume  be  properly  written. 

And  to  present  a  broader  view,  I  have  added  a  history  of  all  forms  of 
Socialism,  Communism,  Nihilism  and  Anarchy.  In  this,  though  necessarily 
brief,  it  has  been  the  purpose  to  give  all  the  important  facts,  and  to  set 
forth  the  theories  of  all  those  who,  whether  moderate  or  radical,  whether 
sincerely  laboring  in  the  interests  of  humanity  or  boisterously  striving  for 
notoriety,  have  endeavored  or  pretended  to  improve  upon  the  existing  order 
of  society. 

After  the  dynamite  bomb  exploded,  carrying  death  into  the  ranks  of  men 
with  whom  I  had  been  for  years  closely  associated  —  after  an  impudent  attack 
had  been  made  upon  our  law  and  upon  our  system,  which  I  was  sworn  to 
defend  — it  came  to  me  as  a  duty  to  the  State,  a  duty  to  my  dead  and 
wounded  comrades,  to  bring  the  guilty  men  to  justice ;  to  expose  the  con- 
spiracy to  the  world,  and  thus  to  assist  in  vindicating  the  law.  How  the 
duty  was  performed,  this  story  tells. 

It  is  a  plain  narrative  whose  interest  lies  in  the  momentous  character  of 
the  facts  which  it  relates.  Much  of  it  is  now  for  the  first  time  given  to  the 
public.  I  have  drawn  upon  the  records  of  the  case,  made  in  court,  but 
more  especially  upon  the  reports  made  to  me,  during  the  progress  of  the 
investigation,  by  the  many  detectives  who  were  working  under  my  direc- 
tion. 

I  can  say  for  my  book  no  more  than  this  :  that  from  the  first  page  to  the 
last  there  is  no  material  statement  which  is  not  to  my  knowledge  true.  The 
reader,  then,  may  at  least  depend  upon  the  accuracy  of  the  information 
presented  here,  even  if  I  cannot  make  any  other  claim. 

It  would  be  unfair  and  ungrateful  if  I  did  not  seize  this  opportunity  to 


vi  PREFACE. 

put  on  lasting  record  my  obligations  to  Judge  Julius  S.  Grinnell,  who  was 
State's  Attorney  during  the  investigation.  His  support,  steady  and  full  of 
tact,  enabled  me  to  go  through  with  the  work,  in  spite  of  obstacles  deliber- 
ately put  in  my  way.  My  position  was  a  delicate  and  difficult  one  :  had  it  not 
been  for  him,  and  for  others,  success  would  have  been  almost  impossible. 

Nor  can  I  forego  this  occasion  to  bear  testimony  to  the  magnificent 
police  work  done  in  the  case  by  Inspector  Bonfield  and  his  brother,  James 
Bonfield,  and  by  the  officers  who  acted  directly  with  me.  These  were 
Lieut.  Charles  A.  Larsen  and  Officers  Herman  Schuettler,  Michael  Whalen, 
Jacob  Loewenstein,  Michael  Hoffman,  Charles  Rehm,  John  Stift  and  B.  P. 
Baer.  Mr.  Edmund  Furthmann,  at  that  time  Assistant  State's  Attorney,  as 
I  have  elsewhere  recorded,  worked  upon  the  inquiry  into  the  conspiracy 
with  an  acumen,  a  perseverance  and  an  industry  which  were  beyond  all 
praise.  I  knew,  when  he  was  first  associated  with  me  in  the  case,  that  the 
outcome  must  be  a  victory  for  outraged  law,  and  the  result  vindicated  the 
prediction.  To  Mr.  Thomas  O.  Thompson  and  to  Mr.  John  T.  McEnnis 
much  of  the  literary  form  of  this  volume  is  to  be  credited,  and  to  them  also 
I  am  under  lasting  obligations.  MICHAEL  J.  SCHAACK. 

Chicago,  February,  1889. 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

The   Beginning  of  Anarchy — The   German    School  of  Discontent  —  The 

Socialist  Future — The  Asylum  in  London  —  Birth  of  a  Word  —  Work  of  the  French 
Revolution  —  The  Conspiracy  of  Babeuf  —  Etienne  Cabet's  Experiment  —  The  Colony 
in  the  United  States— Settled  at  Nauvoo  —  Fourier  and  his  System  —  The  Familistere 
at  Guise  —  Louis  Blanc  and  the  National  Work-shops  —  Proudhon,  the  Founder  of 
French  Anarchy — German  Socialism:  Its  Rise  and  Development  —  Rodbertus  and  his 
Followers — "Capital,"  by  Karl  Marx  —  The  "Bible  of  the  Socialists"  —  The  Red 
Internationale — Bakounine  and  his  Expulsion  from  the  Society — The  New  Conspiracy 

—  Ferdinand  Lassalle  and  the  Social  Democrats  —  The  Birth  of  a  Great  Movement  — 
Growth  of  Discontent — Leaders  after  Lassalle  —  The  Central   Idea  of   the  Revolt  — 
American  Methods  and  the  Police  Position 17 

CHAPTER  II. 

Dynamite  in  Politics — Historical  Assassinations  —  Infernal  Machines  in 
France  —  The  Inventor  of  Dynamite — M.  Noble  and  his  Ideas  —  The  Nitro-Compounds 

—  How  Dynamite  is  Made  —  The  New  French  Explosive  —  ' '  Black  Jelley  "  and  the  Nihil- 
ists — What  the  Nihilists  Believe  and  What  they  Want  —  The  Conditions  in  Russia- — The 
White  and  the  Red  Terrors  —  Vera  Sassoulitch — Tourgenieff  and  the  Russian  Girl  — 
The  Assassination  of  the  Czar —  "  It  is  too  Soon  to  Thank  God  " — The  Dying  Emperor  — 
Two  Bombs  Thrown  —  Running   Down   the   Conspirators  —  Sophia   Perowskaja,    the 
Nihilist  Leader  —  The  Handkerchief  Signal — The  Murder  Roll — Tried  and  Convicted 

—  A  Brutal  Execution  —  Five  Nihilists  Pay  the  Penalty  —  Last  Words  Spoken  but  Un- 
heard—  A  Deafening  Tattoo  —  The  Book-bomb  and  the  Present   Czar  —  Strychnine- 
coated  Bullets — St.   Peter  and  Paul's  Fortress  — Dynamite  Outrages  in  England  —  The 
Record  of  Crime  — Twenty-nine  Convicts  and  their  Offenses  —  Ingenious  Bomb-making 

—  The  Failures  of  Dynamite 28 

CHAPTER  III. 

The  Exodus  to  Chicago — Waiting  for  an  Opportunity  —  A  Political  Party 
Formed  —  A  Question  of  $600,000  —  The  First  Socialist  Platform  —  Details  of  the  Organ- 
ization—  Work  at  the  Ballot-Box  —  Statistics  of  Socialist  Progress  —  The  "Interna- 
tional Workingmen's  Party"  and  The  " Workingmen's  Party  of  the  United  States"  — 
The  Eleven  Commandments  of  Labor  —  How  the  Work  was  to  be  Done  —  A  Curious 
Constitution  —  Beginnings  of  the  Labor  Press  —  The  Union  Congress — Criticising  the 
Ballot-Box  — The  Executive  Committee  and  its  Powers  —  Annals  of  1876  —  A  Period  of 
Preparation  —  The  Great  Railroad  Strikes  of  1877  —  The  First  Attack  on  Society  —  A 
Decisive  Defeat — Trying  Politics  Again  —  The  "Socialistic  Party" — Its  Leaders  and 
its  Aims  —  August  Spies  as  an  Editor  —  Buying  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung — How  the  Money 
was  Raised  —  Anarchist  Campaign  Songs  —  The  Group  Organization  —  Plan  of  the  Prop- 
aganda—  Dynamite  First  Taught — "The  Bureau  of  Information"  —  An  Attack  on 
Arbitration  —  No  Compromise  with  Capital  —  Unity  of  the  Internationalists  and  the 

Socialists 44 

7 


viii  TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  IV. 

Socialism,  Theoretic  and  Practical  —  Statements  of  the  Leaders — Ven- 
geance on  the  "  Spitzels" — The  Black  Flag  in  the  Streets  —  Resolutions  in  the  Alarm  — 
The  Board  of  Trade  Procession — Why  it  Failed  —  Experts  on  Anarchy  —  Parsons,  Spies, 
Schwab  and  Fielden  Outline  their  Belief — The  International  Platform — Why  Commun- 
ism Must  Fail — A  French  Experiment  and  its  Lesson — The  Law  of  Averages — Extracts 
from  the  Anarchistic  Press  —  Preaching  Murder  —  Dynamite  or  the  Ballot-Box  ?  —  "  The 
Reaction  in  America"  —  Plans  for  Street  Fighting  —  Riot  Drill  and  Tactics  —  Bakounine 
and  the  Social  Revolution  —  Twenty-one  Statements  of  an  Anarchist's  Duty  —  Herways' 
Formula  —  Predicting  the  Haymarket  —  The  Lehr  und  Wehr  Verein  and  the  Supreme 
Court  —  The  White  Terror  and  the  Red  —  Reinsdorf,  the  Father  of  Anarchy  —  His 
Association  with  Hoedel  and  Nobiling  —  Attempt  to  Assassinate  the  German  Emperor  — 
Reinsdorf  at  Berlin  —  His  Desperate  Plan —  "Old  Lehmann  "  and  the  Socialist's  Dag- 
ger—  The  Germania  Monument  —  An  Attempt  to  Kill  the  Whole  Court — A  Culvert 
Full  of  Dynamite  —  A  Wet  Fuse  and  no  Explosion  —  Reinsdorf  Condemned  to  Death  — 
His  Last  Letters  —  Chicago  Students  of  his  Teachings  —  De  Tocqueville  and  Social- 
ism  74 

CHAPTER  V. 

The  Socialistic  Programme  —  Fighting  a  Compromise  —  Opposition  to  the 
Eight-hour  Movement  —  The  Memorial  to  Congress  —  Eight  Hours'  Work  Enough  — 
The  Anarchist  Position  —  An  Alarm  Editorial  —  "Capitalists  and  Wage  Slaves"  — 
Parsons'  Ideas  —  The  Anarchists  and  the  Knights  of  Labor  —  Powder ly's  Warning — 
Working  up  a  Riot — The  Effect  of  Labor-saving  Machinery  —  Views  of  Edison  and 
Wells  —  The  Socialistic  Demonstration — The  Procession  of  April  25,  1886  —  How  the 
Arbeiter-Zeitung  Helped  on  the  Crisis  —  The  Secret  Circular  of  1886 104 

CHAPTER  VI. 

The  Eight-hour  Movement  —  Anarchist  Activit)'-^The  Lock-out  at  Mc- 
Cormick's  —  Distorting  the  Facts  —  A  Socialist  Lie  —  The  True  Facts  about  McCor- 
mick's  —  Who  Shall  Run  the  Shops?  —  Abusing  the  "Scabs"  —  High  Wages  for 
Cheap  Work  —  The  Union  Loses  $3,000  a  Day  —  Preparing  for  Trouble  —  Arming  the 
Anarchists  —  Ammunition  Depots  —  Pistols  and  Dynamite  —  Threatening  the  Police  — 
The  Conspirators  Show  the  White  Feather  —  Capt.  O'Donnell's  Magnificent  Police 
Work  —  The  Revolution  Blocked  —  A  Foreign  Reservation  —  An  Attempt  to  Mob  the 
Police  —  The  History  of  the  First  Secret  Meeting  —  Lingg's  First  Appearance  in  the 
Conspiracy  —  The  Captured  Documents  —  Bloodshed  at  McCormick's — "The  Battle 
Was  Lost"  —  Officer  Casey's  Narrow  Escape, 112 

CHAPTER  VII. 

The  Coup  d'Etat  a  Miscarriage  —  Effect  of  the  Anarchist  Failure  at 
McCormick's — "Revenge"  —  Text  of  the  Famous  Circular  —  The  German  Version  — 
An  Incitement  to  Murder  —  Bringing  on  a  Conflict  —  Engel's  Diabolical  Plan  —  The 
R61e  of  the  Lehr  und  Wehr  Verein  — The  Gathering  of  the  Armed  Groups  — Fischer's 
Sanguinary  Talk— The  Signal  for  Murder  —  "  Ruhe "  and  its  Meaning  —  Keeping 
Clear  of  the  Mouse-Trap  —  The  Haymarket  Selected  —  Its  Advantages  for  Revo- 
lutionary War  — The  Call  for  the  Murder  Meeting—  "  Workingmen,  Arm  Yourselves" 
—  Preparing  the  Dynamite  — The  Arbeiter-Zeitung  Arsenal  — The  Assassins'  Roost  at 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS.  ix 

58  Clybourn  Avenue  —  The  Projected  Attack  on  the  Police  Stations  —  Bombs  for  Ail 
who  Wished  Them  —  Waiting  for  the  Word  of  Command — Why  it  was  not  Given  — 
The  Leaders'  C  murage  Fails 129 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

The  Air  Full  of  Rumors  —  A  Riot  Feared  —  Police  Preparations  —  Bon- 
field  in  Command  —  The  Haymarket  —  Strategic  Value  of  the  Anarchists'  Position 
Crane's  Alley  —  The  Theory  of  Street  Warfare  —  Inflaming  the  Mob  —  Schnaubelt  and 
his  Bomb  —  ' '  Throttle  the  Law  "  —  The  Limit  of  Patience  Reached  —  "In  the  Name  of 
'  the  People,  Disperse"  —  The  Signal  Given — The  Crash  of  Dynamite  First  Heard  on 
an  American  Street  —  Murder  in  the  Air^A  Rally  and  a  Charge  —  The  Anarchists 
Swept  Away  —  A  Battle  Worthy  of  Veterans .  .  139 

CHAPTER   IX. 

The  Dead  and  the  Wounded  —  Moans  of  Anguish  in  the  Police  Station  — 
Caring  for   Friend  and   Foe  —  Counting  the  Cost  —  A  City's  Sympathy — The  Death 
List  —  Sketches  of  the  Men  —  The  Doctors'   Work  —  Dynamite  Havoc — Veterans  of 
the   Haymarket  —  A  Roll  of  Honor  —  The   Anarchist    Loss  —  Guesses   at  their  Dead 

—  Concealing  Wounded   Rioters  —  The  Explosion  a  Failure  —  Disappointment  of  the 
Terrorists 149 

CHAPTER   X. 

The  Core  of  the  Conspiracy  —  Search  of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  Office  —  The 
Captured  Manuscript  —  Jealousies  in  the  Police  Department  —  The  Case  Threatened 
with  Failure  —  Stupidity  at  the  Central  Office  —  Fischer  Brought  in  —  Rotten  Detective 
Work — The  Arrest  of  Spies  —  His  Egregious  Vanity  —  An  Anarchist  "Ladies'  Man" 

—  Wine  Suppers  with  the  Actresses — Nina  Van  Zandt's  Antecedents — Her  Romantic 
Connection  with  the  Case — Fashionable  Toilets  —  Did  Spies  Really  Love  Her?  —  His 
Curious  Conduct  —  The  Proxy  Marriage  —  The  End  of  the  Romance — -The  Other  Con- 
spirators —  Mrs.    Parsons'   Origin  —  The   Bomb-Thrower   in   Custody  —  The   Assassin 
Kicked  Out  of  the  Chief's  Office — Schnaubelt  and  the  Detectives  —  Suspicious  Con- 
duct at  Headquarters  —  Schnaubelt  Ordered  to  Keep  Away  From  the  City  Hall  — An 
Amazing  Incident  —  A  Friendly  Tip  to  a  Murderer — My  Impressions  of  the  Schnau- 
belt Episode  —  Balthasar  Rau  and  Mr.  Furthmann  —  Phantom  Shackles  in  a  Pullman  — 
Experiments  with  Dynamite  —  An  Explosive  Dangerous  to  Friend  and  Foe  —  Testing 
the  Bombs — Fielden  and  the  Chief 156 

CHAPTER   XI. 

My  Connection  with  the  Anarchist  Cases  —  A  Scene  at  the  Central  Office 
—  Mr.  Hanssen's  Discovery  —  Politics  and  Detective  Work  — Jealousy  Against  Inspector 
Bonfield  —  Dynamiters  on  Exhibition  —  Courtesies  to  the  Prize-fighters  —  A  Friendly 
Tip  —  My  First  Lighten  the  Case  —  A  Promise  of  Confidence  —  One  Night's  Work  — 

—  The  Chief  Agrees  to  my  Taking  up    the  Case  —  Laying  Our  Plans  — ' '  We  Have 
Found  tha  Bomb  Factory  !  " —  Is  it  a  Trap  ?  —  A  Patrol-wagon  Full  of  Dynamite  —  No 
Help    Hoped  for  from    Headquarters  —  Conference  with   State's  Attorney    Grinnell  — 
Furthmann's  Work  —  Opening  up  the  Plot  —  Trouble  with  the  Newspaper  Men  —  Un- 
expected Advantage  of  Hostile  Criticism  —  Information  from  Unexpected  Quarters  — 
Queer  Episodes  of  the  Hunt  —  Clues  Good,  Bad  and  Indifferent  —  A  Mysterious  Lady 
with  a  Veil  —  A  Conference  in  my  Bark  Yard — The  Anarchists  Alarmed  —  A  Breezy 


x  TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 

Conference  with  Ebersold  —  Threatening  Letters  —  Menaces  Sent  to  the  Wives  of  the 
Men  Working  on  the  Case  —  How  the  Ladies  Behaved  —  The  Judge  and  Mrs.  Gary  — 
Detectives  on  Each  Other's  Trail  — The  Humors  of  the  Case  —  Amusing  Incidents,  183 

CHAPTER   XII. 

Tracking  the  Conspirators—  Female  Anarchists  —  A  Bevy  of  Beauties  — 
Petticoated  Ugliness  —  The  Breathless  Messenger  —  A  Detective's  Danger  —  Turning 
the  Tables —  "That  Man  is  a  Detective!"  —  A  Close  Call  —  Gaining  Revolutionists' 
Confidence  —  Vouched  for  by  the  Conspirators  —  Speech-making  Extraordinary  —  The 
Hiding-place  in  the  Anarchists'  Hall  —  Betrayed  by  a  Woman  —  The  Assassination  of 
Detective  Brown  at  Cedar  Lake  —  Saloon-keepers  and  the  Revolution  —  "Anarchists  for 
Revenue  Only  "  —  Another  Murder  Plot  —  The  Peep-hole  Found  —  Hunting  for  Detect- 
ives—  Some  Amusing  Ruses  of  the  Revolutionists  —  A  Collector  of  "  Red  "  Literature 
and  his  Dangerous  Bonfire  —  Ebersold's  Vacation  —  Threatening  the  Jury  —  Measures 
Taken  for  their  Protection  —  Grinnell's  Danger  —  A  "Bad  Man"  in  Court  —  The  Find 
at  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  Office  —  Schnaubelt's  Impudent  Letter  —  Captured  Correspond- 
ence—  The  Anarchists' Complete  Letter-writer, 206 

CHAPTER   XIII. 

The  Difficulties  of  Detection  —  Moving  on  the  Enemy  —  A  Hebrew  An- 
archist —  Oppenheimer's  Story  — Dancing  over  Dynamite  —  Twenty-Five  Dollars'  Worth 
of  Practical  Socialism  —  A  Woman's  Work  —  How  Mrs.  Seliger  Saved  the  North  Side  — 
A  Well-merited  Tribute — Seliger  Saved  by  his  Wife  —  The  Shadow  of  the  Hangman's 
Rope  —  A  Hunt  for  a  Witness  —  Shadowing  a  Hack  —  The  Commune  Celebration  — 
Fixing  Lingg's  Guilt  —  Preparing  the  Infernal  Machines  —  A  Boy  Conspirator  —  Lingg's 
Youthful  Friend  —  Anarchy  in  the  Blood  —  How  John  Thielen  was  Taken  into  Camp  — 

His  Curious  Confession  —  Other  Arrests 230 

i 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

Completing  the  Case  —  Looking  for  Lingg — The  Bomb-maker's  Birth  — 
Was  he  of  Royal  Blood? — A  Romantic  Family  History -^- Lingg  and  his  Mother  — 
Captured  Correspondence  —  A  Desperate  and  Dangerous  Character  —  Lingg  Disappears 
—  A  Faint  Trail  Found  —  Looking  for  Express  Wagon  1999  —  The  Number  that  Cost 
the  Fugitive  his  Life  —  A  Desperado  at  Bay  —  Schuettler's  Death  Grapple  —  Lingg  in 
the  Shackles  —  His  Statement  at  the  Station  —  The  Transfer  to  the  Jail  —  Lingg's  Love 
for  Children  —  The  Identity  of  his  Sweetheart  —  An  Interview  with  Hubner  —  His 
Confession  —  The  Meeting  at  Neff 's  Place, ....  256 

CHAPTER   XV. 

Engel  in  the  Toils  —  His  Character  and  Rough  Eloquence  —  Facing  his 
Accusers  —  Waller's  Confession — The  Work  of  the  Lehr  und  Wehr  Verein  —  A 
Dangerous  Organization  — The  Romance  of  Conspiracy  —  Organization  of  the  Armed 
Sections  —  Plans  and  Purposes  —  Rifles  Bought  in  St.  Louis — The  Picnics  at  Sheffield 

—  A    Dynamite    Drill  —The    Attack    on    McCormick's  —  A    Frightened    Anarchist  — 
Lehman  in  the  Calaboose  —  Information  from  many  Quarters  — The  Cost  of  Revolvers 

—  Lorenz  Hermann's  Story  —  Some  Expert  Lying ....     283 

CHAPTER   XVI. 

Pushing  the  Anarchists  —  A  Scene  on  a  Street-car  —  How  Hermann 
Muntzenberg  Gave  Himself  Away —The  Secret  Signal  —  "  D n  the  Informers"— A 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS.  xr 

Satchelful  of  Bombs  —  More  about  Engel's  Murderous  Plan  —  Drilling  the  Lehr  und 
Wehr  Verein  —  Breitenfeld's  Cowardice  —  An  Anarchist  Judas — The  Hagemans  — 
Dynamite  in  Gas-pipe  —  An  Admirer  of  Lingg  —  A  Scheme  to  Remove  the  Author  — The 
Hospitalities  of  the  Police  Station  —  Mrs.  Jebolinski's  Indignation  —  A  Bogus  Milkman 

—  An  Unwilling  Visitor  —  Mistaken  for  a  Detective  —  An  Eccentric  Prisoner —  Division 
of  Labor  at  the  Dynamite  Factory  —  Clermont's  Dilemma  — The  Arrangements  for  the 
Haymarket L     .     .     312 

CHAPTER   XVII. 

Fluttering  the  Anarchist  Dove-cote  —  Confessions  by  Piecemeal  — 
Statements  from  the  Small  Fry  —  One  of  Schnaubelt's  Friends  —  "  Some  One  Wants  to 
Hang  Me" — Neebe's  Bloodthirsty  Threats — Burrowing  in  the  Dark — The  Starved- 
out  Cut-throat — Torturing  a  Woman  —  Hopes  of  Habeas  Corpus  —  "Little"  Krueger's 
Work  —  Planning  a  Rescue — The  Signal  "?  ?  ?"  and  its  Meaning  —  A  Red-haired 
Man's  Story  —  Firing  the  Socialist  Heart  —  Meetings  with  Locked  Doors  —  An  Ambush 
for  the  Police  — The  Red  Flag  Episode  —  Beer  and  Philosophy  —  Baum's  Wife  and 
Baby  —  A  Wife-beating  Revolutionist  —  Brother  Eppinger's  Duties 334 

CHAPTER   XVIII. 

The  Plot  against  the  Police —  Anarchist  Banners  and  Emblems — Stealing 
a  Captured  Flag  —  A  Mystery  at  a  Station-house  —  Finding  the  Fire  Cans  —  Their 
Construction  and  Use — Imitating  the  Parisian  Petroleuses  —  Glass  Bombs -r- Putting 
the  Women  Forward  —  Cans  and  Bombs  Still  Hidden  Among  the  Bohemians  — 
Testing  the  Infernal  Machines  —  The  Effects  of  Anarchy  —  The  Moral  to  be  Drawn  — 
Looking  for  Labor  Sympathy  —  A  Crazy  Scheme  —  Catling  Gun  vs.  Dynamite  —  The 
Threatened  Attack  on  the  Station-houses  —  Watching  the  Third  Window  • —  Selecting  a 
Weapon  —  Planning  Murder  —  The  Test  of  Would-be  Assassins  —  The  Meeting  at  Lin- 
coln Park  —  Peril  of  the  Hinman  Street  Station-house  —  A  Fortunate  Escape,  .  364 

CHAPTER   XIX. 

The  Legal  Battle  —  The  Beginning  of  Proceedings  in  Court  —  Work  in 
the  Grand  Jury  Room — The  Circulation  of  Anarchistic  Literature  —  A  Witness  who  was 
not  Positive  —  Side  Lights  on  the  Testimony  —  The  Indictments  Returned  —  Selecting 
a  Jury  —  Sketches  of  the  Jurymen  —  Ready  for  the  Struggle 376 

CHAPTER   XX. 

Judge  Grinnell's  Opening —  Statement  of  the  Case  —  The  Light  of  the  4th 
of  May  —  The  Dynamite  Argument  —  Spies'  Fatal  Prophecy  —  The  Eight-hour  Strike 

—  The  Growth  of  the  Conspiracy  —  Spies'  Cowardice  at  McCormick's  —  The  ' '  Revenge  " 
Circular — Work  of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  and  the  Alarm — The  Secret  Signal  —  A  Fright- 
ful -Plan  —  ' '  Ruhe  "  —  Lingg,    the  Bomb-maker  —  The  Haymarket  Conspiracy  • —  The 
Meeting  —   "We    are    Peaceable"  —  After  the    Murder  —  The  Complete    Case   Pre- 
sented  390 

CHAPTER   XXI. 

The  Great  Trial  Opens  —  Bonfield's  History  of  the  Massacre  —  How  the 
Bomb  Exploded  —  Dynamite  in  the  Air  —  A  Thrilling  Story  —  Gottfried  Waller's  Tes- 
timony —  An  Anarchist's  "  Squeal"  —  The  Murder  Conspiracy  Made  Manifest  by  Many 
Witnesses 404 


xii  TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER   XXII. 

"  We  are  Peaceable  "  —  Capt.  Ward's  Memories  of  the  Massacre  —  A  Nest 
of  Anarchists  —  Scenes  in  the  Court  —  Seliger's  Revelations  —  Lingg,  the  Bomb-maker 

—  How  he  cast  his  Shells  —  A  Dynamite  Romance  —  Inside  History  of  the  Conspiracy 

—  The   Shadow   of  the  Gallows  —  Mrs.   Seliger  and  the  Anarchists  —  Tightening  the 
Coils  —  An  Explosive  Arsenal  —  The  Schnaubelt  Blunder  —  Harry  Wilkinson  and  Spies 

—  A   Threat   in   Toothpicks  —  The    Bomb    Factory  —  The   Board    of   Trade   Demon- 
stration  419 

CHAPTER   XXIII. 

A  Pinkerton  Operative's  Adventures — How  the  Leading  Anarchists 
Vouched  for  a  Detective  —  An  Interesting  Scene — An  Enemy  in  the  Camp  —  Getting 
into  the  Armed  Group  —  No.  i6's  Experience  —  Paul  Hull  and  the  Dynamite  Bomb  — 
A  Safe  Corner  Where  the  Bullets  were  Thick  —  A  Revolver  Tattoo  —  ' '  Shoot  the 
Devils"  —  A  Reformed  Internationalist, 445 

CHAPTER   XXIV. 

Reporting  under  Difficulties  —  Shorthand  in  an  Overcoat  Pocket  —  An 
Incriminating  Conversation  —  Spies  and  Schwab  in  Danger  —  Gilmer's  Story  —  The  Man 
in  the  Alley  —  Schnaubelt  the  Bomb-thrower  —  Fixing  the  Guilt  —  Spies  Lit  the  Fuse  — 
A  Searching  Cross-Examination  —  The  Anarchists  Alarmed  —  Engel  and  the  Shell 
Machine  —  The  Find  at  Lingg's  House — The  Author  on  the  Witness-stand  —  Talks 
with  the  Prisoners  —  Dynamite  Experiments  —  The  False  Bottom  of  Lingg's  Trunk  — 
The  Material  in  the  Shells  —  Expert  Testimony  —  Incendiary  Banners  —  The  Prose- 
cution Rests —  A  Fruitless  Attempt  to  have  Neebe  Discharged 457 

CHAPTER   XXV. 

The  Programme  of  the  Defense  —  Mayor  Harrison's  Memories  —  Simon- 
son's  Story  —  A  Graphic  Account  —  A  Bird's-eye  View  of  Dynamite  —  Ferguson  and  the 
Bomb  —  "  As  Big  as  a  Base  Ball"  —  The  Defense  Theory  oi.  the  Riot  —  Claiming  the 
Police  were  the  Aggressors  —  Dr.  Taylor  and  the  Bullet-marks  —  The  Attack  on  Gil- 
mer's Veracity  —  Varying  Testimony  —  The  Witnesses  who  Appeared,  ....  478 

CHAPTER   XXVI. 

Malkoffs  Testimony  —  A  Nihilist's  Correspondence  —  More  about  the 
Wagon  —  Spies'  Brother  —  A  Witness  who  Contradicts  Himself  —  Printing  the  Revenge 
Circular  —  Lizzie  Holmes'  Inflammatory  Essay  —  "  Have  You  a  Match  About  You?  " — 
The  Prisoner  Fielden  Takes  the  Stand  —  An  Anarchist's  Autobiography  — The  Red  Flag 
the  Symbol  of  Freedom  — The  "  Peaceable  "  Meeting  —  Fielden's  Opinion  of  the  Alarm 

—  "  Throttling  the  Law  " — Expecting  Arrest — More  about  Gilmer 491 

CHAPTER   XXVII. 

The  Close  of  the  Defense  —  Working  on  the  Jury — The  Man  who  Threw 
the  Bomb  —  Conflicting  Testimony — Michael  Schwab  on  the  Stand — An  Agitator's 
Adventures  —  Spies  in  his  Own  Defense  — The  Fight  at  McCormick's  — The  Desplaines 
Street  Wagon  —  Bombs  and  Beer  —  The  Wilkinson  Interview  — The  -Weapon  of  the 
Future  —  Spies  the  Reporter's  Friend  —  Bad  Treatment  by  Ebersold  — The  Hocking 
Valley  Letter  —  Albert  R.  Parsons  in  his  Own  Behalf  —  His  Memories  of  the  Hay- 
market  — The  Evidence  in  Rebuttal 506 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS.  xiii 

CHAPTER   XXVIII. 

Opening  of  the  Argument  —  Mr.  Walker's  Speech  — The  Law  of  the  Case 
— Was  there  a  Conspiracy? — The  Caliber  of  the  Bullets — Tightening  the  Chain — A 
Propaganda  on  the  Witness-stand — The  Eight-hour  Movement  —  "One  Single  Bomb" 
— The  Cry  of  the  Revolutionist  —  Avoiding  the  Mouse-trap  —  Parsons  and  the  Murder 

—  Studying    "Revolutionary    War" — Lingg     and     his    Bomb     Factory — The    Alibi 
Idea, 525 

CHAPTER   XXIX. 

The  Argument  for  the  Defendants  —  "  Newspaper  Evidence  " — Bringing 
about  the  Social  Revolution  —  Arson  and  Murder  — The  Right  to  Property  —  Evolution 
or  Revolution  —  Dynamite  as  an  Argument  —The  Arsenal  at  107  Fifth  Avenue  — Was  it  all 
Braggadocio? — An  Open  Conspiracy  —  Secrets  that  were  not  Secrets — The  Case 
Against  the  State's  Attorney  —  A  Good  Word  for  Lingg  —  More  About  "  Ruhe  " — The 
"Alleged  "  Conspiracy  —  Ingham's  Answer — The  Freiheit  Articles  —  Lord  Coleridge  on 
Anarchy  —  Did  Fielden  Shoot  at  the  Police? — The  Bombs  in  the  Seliger  Family  — 
Circumstantial  Evidence  in  Metal  —  Chemical  Analysis  of  the  Czar  Bomb  — The  Crane's 
Alley -Enigma 535 

CHAPTER   XXX. 

Foster  and  Black  before  the  Jury  —  Making  Anarchist  History  —  The  Eight 
Leaders  —  A  Skillful  Defense  —  Alibis  All  Around  —  The  Whereabouts  of  the  Conspira- 
tors —  The  ' '  Peaceable  Dispersion  "  —  A  Miscarriage  of  Revolutionary  War  —  Average 
Anarchist  Credibility  —  "A  Man  will  Lie  to  Save  his  Life"  —  The  Attack  on  Seliger  — 
The  Candy-man  and  the  Bomb-thrower  —  Conflicting  Testimony  —  A  Philippic  against 
Gilmer  — The  Liars  of  History  —  The  Search  for  a  Witness  —  The  Man  with  the  Miss- 
ing Link  —  The  Last  Word  for  the  Prisoners  —  Captain  Black's  Theory  —  High  Explo- 
sives and  Civilization  —  The  West  Lake  Street  Meeting  —  Defensive  Armament  —  Engel 
and  his  Beer—  Hiding  the  Bombs  —  The  Right  of  Revolution  —  Bonfield  and  Harrison  — 
The  Socialist  of  Judea 545 

CHAPTER   XXXI. 

Grinnell's  Closing  Argument  —  One  Step  from  Republicanism  to  Anarchy 

—  A  Fair  Trial  — The  Law  in  the  Case  —  The  Detective  Work  —  Gilmer  and  his  Evi- 
dence—  "We  Knew  all  the  Facts"  — Treason  and  Murder  —  Arming  the  Anarchists  — 
The  Toy  Shop  Purchases  —  The  Pinkerton  Reports —  "A  Lot  of  Snakes"  —  The  Mean- 
ing of  the  Black  Flag  —  Symbols  of  the  Social  Revolution  —  The  Daily  News  Inter- 
views—  Spies  the  " Second  Washington "  —  The  Rights  of  "Scabs"  —  The  Chase  Into 
the  River  —  Inflaming  the  Workingmen — The  "Revenge"  Lie  —  The  Meeting  at  the 
Arbeiter-Zeitung  Office  —  A  Curious  Fact  about  the  Speakers  at  the  Haymarket  —  The 
Invitation  to  Spies  —  Balthasar  Rau  and  the  Prisoners  —  Harrison  at  the  Haymarket  — 
The  Significance  of  Fielden's  Wound — Witnesses'  Inconsistencies  —  The  Omnipresent 
Parsons  —  The  Meaning  of  the  Manuscript  Find  —  Standing  between  the  Living  and 
the  Dead, 560 

CHAPTER    XXXII. 

The  Instructions  to  the  Jury  —  What  Murder  is  —  Free  Speech  and  its 
Abuse  —  The  Theory  of  Conspiracy — Value  of  Circumstantial  Evidence —  Meaning  of 


xiv  TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 

a  •"  Reasonable  Doubt"  —  What  a  Jury  May  Decide— Waiting  for  the  Verdict— "  Guilty 
of  Murder  "  —  The  Death  Penalty  Adjudged  —  Neebe's  Good  Luck  —  Motion  for  a  New 
Trial  —  Affidavits  about  the  Jury  —  The  Motion  Overruled -57^ 

CHAPTER   XXXIII. 

The  Last  Scene  in  Court  —  Reasons  Against  the  Death  Sentence  —  Spies' 
Speech  — A  Heinous  Conspiracy  to  Commit  Murder  — Death  for  the  Truth  — The  Anar- 
chists' Final  Defense  —  Dying  for  Labor  —  The  Conflict  of  the  Classes  —  Not  Guilty,  but 
Scapegoats  —  Michael  Schwab's  Appeal— The  Curse  of  Labor-saving  Machinery  — 
Neebe  Finds  Out  what  Law  Is  — "I  am  Sorry  I  am  not  to  be  Hung  " —  Adolph  Fischer's 
Last  Words  —  Louis  Lingg  in  his  own  Behalf  —  "Convicted,  not  of  Murder,  but  of  An- 
archy " An  Attack  on  the  Police —  "I  Despise  your  Order,  your  Laws,  your  Force- 
propped  Authority.  Hang  me  for  it !  "  —  George  Engel's  Unconcern  —  The  Development 
of  Anarchy — "I  Hate  and  Combat,  not  the  Individual  Capitalist,  but  the  System  "- 
Samuel  Fielden  and  the  Haymarket  —  An  Illegal  Arrest  —  The  Defense  of  Albert  R. 
Parsons  —  The  History  of  his  Life  —  A  Long  and  Thrilling  Speech  —  The  Sentence  of 
Death — "  Remove  the  Prisoners," 5^7 

CHAPTER   XXXIV. 

In  the  Supreme  Court  —  A  Superseded*  Secured  —  Justice  Magruder  De- 
livers the  Opinion  —  A  Comprehensive  Statement  of  the  Case  —  How  Degan  was  Mur- 
dered—  Who  Killed  Him  ?  —  The  Law  of  Accessory — The  Meaning  of  the  Statute  — 
Were  the  Defendants  Accessories  ?  —  The  Questions  at  Issue  —  The  Characteristics  of 
the  Bomb  —  Fastening  the  Guilt  on  Lingg  —  The  Purposes  of  the  Conspiracy  —  How 
they  were  Proved  —  A  Damning  Array  of  Evidence  —  Examining  the  Instructions  — 
No  Error  Found  in  the  Trial  Court's  Work  —  The  Objection  to  the  Jury — The  Juror 
Sandford — Judge  Gary  Sustained  —  Mr.  Justice  Mulkey's  Remarks  —  The  Law  Vindi- 
cated  608 

CHAPTER   XXXV. 

The  Last  Legal  Struggle  —  The  Need  of  Money  -»-  Expensive  Counsel 
Secured — Work  of  the  "Defense  Committee"  —  Pardon,  the  Only  Hope  —  Pleas  for 
Mercy  to  Gov.  Oglesby  —  Curious  Changes  of  Sentiment  —  Spies'  Remarkable  Offer  — 
Lingg's  Horrible  Death  —  Bombs  in-  the  Starch-box  —  An  Accidental  Discovery  —  My 
own  Theory  —  Description  of  the  "Suicide  Bombs" — Meaning  of  the  Short  Fuse  — 
"Count  Four  and  Throw  "  —  Details  of  Lingg's  Self-murder  —  A  Human  Wreck  —  The 
Bloody  Record  in  the  Cell  —  The  Governor's  Decision  —  Fielden  and  Schwab  Taken  to 
the  Penitentiary 620 

CHAPTER   XXXVI. 

'The  Last  Hours  of  the  Doomed  Men  —  Planning  a  Rescue  —  The  Fueling 
in  Chicago  —  Police  Precautions  —  Looking  for  a  Leak  — Vitriol  for  a  Detective  — 
Guarding  the  Jail  — The  Dread  of  Dynamite  —  How  the  Anarchists  Passed  their  Last 
Night  — The  Final  Partings  —  Parsons  Sings  "  Annie  Laurie  "  —  Putting  up  the  Gallows 

—  Scenes  Outside  the  Prison  —  A  Cordon  of  Officers — Mrs.  Parsons  Makes  a  Scene  — 
The  Death  Warrants  ->—  Courage  of  the  Condemned  —  Shackled  and  Shrouded  for  the 
Grave  — The  March  to  the  Scaffold  —  Under  the  Dangling  Ropes  —The  Last  Words  — 
"  Hoch  die  Anarcnie  !  " — "  My  Silence  will  be  More  Terrible  than  Speech  "  —  "  Let  the 
Voice  of  the  People  be  Heard  "  -  —  The  Chute  to  Death  —  Preparations  for  the  Funeral 

—  Scenes  at  the  Homes  of  the  Dt-ad  Anarchists  — The  Passage  to  Waldheim  —  Howell 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS.  xv 

Trogden  Carries  the  American  Flag  —  Captain  Black's  Eulogy  — The  Burial  —  Speeches 
by  Grottkau  and  Currlin  —  Was  Engel  Sincere  ?  —  His  Advice  to  his  Daughter  —  A  Curi- 
ous Episode  —  Adolph  Fischer  and  his  Death-watch 639 

CHAPTER   XXXVII. 

Anarchy  Now  —  The  Fund  for  the  Condemned  Men's  Families  —  $10,000 
Subscribed  — The  Disposition  of  the  Money  —The  Festival  of  Sorrow  —  Parsons'  Post- 
humous Letter  — The  Haymarket  Monument  —  Present  Strength  of  the  Discontented  — 
7,300  Revolutionists  in  Chicago  —  A  Nucleus  of  Desperate  Men — The  New  Organization 
—  Building  Societies  and  Sunday-schools  — What  the  Children  are  Taught  —  Education 
and  Blasphemy — The  Secret  Propaganda  —  Bodendick  and  his  Adventures — "The 
Rebel  Vagabond" — The  Plot  to  Murder  Grinnell,  Gary  and  Bonfield  —  Arrest  of  the 
Conspirators  Hronek,  Capek,  Sevic  and  Chleboun  —  Chleboun's  Story  —  Hronek  Sent 
to  the  Penitentiary, 657 

CHAPTER  XXXVIII. 

The  Movement  in  Europe  —  Present  Plans  of  the  Reds  —  Stringent  Meas- 
ures Adopted  by  Various  European  Governments  —  Bebel  and  Liebknecht  —  A  London 
Celebration  —  Whitechapel  Outcasts  —  "Blood,  Blood,  Blood  !  "  —  Verestchagin's  Views 
—  The  Bulwarks  of  Society  —  The  Condition  of  Anarchy  in  New  York,  Philadelphia, 
Pittsburg,  Cincinnati,  St.  Louis  and  other  American  Cities  —  A  New  Era  of  Revolution- 
ary Activity —  A  Fight  to  the  Death  —  Are  we  Prepared  ? 682 

APPENDICES 691 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS 


' 


CHAPTER   I. 

The  Beginning  of  Anarchy  —  The  German  School  of  Discontent  —  The 
Socialist  Future  —  The  Asylum  in  London  —  Birth  of  a  Word  —  Work  of  the  French 
Revolution  —  The  Conspiracy  of  Babeuf  —  Etienne  Cabet's  Experiment  —  The  Colony 
in  the  United  States  —  Settled  at  Nauvoo  —  Fourier  and  his  System  —  The  Familistere 
at  Guise  —  Louis  Blanc  and  the  National  Work-shops  —  Proudhon,  the  Founder  of 
French  Anarchy  —  German  Socialism:  Its  Rise  and  Development  —  Rodbertus  and  his 
Followers  —  "Capital,"  by  Karl  Marx  —  The  "Bible  of  the  Socialists"—  The  Red 
Internationale  —  Bakounine  and  his  Expulsion  from  the  Society  —  The  New  Conspiracy 
—  Ferdinand  Lassalle  and  the  Social  Democrats  —  The  Birth  of  a  Great  Movement  —  • 
Growth  of  Discontent  —  Leaders  after  Lassalle  —  The  Central  Idea  of  the  Revolt  — 
American  Methods  and  the  Police  Position. 

THE  conspiracy  which  culminated  in    the   blaze  of  dynamite  and  the 
groans  of  murdered  policemen  on  that  fatal  night  of  May  4th,  1886, 
had  its  origin  far  away  from  Chicago,  and  under  a  social  system  very  dif- 
ferent from  ours. 

In  order  that  the  reader  may  understand  the  tragedy,  it  will  be  necessary 
for  me  to  go  back  to  the  commencement  of  the  agitation,  and  to  show  how 
Anarchy  in  this  city  is  the  direct  development  of  the  social  revolt  in  Europe. 
After  "the  red  fool  fury  of  the  French"  had  burnt  itself  out,  the  nations  of 
the  Old  Word,  exhausted  by  the  Titanic  struggle  with  Napoleon,  lay  quiet 

'V 

for  nearly  a  quarter  of  a  century.  The  doctrines  which  had  brought  on  the 
Reign  of  Terror  had  not  died.  After  a  period  of  quiet,  the  evangel  of  the 
Social  Revolution  again  began.  There  was  uneasiness  throughout  Europe. 
In  France  the  Bourbons  were  driven  out,  although  the  cause  of  the  people 
was  betrayed  by  Louis  Napoleon.  In  Germany  the  demand  for  a  constitu- 
tion was  pushed  so  strongly  that  even  the  sturdy  Hohenzollerns  had  to 
give  way  before  it.  In  Hungary  there  was  a  popular  ferment.  Poland  was 
ready  for  a  new  rising  against  Russia.  In  Russia  the  movement  which 
subsequently  came  to  be  known  as  Nihilism  was  born.  In  Italy  Garibaldi 
and  Mazzini  were  laying  the  foundations  for  the  throne  which  the  house  of 
Savoy  built  upon  the  work  of  the  secret  societies. 

Nor  must  the  reader  believe  that  all  this  turmoil  had  not  beneath  it  real 
grievances  and  honest  causes.  The  peasantry  and  the  laboring  classes  of 
Europe  had  been  oppressed  and  plundered  for  centuries.  The  common 
people  were  just  beginning  to  learn  their  power,  and,  while  the  excesses 
into  which  they  were  led  were  deplorable,  it  is  not  difficult  to  understand 
the  causes  which  made  the  crisis  inevitable. 

'7 


i8 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 


There  is  nothing  ever  lost  by  endeavoring  to  enter  fairly  and  impartially 
into  another's  position  —  by  trying  to  understand  the  reasons  which  move 
men,  and  the  creeds  which  sway  them.  Anarchy  as  a  theory  is  as  old  as  the 
school  men  of  the  middle  ages.  It  was  gravely  debated  in  the  monasteries, 
and  supported  by  learned  casuists  five  centuries  ago.  As  a  practice  it  was 
first  taught  in  France,  and  later  in  Germany.  It  caught  the  unthinking, 
impressible  throng  as  the  proper  protest  against  too  much  government  and 
wrong  government.  It  was  ably  argued  by  leaders  capable  of  better  things, 
—  men  who  turned  great  talents  toward  the  destruction  of  society  instead  of 

its  upbuilding,  —  and  the  fruit  of  their 
teachings  we  have  with  us  in  Chicago 
to-day. 

Our  Anarchy  is  of  the  German 
school,  which  is  more  nearly  akin  to 
Nihilism  than  to  the  doctrines  taught 
in  France.  It  is  founded  upon  the  teach- 
ings of  Karl  Marx  and  his  disciples, 
and  it  aims  directly  at  the  complete 
destruction  of  all  forms  of  government 
and  religion.  It  offers  no  solution  of 
the  problems  which  will  arise  when 
society,  as  we  understand  it,  shall  dis- 
appear, but  contents  itself  with  declar- 


THE   THEORY  OF  ANARCHY. 


ing  that  the  duty  at  hand  is  tearing  down  ;  that  the  work  of  building  up 
must  come  later.  There  are  several  reasons  why  the  revolutionary  pro- 
gramme stops  short  at  the  work  of  Anarchy,  chief  among  which  is  the  fact 
that  there  are  as  many  panaceas  for  the  future  as  there  are  revolutionists, 
and  it  would  be  a  hopeless  task  to  think  of  binding  them  all  to  one  platform 
of  construction.  The  Anarchists  are  all  agreed  that  the  present  system 
must  go,  and  so  far  they  can  work  together ;  after  that  each  will  take  his 
own  path  into  Utopia. 

Their  dream  of  the  future  is  accordingly  as  many-colored  as  Joseph's 
coat.  Each  man  has  his  own  ideal.  Engels,  who  is  Karl  Marx's  successor 
in  the  leadership  of  the  movement, 
believes  that  men  will  associate 
themselves  into  organizations  like 
cooperative  societies  for  mutual 
protection,  support  and  improve- 
ment, and  that  these  will  be  the 
only  units  in  the  country  of  a  social 
nature.  There  will  be  no  law,  no 
church,  no  capital,  no  anything  that 
we  regard  as  necessary  to  the  life 
of  a  nation. 

The  theory  of  Anarchy  will, 
however,  be  sufficiently  developed 
in  the  pages  that  follow.  It  is  its 
history  as  a  school  which  must  first 
be  examined. 

England  is  really  responsible 
for  much  of  the  present  strength 
of  the  conspiracy  against  all  gov- 
ernments, for  it  was  in  the  secure 
asylum  of  London  that  speculative 
Arnarchy  was  thought  out  by  German  exiles  for  German  use,  and  from 
London  that  the  "red  Internationale"  was  and  probably  is  directed.  This 
was  the  result  of  political  scheming,  for  the  fomenting  of  discontent  on  the 
continent  has  always  been  one  of  the  weapons  in  the  British  armory. 

In  England  itself  the  movement  has  only  lately  won  any  prominence, 
although  it  was  in  England  that  it  was  baptized  "  Socialism  "  by  Robert 
Owen,  in  1835,  a  name  which  was  afterwards  taken  up  both  in  France  and 
Germany.  The  English  development  is  hardly  worth  consideration  in  as 
brief  a  presentation  of  the  subject  as  I  shall  be  able  to  give.  Before  pass- 
ing to  an  investigation  of  the  growth  and  the  history  of  Socialism  and 
Anarchy,  I  wish  to  express  here,  once  for  all,  my  obligations  to  Prof. 
Richard  T.  Ely's  most  excellent  history  of  "  French  and  German  Socialism 


KARL  MARX. 


20 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 


in  Modern  Times."  This  monograph,  like  everything  else  which  has  come 
from  the  pen  of  this  gifted  young  economist,  contains  so  clear  a  state- 
ment and  so  complete  a  marshaling  of  the  fa'cts  that  it  is  not  necessary 
to  go  beyond  it  for  the  story  of  continental  discontent. 

The  French  Revolution  drew  a  broad  red  line  across  the  world's  history. 
It  is  the  most  momentous  fact  in  the  annals  of  modern  times.  There  is 
no  need  for  us  to  go  behind  it,  or  to  examine  its  causes.  We  can  take  it 
as  a  fact  —  as  the  great  revolt  of  the  common  people  —  and  push  on  to  the 
things  that  followed  it. 

Babeuf  —  "  Gracchus  "  Babeuf,  as  he  called  himself  —  after  serving  part 

of  a  term  in  prison  for  for- 
gery, escaped,  went  to  Paris 
in  the  heat  of  the  Revolution, 
and  started  The  Tribune  of 
the  People,  the  first  Social- 
istic paper  ever  published. 
He  was  too  incendiary  even 
for  Robespierre,  and  was  im- 
prisoned in  1795.  In  prison 
he  formed  the  famous  "  Con- 
spiracy of  Babeuf,"  which 
was  to  establish  the  Com- 
munistic republic.  For  this 
conspiracy  he  and  Darth6 
were  beheaded  May  24, 1797. 
Efcienne  Cabet  was  a  So- 
cialist before  the  term  was 
invented,  but  he  was  a  peace- 
ful and  honest  one.  He  pub- 
lished, in  1842,  his  "Travels 
in  Icaria,"  describing  an  ideal  state.  Like  most  political  reformers,  he  chose 
the  United  States  as  the  best  place  to  try  his  experiment  upon.  It  is  a  curi- 
ous fact  that  there  is  not  a  nation  in  Europe,  however  much  of  a  failure  it 
may  have  made  of  all  those  things  that  go  to  make  up  rational  liberty,  which 
does  not  feel  itself  competent  to  tell  us  just  what  we  ought  to  do,  instead 
of  what  we  are  doing.  Cabet  secured  a  grant  of  land  on  the  Red  River  in 
Texas  just  after  the  Mexican  War,  and  a  colony  of  Icarians  came  out. 
They  took  the  yellow  fever  and  were  dispersed  before  Cabet  came  with  the 
second  part  of  the  colony.  About  this  time  the  Mormons  left  Nauvoo  in 
Illinois,  and  the  Icarians  came  to  take  their  places.  The  colony  has  since 
established  itself  at  Grinnell,  Iowa,  and  a  branch  is  at  San  Bernardino, 
California.  The  Nauvoo  settlement  has,  I  believe,  been  abandoned. 

Babeuf    and  Cabet  prepared  the    way    for    Saint    Simon.     He  was  a 


MICHAEL  BAKOUNINE. 


FOURIER  AND  HIS  SYSTEM. 


21 


count,  and  a  lineal  descendant  of  Charlemagne.  He  fought  in  our  War  of 
the  Revolution  under  Washington,  and  passed  its  concluding  years  in  a 
British  prison.  He  preached  nearly  the  modern  Socialism,  —  the  revolt  of 
the  proletariat  against  property,  —  and  his  work  has  indelibly  impressed 
itself  upon  the  whole  movement  in  France. 

Charles  Fourier,  born  in  1772,  was  the  son  of  a  grocer  in  Besancon,  and 
he  was  a  man  who  exercised  great  influence  upon  the  movement  among 
the  French.  He  was  rather  a  dreamer  than  a  man  of  action,  and,  although 
attempts  have  been  made  to  carry  his  familistere  into  practice,  there  is  no 
conspicuous  success  to  record,  save,  perhaps,  that  of  the  familistere  at  Guise, 
in  France,  which  has  been 
conducted  for  a  long  time 
on  the  principles  laid 
down  by  Fourier. 

All  these  men  had  be- 
fore them  concrete 
schemes  for  a  new  society 
in  which  the  evils  of  the 
present  system  would  be 
avoided  by  what  they  con- 
sidered a  more  equable 
division  of  wealth,  and 
each  made  the  effort  to 
carry  his  scheme  from 
theory  into  practice,  so 
that  the  world  might  see 
the  success  and  imitate 
it.  Following  them  came 
the  men  who  held  that, 
before  the  new  society 
can  be  formed,  the  old 
society  must  be  got  rid  of — the  men  who  see  but  one  way  towards  So- 
cialism, and  that  through  Anarchy. 

Louis  Blanc  was  the  first  of  these,  although  he  would  not  have  described 
himself  as  an  Anarchist,  nor  would  it  be  fair  to  call  him  one.  He  repre- 
sented the  transition  stage.  He  attempted  political  reforms  of  a  most 
sweeping  character  during  the  revolution  of  1848.  The  government  of 
the  day  established  "  national  work-shops "  as  a  concession  to  him.  Of 
these  more  is  said  hereafter. 

Pierre  Joseph  Proudhon,  born  in  Besancon  July  15,  1809,  is  really  the 
father  of  French  Anarchy.  His  great  work,  "What  Is  Property?"  was 
published  in  1840,  and  he  declared  that  property  was  theft  and  property- 
holders  thieves.  It  is  to  this  epoch-making  work  that  the  whole  school 


PIERRE  JOSEPH  PROUDHON. 


22  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

of  modern  Anarchy,  in  any  of  its  departments,  may  be  traced.  Proudhon 
was  fired  by  an  actual  hatred  of  the  rich.  He  describes  a  proprietor  as 
"essentially  a  libidinous  animal,  without  virtue  and  without  shame."  The 
importance  of  his  work  is  shown  by  the  effect  it  has  had  even  upon  orthodox 
political  economy,  while  on  the  other  side  it  has  been  the  inspiration  of 
Karl  Marx.  Proudhon  died  in  Passy  in  1865. 

Since  his  time  until  within  the  last  year  or  two,  French  Socialism  has 
been  but  a  reflex  of  the  German  school.  It  has  produced  no  first-rates, 
and  has  been  content  to  take  its  doctrine  from  Lassalle.  Karl  Marx  and 
Engels,  the  leaders  of  the  German  movement,  and  Bakounine  and  Prince 
Krapotkin,  the  Russian  terrorists,  have  impressed  their  ideas  deeply  upon 
the  French  discontented  ones.  The  revolt  of  the  Commune  of  Paris  after 
the  Franco-German  war  was  not  exactly  an  Anarchist  uprising,  although  the 
Anarchists  impressed  their  ideas  upon  much  of  the  work  done.  The  Com- 
mune of  Paris  means  very  much  the  same  as  "the  people  of  Illinois."  It 
is  the  legal  designation  of  the  commonwealth,  and  does  not  imply  Com- 
munism any  more  than  the  word  commonwealth  does.  It  was  a  fight  for 
the  autonomy  of  Paris,  and  one  in  which  many  people  were  engaged  who 
had  no  sympathy  with  Anarchy,  although  certainly  the  lawless  element 
finally  obtained  complete  control  of  the  situation.  The  rising  in  Lyons 
several  years  later  was  distinctly  and  wholly  anarchic,  and  it  was  for  this 
that  Prince  Krapotkin  and  others  were  sent  to  prison. 

At  the  present  day  there  is  no  practical  distinction  between  Socialism 
and  Anarchy  in  France.  All  Socialists  are  Anarchists  as  a  first  step, 
although  all  Anarchists  are  not  precisely  Socialists.  They  look  to  the 
Russian  Nihilists  and  the  German  irreconcilables  as  their  leaders. 

German  Socialism  is  really  the  doctrine  which  fe-  now  taught  all  over 
the  world,  and  it  was  this  teaching  that  led  directly  to  the  Haymarket 
massacre  in  Chicago.  It  began  with  Karl  Rodbertus,  who  lived  from  1805 
to  1875.  He  first  became  prominent  in  Germany  in  1848,  and  he  was  for 
some  time  Minister  of  Education  and  Public  Worship  in  Prussia.  He  was 
a  theorist  rather  than  a  practical  reformer,  but  competent  critics  assign  to 
him  the  very  highest  rank  as  a  political  economist.  His  first  work  was 
"Our  Economic  Condition,"  which  was  published  in  1843,  and  his  other 
books,  which  he  published  up  to  within  a  short  time  of  his  death,  were 
simply  elucidations  of  the  principles  he  had  first  laid  down.  His  writings 
have  had  a  greater  effect  on  modern  Socialism  than  those  of  any  other 
thinker,  not  even  excepting  Karl  Marx  or  Lassalle.  His  theories  were 
brought  to  a  practical  issue  by  Marx,  who  united  into  a  compact  whole 
the  teachings  of  Proudhon  and  of  Rodbertus,  his  own  genius  giving  a  new 
luster  and  a  new  value  to  the  result.  Marx  is  far  and  away  the  greatest 
man  that  the  Socialism  of  the  nineteenth  century  has  produced.  He  was  a 
deep  student,  a  man  of  most  formidable  mental  power,  eloquent,  persua- 


THE  RED  INTERNATIONALE.  23 

sive,  and  honest.  His  great  book,  "  Capital."  has  been  called  the  Socialist's 
Bible.  Ely  places  it  in  the  very  first  rank,  saying  of  it  that  it  is  "  among  the 
ablest  political  economic  treatises  ever  written."  And  while  the  best 
scientific  thought  of  the  age  agrees  that  Marx  was  mistaken  in  his  pre- 
mises and  his  fundamental  propositions,  there,  is  accorded  to  him  upon 
every  hand  the  tribute  which  profound  learning  pays  to  hard  work  and  deep 
thinking. 

Coming  from  theory  to  practice  brings  us  naturally  from  Marx  to  the 
International  Society.  It  was  founded  in  London  in  1864  and  was  meant 
to  include  the  whole  of  the  labor  class  of  Christendom.  Marx  was  the 
chief,  but  he  held  the  sovereignty  uneasily.  The  Anarchists  constantly 
antagonized  him.  Bakounine,  the  apostle  of  dynamite,  opposed  Marx  at 
every  point,  and  finally  Marx  had  him  expelled  from  the  society.  Bakounine 
thereupon  formed  a  new  Internationale,  based  upon  anarchic  principles 
and  the  gospel  of  force.  The  Internationale  of  which  Marx  was  the  founder 
has  shrunk  to  a  mere  name,  although  the  organization  is  still  kept  up,  and 
the  body  with  which  the  civilized  world  has  now  to  reckon  is  that  which 
Bakounine  formed  after  his  expulsion  from  the  old  body  in  1872.  It  is  a 
curious  fact  that  many  of  the  Socialists  in  Chicago  to-day  are  enthusiastic 
admirers  of  Marx  and  at  the  same  time  members  of  the  society  and  fol- 
lowers of  the  man  Marx  declared  to  be  the  most  dangerous  enemy  of  the 
modern  workingman. 

Marx  is  dead,  however ;  many  things  are  said  in  his  name  of  which  he 
himself  would  never  have  approved,  and  the  "  Red  Internationale  "  pro- 
claims the  man  a  saint  who  refused  either  to  indorse  its  principles  or  to 
consult  with  its  leaders.  It  is  the  same  as  though,  twenty  years  hence, 
the  men  who  last  year  followed  Barry  out  of  the  Knights  of  Labor  were 
to  hold  up  Powderly  to  the  world  as  their  law-giver  and  their  chief. 

Louise  Michel,  who  was  a  very  active  worker  in  the  radical  cause  during 
the  outbreak  of  the  Paris  Commune,  was  born  in  1830,  and  first  attracted 
attention  by  verses  full  of  force  which  she  published  very  early  in  life.  She 
was  sentenced  in  1871  to  deportation  for  life,  and  was  transported  with 
others  to  New  Caledonia.  At  the  time  of  the  general  amnesty,  in  1880,  she 
returned  to  Paris,  and  became  editor  of  La  Revolution  Sociale. 

Ferdinand  Lassalle,  like  Marx  of  Hebrew  blood,  and  of  early  aristo- 
cratic prejudices,  was  the  father  of  German  Anarchy  as  it  exists  to-day. 
He  was  a  deep  student,  and  a  remarkably  able  man.  He  took  his  inspira- 
tion from  Rodbertus  and  from  Marx,  but  applied  himself  more  to  work 
among  the  poor.  Marx  was  over  the  heads  of  the  common  people.  His 
"Capital"  is  very  hard  reading.  Lassalle  popularized  its  teachings.  On 
May  23,  1863,  a  few  men  met  at  Leipsic  under  the  leadership  of  Lassalle 
and  formed  the  "  Universal  German  Laborers'  Union."  This  was  the 
foundation  of  Social  Democracy,  and  its  teachings  were  wholly  anarchic. 


24 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 


It  aimed  at  the  subversion  of  the  whole  German  social  system,  by  peace- 
ful political  means  at  first,  but  soon  by  force. 

Lassalle  was  shortly  afterwards  killed  in  a  duel  over  a  love-affair,  but 
he  was  canonized  by  the  German  Social  Democrats  as  though  his  death 
were  a  martyrdom.  Even  Bismarck  in  the  Reichstag  paid  a  tribute  to  his 
memory.  Lassalle  died  just  about  the  time  that  a  change  was  occurring  in 
his  convictions,  and  had  he  lived  longer,  and  if  contemporary  history  is  to 
be  believed,  he  would  have  taken  office  under  the  German  Government  and 
applied  himself  heartily  to  the  building  up  of  the  Empire. 

After  Lassalle's  death  the  movement  which  he  had  initiated  went  forward 
with  increased  force.  The  German  laborer  was  finally,  as  the  International- 
ists put  it,  aroused.  The  German 
Empire,  following  the  example  of 
the  Bund,  decreed  universal  suf- 
frage in  1871.  Before  this,  in 
Prussia  especially,  the  laborer  had 
but  the  smallest  political  influ- 
ence. The  vote  of  a  man  in  the 
wealthiest  class  in  Berlin  counted 
for  as  much  as  the  vote  of  fifteen 
of  the  "proletariat,"  so  called. 
Lassalle  died  in  1864,  and  suf- 
frage was  first  granted  in  1867. 
The  Social  Democrats  at  first 
were  in  close  accord  with  Bis- 
marck. It  was  the  Social  Demo- 
cratic vote^  which  elected  Bis- 
marck to  the  Reichstag  in  the 
first  election  after  the  suffrage 
was  granted.  In  the  fall  of  18^7 
they  sent  eight  members  to  the 
parliament  of  the  Bund.  In  the 
elections  after  the  formation  of 
the  Empire  the  Socialistic  vote  stood:  In  1871,  123,975;  *n  l874>  351,952; 
in  1877,493,288;  in  1878,437,158.  The  Social  Democrats  poll  nearly  10 
per  cent  of  the  whole  vote  of  Germany  at  the  present  time. 

In  1878  occurred  the  two  attempts  on  the  life  of  the  Emperor  of  Germany 
described  in  a  succeeding  chapter,  and  the  result  was  severe  repressive 
measures  against  the  Social  Democrats.  Their  vote  fell  off,  and  their 
influence  declined,  but  in  the  past  two  years,  1887  and  1888,  they  nave  more 
than  recovered  their  past  strength,  and  they  now  poll  more  votes  and 
seem  to  exercise  a  greater  political  control  in  Germany  than  ever  before. 
The  passage  of  the  "  Ausnahmsgesetz,"  the  exceptional  law  against 


LOUISE  MICHEL. 


THE  EXODUS  TO  AMERICA. 


German  Socialists,  drove  many  of  them  to  this  country,  but  had  no  effect 
in  diminishing  the  propaganda  in  Germany.  The  result  was  an  exodus 
of  Socialists,  or  rather  Anarchists,  to  America — by  this  time  the  two  terms, 
wide  apart  as  they  may  seem,  had  become  one  —  and  to  Chicago  came 
most  of  the  irreconcil- 


able ones.  The  Amer- 
ican sympathizers,  thus 
formed,  at  first  fixed 
their  attention  upon  the 
political  situation  in  the 
old  country,  and  they 
applied  themselves 
closely  to  work  in  con- 
nection with  the  agita- 
tors who  had  not  expa- 
triated themselves. 
Money  was  sent  in  large 
quantities  to  the  old 
country. 

In  Germany,  in  the 
meantime,  the  move- 
ment varied  and  shifted 
with  each  wind  of  doc- 
trine ;  one  president  after 
another  was  tried  and 
found  wanting,  until  at 
last  Jean  von  Schweitzer 
was  chosen,  and  he 
guided  the  party  until  it 
was  finally  swallowed  up 
in  the  organization  per- 
fected by  Liebknecht  and 
Bebel.  Liebknecht  was 

really  but  an  interpreter  FERDINAND  LASSALLE 

of  Marx,  but  he  was  honest,  enthusiastic  and  devoted,  and  no  man  in 
the  whole  line  of  German  political  energy  has  left  his  name  more 
thoroughly  impressed  upon  the  time.  Out  of  these  conditions  and 
born  of  these  ideas  came  the  Anarchy  which  hurled  the  bomb  whose 
crash  at  the  Haymarket  Square  first  aroused  us  to  the  work  which  is  being 
done  in  our  midst. 

The  Anarchists  of  Chicago  are  exotics.  Discontent  here  is  a  German 
plant  transferred  from  Berlin  and  Leipsic  and  thriving  to  flourish  in  the 
west.  In  our  garden  it  is  a  weed  to  be  plucked  out  by  the  roots  and 


26  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

destroyed,  for  our  conditions  neither  warrant  its  growth  nor  excuse  its 
existence. 

The  central  idea  of  all  Socialistic  and  Anarchic  systems  is  the  interfer- 
ence with  the  right  of  property  by  society.  If  we  can  convince  ourselves  that 
society  has  the  right  and  the  duty  thus  to  interfere,  then  there  is  to  be  said 
nothing  more.  As  long  as  the  American  citizen  can  buy  his  own  land  and 
raise  his  own  crops,  as  long  as  average  industry  and  economy  will  lead  a 
man  to  competence,  Socialism  can  only  be  like  typhus  fever  —  a  growth  of 
the  city  slums.  There  is  no  real  danger  in  it.  There  is  no  peril  which 
those  charged  with  the  protection  of  law  and  order  are  not  ready  to 
face,  for  every  officer  of  the  law  that  unreasonable  discontent  may 
menace  is  backed  by  the  whole  power  of  the  republic  ;  and  the  republic 
is  founded  upon  principles  which  this  alien  revolt  can  neither  harm  nor 
affright. 

There  is  a  fact  which,  before  I  leave  this  chapter,  I  wish  to  bring  home 
to  the  mind  of  every  reader,  and  that  is  this  : 

The  police  of  Chicago,  like  the  police  of  every  city  in  the  Union,  are 
actuated  by  no  feeling  of  hostility  to  these  people.  We  understand  the 
genesis  of  their  movement ;  we  can  put  ourselves  in  their  places  and  feel 
the  things  which  actuate  them ;  we  are  prepared  to  make  as  many  excuses 
for  them  as  they  can  make  for  themselves  ;  we  are  ready  to  grant  every- 
thing that  they  could  claim,  and  more  ;  but  we  see  beyond  this,  and  above 
this,  facts  which  they  forget  and  forego. 

We  have  a  government  in  these  United  States  so  firm  and  so  elastic 
that  it  has  every  bulwark  against  either  foreign  or  domestic  attack,  and  yet 
it  provides  every  opportunity  to  adjust  itself  to  the  will  of  the  people. 

The  majority  must  rule,  and  does  rule ;  but  fmder  our  Constitution  it 
rules  only  along  lines  decreed  by  the  fathers  long  ago  for  the  protection  of 
the  minority.  There  is  a  legal  and  constitutional  means  provided  for  every 
man  to  carry  his  theories  of  good  government  into  actual  practice.  Every 
citizen  has  the  right  to  vote,  and  to  have  his  vote  counted,  and  this  right 
belongs  to  Anarchist  and  conservative,  to  radical  and  reactionist.  There 
is  no  man  can  stand  before  the  American  people  and  say  we  have  refused 
him  his  right :  if  it  were  done,  the  whole  power  of  the  Government  would 
be  marshaled  to  do  him  justice.  When,  then,  we  have  provided  every 
man  with  a  means  to  impress  his  convictions  upon  the  government  of  the 
country — when  we  have  done  everything  that  human  ingenuity  can  do  to 
secure  a  full  and  free  expression  of  the  popular  will,  as  the  final  and 
supreme  test  upon  every  public  question,  we  may  be  excused  for  refusing 
to  let  the  Anarchists  have  their  way.  They  are  a  minority  of  a  minority, 
yet  they  would  impose  their  system  and  their  doctrine  upon  the  majority^ 
They  would  substitute  for  the  ballot-box  the  dynamite  bomb  —  for  the  will 
of  the  people  the  will  of  a  contemptible  rabble  of  discontents,  un-Ameri- 


THE  POLICE  POSITION.  27 

can  in  birth,  training,  education  and  idea,  few  in  numbers  and  ridiculous  in 
power. 

Thus,  while  the  police  entertain  no  animosity  against  these  men,  we 
feel  —  I  feel  and  every  officer  under  my  command  feels  —  that  we  are  bound 
by  our  oaths  and  by  our  loyalty  to  the  State  and  to  society  to  meet  force 
with  force,  and  cunning  with  cunning.  We  are  the  conservators  of  the  law 
and  the  preservers  of  the  peace,  and  the  law  will  be  vindicated  and  the 
peace  preserved  in  spite  of  any  and  all  attacks. 

\i  our  system  is  wrong,  which  I  do  not  believe ;  if  the  principle  that  the 
majority  of  the  citizens  is  to  be  ruled  by  an  alien  minority  is  to  be  ac- 
cepted, which  I  do  not  accept,  still  there  is  the  orderly  and  well-protected 
means  provided  by  law,  and  guaranteed  by  the  Government,  to  transform 
that  idea  into  a  governing  fact.  There  is  the  ballot,  free  to  every  citizen, 
safe,  satisfying,  final.  The  men  who  try  other  methods  are  rushing  to  their 
own  destruction.  We  pity  them,  we  sympathize  with  them  ;  but  our  duty 
is  clear  and  manifest.  We  have  a  government  worth  fighting  for,  and  evpn 
worth  dying  for,  and  the  police  feel  that  truth  as  keenly  as  any  class  in  the 
community. 


CHAPTER    II. 

Dynamite  in  Politics — Historical  Assassinations  —  Infernal  Machines  in 
France  — The  Inventor  of  Dynamite  —  M.  Nobel  and  his  Ideas  —  The  Nitro-Compounds 

—  How  Dynamite  is  Made  — The  New  French  Explosive  —  ' '  Black  Jelly  "  and  the  Nihil- 
ists— What  the  Nihilists  Believe  and  What  they  Want — The  Conditions  in  Russia — The 
White  and  the  Red  Terrors  — Vera  Sassoulitch  —  Tourgeneff  and  the  Russian  Girl  — 
The  Assassination  of  the  Czar  —  "  It  is  too  Soon  to  Thank  God  "  — The  Dying  Emperor  — 
Two  Bombs   Thrown  —  Running  Down  The  Conspirators  —  Sophia  Perowskaja,    the 
Nihilist  Leader — The  .Handkerchief  Signal — The  Murder  Roll — Tried  and  Convicted 

—  A  Brutal  Execution  —  Five  Nihilists  Pay  the  Penalty  —  Last  Words  Spoken  but  Un- 
heard — A  Deafening  Tattoo  —  The   Book-bomb   and    the  Present  Czar  —  Strychnine- 
coated  Bullets —  St.  Peter  and  Paul's  Fortress  —  Dynamite  Outrages  in  England — The 
Record  of  Crime — Twenty-nine  Convicts  and  their  Offenses  —  Ingenious  Bomb-making 

*  ->    —  The  Failures  of  Dynamite. 

THE  attempt  to  gain  political  ends  by  an  appeal  to  infernal  machines 
is  not  a  new  one.  It  is  as  old  as  gunpowder  —  and  the  evangel  of 
assassination  is  older  still.  Murder  was  the  recognized  political  weapon 
of  the  Eastern  and  Western  Empires,  and  the  Chicago  Anarchists  have 
proved  themselves  neither  better  nor  worse  than  the  "old  man  of  the 
mountain  "  or  the  Italian  princes  of  the  middle  ages.  During  the  reign  of 
Mary  Queen  of  Scots  the  mysterious  explosion  occurred  in  the  Kirk  of  Feld 
in  which  Darnley  lost  his  life.  Somewhat  later  was  the  "gunpowder  plot," 
in  which  Guy  Fawkes  and  his  fellow  conspirators  tried  to  blow  up  the  Houses 
of  Parliament.  The  petard  and  the  hand-grenade  were  the  grandfather  and 
the  grandmother  of  the  modern  bomb,  and  murderous  invention  came  to  its 
new  phase  in  the  infernal  machine  which  Ceruchi,  Jhe  Italian  sculptor,  con- 
trived to  kill  Napoleon  when  First  Consul  —  a  catastrophe  which  was  avoided 
by  the  fact  that  Napoleon's  coachman  was  drunk  and  took  the  wrong  turn  in 
going  to  the  opera-house. 

France  was  fertile  in  this  sort  of  machinery.  Some  years  later  Fieschi, 
Morey  and  Pepin  tried  to  kill  Louis  Philippe  with  a  similar  apparatus  on  the 
Boulevard  de  Temple.  The  King  escaped,  but  the  brave  Marshal  Mortier  was 
slain.  Orsini  and  Pieri  made  a  bomb,  round  and  bristling  with  nippers, 
each  of  which  was  charged  with  fulminate  of  mercury,  to  explode  the  powder 
within,  meaning  to  assassinate  the  Emperor  Napoleon  and  the  Empress 
Eugenie. 

In  the  year  1866,  according  to  the  most  trustworthy  authorities,  dynamite 
was  first  made  by  Alfred  Nobel.  In  speaking  of  the  invention,  Adolf  Hous- 
saye,  the  French  litterateur,  recently  said  : 

It  should  be  remembered  that  nine-tenths,  probably,  of  the  dynamite  made  is  used  in 
peaceful  pursuits ;  in  mining,  and  similar  works.  Indeed,  since  its  invention  great  engineer- 
ing achievements  have  been  accomplished  which  would  have  been  entirely  impossible  without 
it.  I  do  not  see,  then,  much  room  for  doubt  that  it  has  on  the  whole  been  a  great  blessing 


NITRO-GLYCERINE  AND  DYNAMITE.  29 

to  humanity.  Such  certainly  its  inventor  regards  it.  "  If  I  did  not  look  upon  it  as  such,"  I 
heard  him  say  recently,  "  I  should  close  up  all  my  manufactories  and  not  make  another  ounce 
of  the  stuff."  He  is  a  strong  advocate  of  peace,  and  regards  with  the  utmost  horror  the  use 
of  dynamite  by  assassins  and  political  conspirators.  When  the  news  of  the  Haymarket  trag- 
edy in  Chicago  reached  him,  M.  Nobel  was  in  Paris,  and  I  well  remember  his  expressions  of 
horror  and  detestation  at  the  cowardly  crime. 

"Look  you,"  he  exclaimed.  "  I  am  a  man  of  peace.  But  when  I  see  these  miscreants 
misusing  my  invention,  do  you  know  how  it  makes  me  feel?  It  makes  me  feel  like  gathering 
the  whole  crowd  of  them  into  a  storehouse  full  of  dynamite  and  blowing  them  all  up  to- 
gether ! " 

Few  people  know  what  dynamite  is,  though  it  has  attracted  a  good  deal 
of  attention  of  late,  and  before  considering  its  use  as  a  mode  for  political 
murder  it  may  be  well  here  to  give  an  account  of  its  making. 

Nitro-glycerine,  although  not  the  strongest  explosive  known  to  science, 
is  the  only  one  of  any  industrial  importance,  as  the  others  are  too  dangerous 
for  manufacture.  It  was  discovered  by  Salvero,  an  Italian  chemist,  in  1845. 
It  is  composed  of  glycerine  and  nitric  acid  compounded  together  in  a  certain 
proportion,  and  at  a  certain  temperature.  It  is  very  unsafe  to  handle,  and 
to  this  reason  is  to  be  .ascribed  the  invention  of  dynamite,  which  is,  after  all, 
merely  a  sort  of  earth  and  nitro-glycerine,  the  use  of  the  earth  being  to  hold 
the  explosive  safely  as  a  piece  of  blotting-paper  would  hold  water  until  it 
was  needed.  Nobel  first  tried  kieselguhr,  or  flint  froth,  which  was  groimd 
to  a  powder,  heated  thoroughly  and  dried,  and  the  nitro-glycerine  was 
kneaded  into  it  like  so  much  dough.  Of  course,  many  other  substances  are 
now  used,  besides  infusorial  earth,  as  vehicles  for  the  explosive  —  saw- 
dust, rotten-stone,  charcoal,  plaster  of  Paris,  black  powder,  etc.,  etc.  These 
are  all  forms  of  dynamite  or  giant  powder,  and  mean  the  same  thing. 
When  the  substance  is  thoroughly  kneaded,  work  that  must  be  done  with 
the  hands,  it  is  molded  into  sticks  somewhat  like  big  candles,  and  wrapped 
in  parchment  paper.  Nitro-glycerine  has  a  sweet,  aromatic,  pungent  taste, 
and  the  peculiar  property  of  causing '  a  violent  headache  when  placed 
on  the  tongue  or  the  wrist.  It  freezes  at  40°  Fahrenheit,  and  must 
be  melted  by  the  application  of  water  at  a  temperature  of  100°.  In 
dynamite  the  usual  proportions  are  25  per  cent,  of  earth  and  75  per  cent,  of 
nitro-glycerine.  The  explosive  is  fired  by  fulminate  of  silver  or  mercury 
in  copper  caps. 

Outside  of  the  French  arsenals  it  is  to  be  doubted  if  anybody  knows 
anything  more  about  the  new  explosive,  melinite,  further  than  that  it  is  one  of 
the  compounds  of  picric  acid  —  and  picric  acid  is  a  more  frightful  explosive 
than  nitro-glycerine.  I  find  in  my  scrap-book  the  following  excerpt  from  the 
London  Standard,  describing  the  artillery  experiments  at  Lydd  with  the  new 
explosive  which  the  British  Admiralty  has  lately  been  examining.  The 
Standard,  after  declaring  that  the  experiments  are  "  entirely  satisfactory, " 
says  : 


3o  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

The  character  of  the  compound  employed  is  said  to  be  "  akin  to  melinite, "  but  its  precise 
nature  is  not  divulged.  We  have  reason  to  believe  that  the  "kinship"  is  very  close.  The 
details  of  the  experiments  which  have  lately  been  conducted  at  Lydd  are  known  to  very  few 
individuals.  But  it  is  unquestionable  that  the  results  were  such  as  demonstrate  the  enor- 
mous advantage  to  be  gained  by  using  a  more  powerful  class  of  explosives  than  that  which 
has  been  hitherto  employed.  There  could  be  no  mistake  as  to  the  destructive  energy  of  the 
projectiles.  Neither  was  there  any  mishap  in  the  use  of  these  terrible  appliances.  The  like 
immunity  was  enjoyed  at  Portsmouth.  A  deterrent  to  the  adoption  of  violent  explosives  for 
war  purposes  has  consisted  in  the  risk  of  premature  explosion.  But  there  is  still  the  con- 
sideration that  the  advantage  to  be  gained  far  exceeds  the  risk  which  has  to  be  incurred. 
France  has  not  neglected  this  question,  and  she  is  ahead  of  us.  Her  chosen  explosive  is 
melinite,  and  with  this  she  has  armed  herself  to  an  extent  of  which  the  British  public  has  no 
conception.  All  the  requisite  materials,  in  the  shape  of  steel  projectiles  and  the  melinite  for 
filling  them,  have  been  provided  for  the  French  service  and  distributed  so  as  to  furnish  a 
complete  supply  for  the  army  and  the  navy.  Whatever  may  be  said  as  to  the  danger  which 
besets  the  use  of  melinite,  the  French  authorities  are  confident  that  they  have  mastered  the 
problem  of  making  this  powerful  compound  subservient  to  the  purposes  of  war.  Concerning 
the  composition  of  this  explosive  great  secrecy  is  observed  by  the  French  Government,  as 
also  with  regard  to  the  experiments  that  are  made  with  it.  But  Col.  Majendie  states  that 
melinite  is  largely  composed  of  picric  acid  in  a  fused  or  consolidated  condition.  Of  the  violence 
with  which  picric  acid  will  explode,  an  example  was  given  on  the  occasion  of  a  fire  at  some 
chemical  works  near  Manchester  a  year  ago.  The  shock  was  felt  over  a  distance  of  two 
miles  from  the  seat  of  the  explosion,  and  the  sound  was  heard  for  a  distance  of  twenty  miles. 

The  conduct  of  the  French  in  committing  themselves  so  absolutely  to  the  use  of  melinite 
as  a  materiel  of  war  clearly  signifies  that  with  them  the  use  of  such  a  substance  has  passed 
out  of  the  region  of  doubt  and  experiment.  Their  experimental  investigations  extended  over 
a  considerable  period  of  time,  but  at  last  the  stage  of  inquiry  gave  place  to  one  of  confidence 
and  assurance.  So  great  is  the  confidence  of  the  French  Government  in  the  new  shell  that 
it  is  said  the  French  forts  are  henceforth  to  be  protected  by  a  composite  material  better 
adapted  than  iron  or  steel  to  resist  the  force  of  a  projectile  charged  with  a  high  explosive.  In 
naval  warfare  the  value  of  shells  charged  in  this  manner  is  likely  to  be  more  especially 
shown  in  connection  with  the  rapid-fire  guns  which  are  now  coming  into  use.  The  question 
is  whether  the  ponderous  staccato  fire  of  monster  ordnance  may  not  be  largely  superseded 
by  another  mode  of  attack,  in  which  a  storm  of  shells,  charged  with  something  far  more 
potent  than  gunpowder,  will  be  poured  forth  in  a  constant  stream  from  numerous  guns  of 
comparatively  small  weight  and  caliber. 

Combined  with  rapidity  of  fire,  these  shells  cannot  but  prove  formidable  to  an  armor- 
clad,  independently  of  any  damage  inflicted  on  the  plates.  The  great  thickness  now  given 
to  ship  armor  is  accomplished  by  a  mode  of  concentration  which,  while  affecting  to  shield 
the  vital  parts,  leaves  a  large  portion  of  the  ship  entirely  unprotected.  On  the  unarmored 
portion  a  tremendous  effect  will  be  produced  by  the  quick-firing  guns  dashing  their  powerful 
shells  in  a  fiery  deluge  on  the  ship. 

Altogether  the  new  force  which  is  now  entering  into  the  composition  of  artillery  is  one 
which  demands  the  attention  of  the  British  Government  in  the  form  of  prompt  and  vigorous 
action.  While  we  are  experimenting,  others  are  arming. 

Dynamite,  however,  is  the  weapon  with  which  the  "revolution"  has 
armed  itself  for  its  assault  upon  society.  A  terrible  arm  truly,  but  one 
difficult  to  handle,  dangerous  to  hold,  and  certainly  no  stronger  in  their 
hands  than  in  ours,  if  it  should  ever  become  necessary  to  use  it  in  defense 
of  law  and  order. 


THE  NIHILIST  PLATFORM.  31 

A  number  of  Russian  chemists,  members  of  the  Nihilist  party,  were  the 
first  to  apply  dynamite  to  the  work  of  murder.  It  is  to  their  researches  that 
is  to  be  credited  the  invention  of  the  "  black  jelly,"  so  called,  of  which  so 
much  was  expected,  and  by  which  so  little  was  done. 

Nihilist  activity  in  Russia  commenced  almost  as  soon  as  the  emancipated 
peasantry  began  to  be  in  condition  for  the  evangel  of  discontent.  It  was 
Tourgeneff,  the  novelist,  who  baptized  the  movement  with  its  name  of 
Nihilism  —  and  the  truth  is  that  it  is  a  movement  rather  than  an  organization. 
It  is  a  loose,  uncentralized,  uncodified  society,  secret  by  necessity  and  mur- 
derous by  be.lief ;  but  it  is  a  secret  society  without  grips  or  passwords,  with- 
out a  purpose  save  indiscriminate  destruction,  and  its  very  formlessness  and 
vagueness  have  been  its  chief  protection  from  the  Russian  police,  who  are, 
perhaps,  after  all  is  said  and  done,  the  best  police  in  the  world.  A  state- 
ment of  Nihilism  by  that  very  famous  Nihilist  who  is  known  as  Stepniak, 
but  who  is  suspected  to  be  entitled  to  a  much  more  illustrious  name,  runs 
thus  : 

By  our  general  conviction  we  are  Socialists  and  democrats.  We  are  convinced  that  on 
Socialistic  grounds  humanity  can  become  the  embodiment  of  freedom,  equality  and  frater- 
nity, while  it  secures  for  itself  a  general  prosperity,  a  harmonious  development  of  man  and 
his  social  progress.  We  are  convinced,  moreover,  that  only  the  will  of  the  people  should 
give  sanction  to  any  social  institution,  and  that  the  development  of  the  nation  is  sound  only 
when  free  and  independent  and  when  every  idea  in  practical  use  shall  have  previously  passed 
the  test  of  national  consideration  and  of  the  national  will.  We  further  think  that  as  Social- 
ists and  democrats  we  must  first  recognize  an  immediate  purpose  to  liberate  the  nation  from 
its  present  state  of  oppression  by  creating  a  political  revolution.  We  would  thus  transfer  the 
supreme  power  into  the  hands  of  the  people.  We  think  that  the  will  of  the  nation  should 
be  expressed  with  perfect  clearness,  and  best,  by  a  National  Assembly  freely  elected  by  the 
votes  of  all  the  citizens,  the  representatives  to  be  carefully  instructed  by  their  constituents. 
We  do  not  consider  this  as  the  ideal  form  of  expressing  the  people's  will,  but  as  the  most 
acceptable  form  to  be  realized  in  practice.  Submitting  ourselves  to  the  will  of  the  nation, 
we,  as  a  party,  feel  bound  to  appear  before  our  own  country  with  our  own  programme  or 
platform,  which  we  shall  propagate  even  before  the  revolution,  recommend  to  the  electors 
during  electoral  periods,  and  afterwards  defend  in  the  National  Assembly. 

The  Nihilist  programme  in  Russia  has  been  officially  formulated  thus  : 

First — The  permanent  Representative  Assembly  to  have  supreme  control  and  direction  in 
all  general  state  questions. 

Second —  In  the  provinces,  self-government  to  a  large  extent ;  to  secure  it,  all  public  func- 
tionaries to  be  elected. 

Third — To  secure  the  independence  of  the  Village  Commune  ("Mir")  as  an  economical 
and  administrative  unit. 

Fourth  —  All  the  land  to  be  proclaimed  national  property. 

Fifth  — A  series  of  nTeasures  preparatory  to  a  final  transfer  of  ownership  in  manufactures 
to  the  workmen. 

Sixth  —  Perfect  liberty  of  conscience,  of  the  press,  speech,  meetings,  associations  and 
electoral  agitation. 

Seventh — The  right  to  vote  to  be  extended  to  all  citizens  of  legal  age.  without  class  or 
property  restrictions. 

Eighth  —  Abolition  of  the  standing  army  ;  the  army  to  be  replaced  by  a  territorial  militia. 


32  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

It  must  be  remembered  that  the  conditions  in  Russia  are  peculiar.  The 
country  is  ruled  by  an  autocracy ;  government  is  not  by  the  people,  but  by 
"divine  right."  The  conditions  which  the  English-speaking  people  ended 
at  Runnymede  still  exist  in  Muscovy.  There  is  neither  free  speech,  free 
assembly,  nor  a  free  press,  and  naturally  discontent  vents  itself  in  revolt. 
There  is  no  safety-valve.  Russia  is  full  of  generous,  high-minded  young 
men  and  women,  who  find  their  church  dead,  and  their  state  a  cruel  des- 
potism. They  find  themselves  face  to  face  with  the  White  Terror,  and  they 
have  sought  in  the  Red  Terror  a  relief.  Flying  at  last  from  the  hopeless 
contest,  they  have  carried  the  hate  of  government  born  of  bad  ruling  into 
Western  Europe,  and  it  is  the  infection  of  this  poison  that  we  have  to  deal 
with  here.  The  average  Russian  .Nihilist  is  a  young  man  or  a  young  woman 
—  very  often  the  latter — who,  by  the  contemplation  of  real  wrongs  and  falla- 
cious remedies,  has  come  to  be  the  implacable  enemy  of  all  order  and  all 
system.  Usually  they  are  half-educated,  with  just  that  superficial  smatter- 
ing of  knowledge  to  make  them  conceited  in  their  own  opinions,  but  without 
enough  real  learning  to  make  them  either  impartial  critics  or  safe  citizens  of 
non-Russian  countries.  We  can  pity  them,  for  it  is  easy  to  see  how  step  by 
step  they  have  been  pushed  into  revolt.  But  they  are  dangerous. 

When  one  reads  such  a  case  as  that  which  gave  Vera  Sassoulitch  her 
notoriety,  it  is  easier  to  understand  Russia.  General  Trepoff,  the  Chief  of 
Police  of  St.  Petersburg,  had  arrested  Vera's  lover  on  suspicion  of  high 
treason.  The  young  man  was  by  Trepoff's  order  frequently  flogged  to  make 
him  confess  his  crime.  Sassoulitch  called  on  Trepoff  and  shot  him.  She 
was  tried  by  a  St.  Petersburg  jury  and  acquitted.  Immediately  a  law  was 
declared  that  no  case  of  political  crime  should  be  tried  by  a  jury,  except 
when  the  Government  had  selected  it.  The  arrest  of  the  woman  was  ordered 
that  she  might  be  tried  again  under  the  iiew  regulation,  but  in  the  meantime 
her  friends  had  spirited  her  away. 

A  very  similar  crime  was  that  attempted  by  another  Nihilist  heroine, 
Maria  Kaliouchnaia,  who  attempted  to  kill  Col.  Katauski  for  his  severity  to 
her  brother.  In  the  assassination  of  the  Czar,  as  I  shall  relate,  a  number  of 
women  were  concerned,  and  their  bravery  was  greatly  more  desperate  than 
that  of  their  male  companions.  The  Russian  woman  is  peculiar.  I  know 
no  better  picture  of  the  "devoted  ones"  than  that  given  in  Tourgeneff's 
"Verses  in  Prose": 

I  see  a  huge  building  with  a  narrow  door  in  its  front  wall ;  the  door  is  1open,  and  a  dismal 
darkness  stretches  beyond.  Before  the  high  threshold  stands  a  girl  —  a  Russian  girl.  Frost 
breathes  out  of  the  impenetrable  darkness,  and  with  the  icy  draught  from  the  depths  of  the 
building  there  comes  forth  a  slow  and  hollow  voice  : 

"Oh,  thou  who  art  wanting  to  cross  this  threshold,  dost  thou  know  what  awaits  thee  ?" 

"  I  know  it,"  answers  the  girl. 

"Cold,  hunger,  hatred,  derision,  contempt,  insults,  a  fearful  death  even." 

"  I  know  it." 


THE  RUSSIAN  TERRORISTS. 


33 


"  Complete  isolation  and  separation  from  all  ?  " 

"  I  know  it.      I  am  ready.     I  will  bear  all  sorrows  and  miseries." 

"Not  only  if  inflicted  by  enemies,  but  when  done  by  kindred  and  friends  ?" 

"Yes,  even  when  done  by  them." 

"  Well,  are  you  ready  for  self-sacrifice  ?  " 

"Yes!" 

"  For  anonymous  self-sacrifice  ?  You  shall  die,  and  nobody  shall  know  even  whose 
memory  is  to  be  honored  ? " 

"  I  want  neither  .gratitude  nor  pity.     I  want  no  name." 

"  Are  you  ready  for  a  crime  ?  " 

The  girl  bent  her  head.      "  I  am  ready  —  even  for  a  crime." 

The  voice  paused  awhile  before  renewing  its  interrogatories.  Then  again  :  ' '  Dost  thou 
know,"  it  said  at  last,  "  that  thou  mayest  lose  thy  faith  in  what  thou  now  believest ;  that  thou 
mayest  feel  that  thou  hast  been  mistaken  and  hast  lost  thy  young  life  in  vain  ? " 

"  I  know  that  also,  and  nevertheless  I  will  enter  !  " 

"  Enter,  then  !  " 

The  girl  crossed  the  threshold,  and  a  heavy  curtain  fell  behind  her. 

"  A  fool !  "  gnashed  some  one  outside. 

"  A  saint  ! "  answered  a  voice  from  somewhere. 

With  such  material  it  was  not  difficult  to  build  up  the  tragedy  of  1881. 
Before  the  day  of 
the  Czar's  death 
came,  there  had 
been  despera  te 
attempts  upon 
his  life.  Prince  Kra- 
potkin,  a  relative  of 
the  Nihilist  of  the 
same  name,  was 
murdered  in  Feb- 
ruary, 1879,  and 
following  this  deed 
the  terrorists  ap- 
plied themselves 
resolutely  to  the 
removal  of  the  Em- 

EXCAVATED   DYNAMITE  MINE  IN  MOSCOW. 

peror. 

For  instance,  in  November,  1879,  was  the  mine  laid  at  Moscow.  It  was 
intended  to  blow  up  the  railway  train  upon  which  the  Czar  was  to  enter  the 
city,  and  for  this  purpose  Solovieff  and  his  comrades  laid  three  dynamite 
mines  under  the  tracks.  Hartmann,  who  subsequently  figured  in  the 
assassination,  was  one  of  the  leaders,  and  here,  too,  was  Sophie  Peroosky, 
another  of  the  regicides.  They  hired  a  house  near  the  railway  tracks  and 
tunneled  under  the  road  amidst  incredible  difficulties  and  always  in  the 
most  imminent  danger.  One  hundred  and  twenty  pounds  of  dynamite 
Avas  in  position,  but  the  Czar  passed  by  in  a  common  train  before  the  im- 


34  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

perial  one  on  which  he  was  expected,  and  his  life  was  saved.  On  February 
5,  1880,  the  mine  under  the  Winter  Palace  was  exploded  ;  eleven  persons 
were  killed,  but  again  the  Czar  escaped. 

For  some  time  before  March  13,  1881,  Gen.  Count  Loris  Melikoff,  the 
officer  responsible  for  the  safety  of  Czar  Alexander  II.,  had  received  dis- 
quieting reports  which  gave  him  the  greatest  anxiety.  On  the  loth  of  the 
month  Jelaboff,  the  ringleader  of  the  conspiracy,  was  arrested  by  accident, 
and  the  direction  of  the  attempt  on  the  Czar's  life  was  accordingly  left  to 
Sophie  Perowskaja,  a  young,  pretty  and  highly  educated  noblewoman,  who 
had  left  everything  to  join  the  Nihilists.  It  is  said  that  on  the  morning  of 
the  1 3th  Melikoff  begged  the  Czar  to  forego  his  purpose  of  reviewing  the 
Marine  Corps,  and  keep  within  the  palace.  The  Emperor  laughed  at  him, 
and  declared  there  was  no  danger.  There  was  no  incident  until  after  the 
review.  As  the  Emperor  drove  back  beside  the  Ekaterinofsky  Canal,  just  op- 
posite the  imperial  stables,  a  young  woman  on  the  other  side  of  the  canal 
fluttered  a  handkerchief,  and  immediately  a  man  started  out  from  the  crowd 
that  was  watching  the  passing  of  the  Czar,  and  threw  a  bomb  under  the 
closed  carriage.  There  was  a  roaring  explosion,  a  cloud  of  smoke.  The 
rear  of  the  vehicle  was  blown  away,  and  the  horror-stricken  multitude  saw 
the  Czar  standing  unhurt,  staring  about  him.  On  the  ground  were  several 
members  of  the  Life  Guard,  groaning  and  writhing  in  pain.  The  assassin  had 
pulled  out  a  revolver  to  complete  his  work,  but  he  was  at  once  mobbed  by 
the  people.  Col.  Dvorjitsky  and  Captains  Kock  and  Kulebiekan,  of  the 
guards,  rushed  up  to  their  master  and  asked  him  if  he  was  hurt. 

"Thank  God!  no,"  said  the  Czar.  "Come,  let  us  look  after  the 
wounded." 

And  he  started  toward  one  of  the  Cossacks. 

"It  is  too  soon  to  thank  God  yet,  Alexander  Nicolaivitch,"  said  a  clear, 
threatening  voice  in  the  crowd,  and  before  any  one  could  stop  him,  a  young 
man  bounded  forward,  lifted  up  both  arms  above  his  head,  and  brought 
them  down  with  a  swing.  There  was  a  crash  of  dynamite,  a  blaze,  a  smoke, 
and  the  autocrat  of  all  the  Russias  was  lying  on  the  bloody  snow,  with  his 
murderer  also  dying  in  front  of  him.  Col.  Dvorjitsky  lifted  up  the  Czar, 
who  whispered  : 

"I  am  cold,  my  friend,  so  cold, — take  me  to  the  Winter  Palace  to 
die." 

The  desperate  Nihilist  had  thrown  his  bomb  right  between  the  Czar's 
feet,  and  had  sacrificed  his  own  life  to  kill  the  Emperor. 

Alexander  was  shockingly  mutilated.      Both  of  his  legs  were  broken,  and 
the  lower  part  of  his  body  was  frightfully  torn  and  mangled.      The  assassin 
—  his  name  was  Nicholas  Elnikoff,  of  Wilna  —  was  even   more  badly  hurt. 
He  died  at  once. 

The  Czar  was  taken  into  an  open  sled,  and  although  it  was  claimed  he 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 


received  the  last  sacrament  at  the  Winter  Palace,  most  of  those  who  know 

believe  that  he  died  on  the  way  there: 

In  the  meantime  the  police,  with  the  utmost  difficulty,  rescued  the  first 

bomb-thrower  from  the  maddened  mob.      The  man,   whose  name  proved   tc 

be  Risakoff,  coolly  thanked  the  officers  for  preserving  him,  and  then   tried 

to  swallow  some  poison 
which  he  had  ready.  In 
this  he  was  foiled,  and  he 
was  taken  to  prison. 

The  infernal  machine 
used  by  Elnikoff  was  about 
7^  inches  in  height,  and 
its  construction  is  exempli- 
fied in  the  annexed  dia- 
gram. Metal  tubes  (&  ff] 

THE  CZAR'S  CARRIAGE  AFTER  THE   EXPLOSION.  fill~d        With        chl°rate        oi 

From  a  photograph.  potash,  and  enclosing  glass 

tubes  (><:)  filled  with  sulphuric  acid  (commonly  called  oil  of  vitriol), 
intersect  the  cylinder.  Around  the  glass  tubes  are  rings  of  iron  (dd}  closely 
attached  as  weights.  The  construction  is  such  that,  no  matter  how  the 
bomb  falls,  one  of  the  glass  tubes  is  sure  to  break.  The  chlorate  ol 
potash  in  that  case,  combining  with  the  sulphuric  acid,  ignites  at  once, 
and  the  flames  communicate  over  the  fuse  (//)  with  the  piston  (e),  filled 
with  fulminate  of  silver.  The  concussion  thus  ^^— •— —  — — --^_ 

caused  explodes  the  dynamite  or   "black  jelly" 
(a)  with  which  the  cylinder  is  closely  packed. 

I  said  above  that  Jelaboff,  the  real  leader 
of  the  conspiracy,  had  been  arrested  on  the 
loth.  He  was  merely  a  suspect,  and  it  was 
some  time  before  the  police  realized  what  an  2 
important  arrest  had  been  made.  Only  two 
hours  before  the  murder  of  the  Emperor,  Jela- 
boff's  house  was  searched,  and  there  was  found  a 
great  quantity  of  black  dynamite,  India  rubber 
tubes,  fuses  and  other  articles.  Jelaboff  had 
been  living  here  with  a  woman  who  was  called  Lidia  Voinoff.  This  Lidia 
Voinoff  was  arrested  on  the  Newsky  Prospect,  on.  March  22nd,  and  almost 
immediately  identified  as  Sophia  Perowskaja,  the  young  woman  who  had 
given  the  handkerchief  signal  to  the  bomb-throwers,  and  who  was  wanted 
besides  for  the  Moscow  railway  mine  case.  On  the  prisoner  were  found 
papers  which  led  to  the  search  of  a  house  on  Telejewskaia  Street,  where  a 
man  named  Sablin  committed  suicide  immediately  on  the  appearance  of 
the  police,  and  a  woman  named  Hessy  Helfmann  was  arrested.  A  regular 


A   CRUEL  EXECUTION.  37 

Nihilist  arsenal  of  black  jelly,  fuses,  maps  of  different  districts  of  St. 
Petersburg,  with  the  Czar's  usual  routes  marked  upon  them,  copies  of 
papers  from  the  secret  press,  etc.,  were  found.  While  the  police  were  still 
engaged  in  the  search  of  the  premises  Timothy  Mikhaeloff  came  in  by 
accident.  He  was  taken,  and  on  him  was  found  a  copy  of  the  new  Czar's 
proclamation,  and  penciled  on  the  back  were  the  names  of  three  shops  with 
three  different  hours  in  the  afternoon.  The  officers  descended  on  these 
places  and  gathered  in  customers,  shop-keepers  and  everybody  else  about 
the  place,  —  a  process  which  brought  in  Kibaltchik,  the  .Nihilist  chemist  and 
bomb-maker. 

The  evidence  was  soon  got  in  shape,  and*  early  in  April  the  trial  began. 
It  was  shown  that  Jelaboff  was  agent  in  the  third  degree  of  the  Revolutionary 
Executive  Committee  ;  that  he  had  issued  the  call  for  volunteers  for  the 
killing  of  the  Czar,  and  that  forty-seven  persons  had  offered  themselves,  out 
of  whom  Risakoff,  Mikhaeloff,  Hessy  Helfmann,  Kibaltchik,  Sophia  Perows- 
kaja  and  Elnikoff  had  been  accepted.  Elnikoff  was  dead,  but  the  others, 
with  Jelaboff,  were  put  in  the  dock.  They  all  confessed  except  Hessy 
Helfmann,  and  upon  April  nth  all  were  condemned  to  death,  with  the 
proviso  needed  under  the  Russian  law  that  the  sentence  of  Sophia  Perows- 
kaja  should  be  approved  by  the  Czar,  as  she  was  a  member  of  the  class  of 
nobles,  and  a  noble  may  not  be  put  to  death  without  the  Emperor's  concur- 
rence. The  Czar  concurred,  and  on  April  i5th,  at  9  a.  m.,  all  the  prisoners 
save  Hessy  Helfmann  were  hung.  This  woman  was  reprieved  because  she 
was  about  to  become  a  mother.  The  execution  was  a  most  brutal  one.  It 
took  place  on  a  plain  two  miles  out  of  the  city,  in  the  presence  of  a  hundred 
thousand  people.  The  prisoners  were  taken  out  of  the  fortress  on  two-wheeled 
carts,  surrounded  by  drummers  and  pipers,  who  played  continuously  and 
loudly,  so  that  nothing  the  condemned  might  say  could  be  heard  by  the 
crowd.  At  the  scaffold  the  drummers  were  stationed  in  a  hollow  square 
around  the  gallows,  and  a  deafening  tattoo  was  kept  up  from  the  time  the  pris- 
oners were  brought  in  until  their  bodies  were  cut  down.  The  hanging  was 
very  cruel.  Each  person  was  mounted  on  a  small  box,  after  kissing  each 
other  passionately  all  round.  They  said  something,  but  it  could  not  be 
heard  for  the  drumming.  The  executioner  was  said  to  be  evidently  drunk. 
There  was  no  drop.  When  the  signal  was  given  the  condemned  were 
pushed  off  their  boxes  and  left  to  strangle.  Mikhaeloff's  rope  broke  twice, 
and  the  attendants  held  him  up  while  the  excecutioner  tied  a  new  cord  around 
his  neck  and  over  the  beam.  The  bodies  were  buried  privately. 

The  present  Czar  has  had  several  narrow  escapes,  none  of  them  more 
nearly  fatal  than  the  conspiracy  of  the  book-bomb  in  March  last.  On  the 
1 3th  of  March,  1888,  the  anniversary  of  his  father's  terrible  death,  the  Czar 
made  the  usual  visit  to  the  Cathedral  of  St.  Peter  and  Paul,  where  the  body 
of  Alexander  II.  is  buried.  For  some  time  before  the  ceremony  St.  Peters- 


38  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

burg  was  full  of  rumors  that  a  catastrophe  was  impending,  and,  although 
the  police  took  the  most  careful  precautions,  the  Czar  himself  paid  no  atten- 
tion to  the  warnings  of  the  "  Third  Section,"  and  would  permit  no  alteration 
in  the  preparations  for  the  requiem. 

In  Christmas  week  of  1887,  the  Russian  agents  at  Geneva,  in  Switzer- 
land, reported  the  presence  in  that  city  of  two  revolutionary  agents  who 
seemed  to  have  the  closest  relations  with  the  committee  of  the  discontents 
in  London  and  Paris.  They  were  shadowed  for  a  time,  but  lost.  In  Feb- 
ruary they  reappeared  in  Berlin.  They  were  known  to  be  in  communication 
with  the  St.  Petersburg  Nihilists.  Before  facts  enough  had  accumulated  to 
justify  their  arrest  they  disappeared  once  more  and  were  believed  to  have 


I.  Risakoff. 


THE  NIHILISTS  IN  THE  DOCK. 
2.  Mikhaeloff.     3.  Hessy   Helfmann.     4.  Kibaltchik.     5.  Sophia   Peroffskaja.     6.  Jelaboff. 


gone  to  the  Russian  capital.      The  facts  were  reported  to  the  Czar,   but  he 
laughed  at  Chief  Gresser  of  the  capital  police. 

In  solemnizing  the  requiem  of  the  late  -Czar  a  public  progress  was  made 
to  the  Cathedral,  amid  a  dense  throng  of  citizens,  among  whom  were  all  the 
detectives  that  Chief  Gresser  could  get  together.  In  a  small  caf6  in  one  of 
the  side  streets  of  the  Morokaya  two  of  the  detectives  ran  across  a  couple 
of  uniformed  university  students  —  in  Russia  the  students  have  a  peculiar 
costume  —  who  were  acting  suspiciously.  They  were  conversing  in  a  most 
excited  manner  with  a  man  dressed  as  a  peasant.  The  trio  were  watched. 
At  the  caf£  door  they  separated,  but  all  three  made  by  different  routes  for 
the  Newsky  Prospect,  the  chief  drive  of  the  capital  and  the  one  along 
which  the  Czar  was  to  return.  The  peasant  was  lost  by  the  detectives,  but 


4o 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 


the  other  two  were  kept  in  sight,  and  the  suspicions  of  the  police  were  made 
all  the  more  keen  by  the  fact  that  the  young  men  passed  each  other  in  the 
crowd  several  times  with  an  elaborate  appearance  of  not  knowing  each 
other.  One  of  them  had  a  law-book  in  his  hand ;  the  other  had  a  traveling- 
bag  over  his  shoulder. 

A  few  moments  before  the  Czar  was  to  pass  on  his  return  from  the  Cathe- 
dral the  students  came  together  and  whispered,  and  the  two  were  imme- 
diately and  quietly  arrested.  Their  names  were  given  as  Andreieffsky  and 
Petroff,  university  students,  and  this  was  proven  to  be  the  truth. 

A  thrilling  discovery  was  made,  however,  at  once.  The  innocent-looking 
law-book  was  really  a  most  dangerous  infernal  machine  —  sufficiently  power- 
ful not  alone  to  kill  everybody  in  the  Czar's  carriage,  but  many  in  the  crowd, 

and  perhaps  to  have 
blown  down  some  of 
the  neighboring 
houses.  The  travel- 
ing-sack was  full  of 
dynamite  bombs  of 
the  ordinary  spher- 
ical pattern. 

I  reproduce  here  a 
diagram  of  the  book- 
bomb  from  the  excel- 
lent account  of  the 
attempted  assassina- 
tion given  by  the  Ne'w  York  World  a  few  days  after  it  occurred. 

The  outside  was  made  of  wood  and  pasteboard,  so  artistically  that  only 
the  closest  inspection  would  discover  the  fact  that  the  machine  was  not 
really  a  book.  In  the  center  of  the  interior,  in  the  place  marked  C,  were 
a  number  of  hollow  bullets  filled  with  strychnine,  which  poison  was  also 
plastered  upon  the  outside  of  the  missiles.  Above  this  were  small  compart- 
ments filled  with  fulminate,  with  a  glass  tube  of  sulphuric  acid.  To  the 
tube  was  tied  a  string,  which  would  break  it  when  thrown,  spilling  it  into 
the  fulminate  and  thus  exploding  the  dynamite -with  which  the  whole  of  the 
hollow  parts  of  the  interior  was  densely  packed.  Fully  a  hundred  people 
must  have  been  killed  had  the  bomb  been  exploded  as  intended.  The 
expert  who  examined  the  bomb,  after  handling  the  bullets  carelessly  put  his 
finger  in  his  mouth,  and  was  seriously,  though  not  fatally,  poisoned. 

Hardly  bad  the  arrest  been  made  when  the  Czar  was  notified  at  the 
Cathedral.  He  ordered  that  the  news  should  be  withheld  from  the  Empress, 
although  he  was  himself  visibly  affected.  He  sprang  into  his  sleigh  with 
the  Czarowitz,  and  drove  by  an  unused  route  to  the  railway  station.  The 
Czarina  followed  shortly  after  in  a  carriage,  greatly  agitated  by  a  presenti- 


Fig.    i.     Interior. 


Fig.  2.     Exterior. 


A.  Glass  Tube.     B.  Fulminate.     C.  Bullets.     D.  Dynamite. 


DYNAMITE  IN  ENGLAND.  41 

ment  of  evil.  Not  until  the  train  had  started  was  she  informed  of  the  occur- 
rence. She  burst  into  tears,  and  was  inconsolable  for  the  rest  of  the  journey. 
Once  safe  in  his  Gatschina  Palace,  the  Czar  is  said  to  have  given  vent  to  his 
feelings  in  the  strongest  language,  heaping  anathemas  upon  the  heads  of  the 
Nihilists,  and  threatening  dire  revenge. 

Less  than  two  hours  after  the  arrest  of  Andreieffsky  and  Petroff  their 
companion  peasant  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  police.  His  name  was  Gene- 
raloff,  a  native  of  Jaroslav,  South  Russia.  He  had  been  actively  engaged 
in  the  Nihilist  propaganda  for  some  time  past.  He  also  carried  bombs  on 
his  person. 

These  arrests  were  supplemented  by  numerous  others.  The  lodgings  of 
the  prisoners  in  the  suburbs  of  St.  Petersburg  known  as  the  Peski  (the  Sands) 
were  searched,  and  other  explosives  as  well  as  documents  incriminating 
other  persons  were  found.  As  a  result  the  procession  of  prisoners  to  the 
Peter  and  Paul's  Fortress  for  a  time  was  almost  unremitting,  and  no  one 
felt  safe  against  police  intrusion.  All  three  of  the  prisoners  were  subse- 
quently executed. 

England  shortly  afterward  became  the  mark  for  the  next  development 
of  the  dynamite  war.  It  is  the  fact  that  shortly  after  the  assassination  of 
the  Czar  an  attack  on  the  British  Government  was  begun. 

Prior  to  this  there  had  been  two  outrages  in  1881 — one  an  attempt  to 
blow  up  the  barracks  at  Salford  with  dynamite,  the  other  a  gunpowder 
explosion  at  the  Mansion  House,  London. 

The  record  of  the  year,  as  compiled  by  Col.  Majendie,  the  Inspector  of 
Explosives,  then  runs  on  : 

1881  :  16  May.  Attempt  to  blow  up  the  police  barracks  at  Liverpool  with  gunpowder  in 
iron  piping.  Damage  to  the  building  was'  inconsiderable,  and  no  one  hurt. 

10  June.  Attempt  to  blow  up  the  Town  Hall,  Liverpool,  by  an  infernal  machine  prob- 
ably filled  with  dynamite.  A  great  number  of  windows  broken,  and  some  iron  railings 
destroyed,  but  no  one  injured.  The  two  perpetrators  captured. 

14  June.  A  piece  of  iron  piping  filled  with  gunpowder  exploded  against  the  police  sta- 
tion at  Loanhead,  near  Edinburgh,  Some  windows  broken,  but  no  other  damage  effected. 

30  June.  An  importation  of  six  infernal  machines  at  Liverpool  from  America  in  the 
"Malta,"  concealed  in  barrels  of  cement.  They  contained  lignin  dynamite,  with  a  clock- 
work arrangement  for  firing  it. 

2  July.     An  importation  of  four  similar  machines  at  Liverpool  in  the  "Bavaria." 

September.  An  attempt  to  produce  an  explosion  at  the  barracks,  Castlebar.  A  canister 
containing  gunpowder  was  thrown  over  the  wall,  close  to  the  magazine.  The  lighted  fuse 
which  was  attached  fell  out,  and  no  harm  was  done. 

1882 :  26  March.  An  attempt  to  blow  up  Weston  House,  Galway,  with  dynamite  in  an 
iron  pot  enclosed  in  a  sack.  Five  persons  were  afterwards  convicted  of  the  outrage. 

27  March.  A  6-inch  shell  charged  with  explosive  thrown  into  a  house  in  Letterkenny. 
The  explosion  caused  considerable  damage. 

2  April.  An  attempt  to  destroy  a  police  barrack  in  Limerick  by  firing  some  dynamite  on 
the  window  sill. 

12  May.  A  discovery  of  a  parcel  containing  12  Ibs.  to  20  Ibs.  of  gunpowder,  with  lighted 
touch-paper  or  fuse  attached,  at  the  Mansion  House,  London. 


42  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

1883:  21  January,  An  explosion  of  lignin  dynamite  at  Fossil  Bridge,  Glasgow.  Two 
or  three  persons  passing  sustained  slight  injury. 

21  January.  An  explosion  of  lignin  dynamite  at  Buchanan  Street  Station,  Glasgow,  in  a 
disused  goods  shed. 

15  March.  An  explosion  at  the  Local  Government  Board  Office,  Whitehall,  causing  con- 
siderable local  damage. 

15  March.     An  abortive  explosion  of  lignin  dynamite  outside  a  window  at  the  Times  office. 

April.  Two  infernal  machines,  containing  28  Ibs.  of  lignin  dynamite  (probably  home- 
made), discovered  a't  Liverpool.  Four  persons  were  convicted  and  sentenced  to  penal  servi- 
tude for  life. 

April.  The  discovery  of  a  factory  of  nitro-glycerine  at  Birmingham,-  and  of  a  large 
amount  of  nitro-glycerine  brought  thence  to  London.  The  occupier  of  the  house  and  others 
were  subsequently  convicted  and  sentenced  to  penal  servitude  for  life. 

30  October.  An  explosion  in  the  Metropolitian  Railway,  between  Charing  Cross  and 
Westminster,  unattended  with  personal  or  serious  structural  injury. 

30  October.  An  explosion  on  the  Metropolitan  Railway,  near  Praed  Street.  Three  car- 
riages sustained  serious  injury,  and  about  sixty-two  persons  were  cut  by  the  broken  glass  and 
debris,  and  otherwise  injured. 

November.  Two  infernal  machines  discovered  in  a  house  in  Westminster,  occupied  by  a 
German  named  Woolf.  Two  men  were  tried,  and  in  the  result  the  jury  disagreed  and  a  nolle 
prosequi  was  entered  on  behalf  of  the  Crown. 

1884  January.      The  discovery  of   some  slabs  of  Atlas  Powder  A  (American  make),   in 
Primose  Hill  tunnel. 

February.  An  explosion  in  the  cloak-room  of  the  London,  Brighton,  and  South  Coast 
Railway  at  Victoria  Station  of  Atlas  Powder  A  (American  make),  left  in  a  bag  or  port- 
manteau. 

27  February.     The  discovery  of  a  bag  containing  some  Atlas  Powder  A,  with  clockwork 
and  detonators,  at  Charing  Cross  Station. 

28  February.     A  similar  discovery  at  Paddington  Station, 
i  March.     A  similar  discovery  at  Ludgate  Hill  Station. 

April.  A  discovery  of  three  metal  bombs,  containing  dynamite  (probably  American 
make),  at  Birkenhead,  in  possession  of  a  man  named  Daly,  who  was  afterwards  sentenced  to 
penal  servitude  for  life. 

30  May.  An  explosion  of  dynamite  at  the.  Junior  Carlton  Club,  St.  James'  Square. 
About  fourteen  persons  were  injured. 

30  May.  An  explosion  of  dynamite  at  the  residence  of  Sir  Watkin  Williams  Wynn,  St. 
James'  Square. 

30  May.  An  explosion  of  dynamite  in  a  urinal  under  a  room  occupied  by  some  of  the 
detective  staff  in  Scotland  Yard.  It  brought  down  a  portion  of  the  building,  besides  severely 
injuring  a  policeman  and  some  persons  who  were  at  an  adjacent  public-house. 

30  May.     A  discovery  of  Atlas  Powder  A,  with  fuse  and  detonators,  in  Trafalgar  Square. 

28  November.  An  attempted  destruction  of  a  house  at  Edenburn,  near  Tralee,  occupied 
by  Mr.  Hussey.  The  injury,  which  was  doubtless  accomplished  with  dynamite,  was  less 
serious  than  was  intended,  and  no  one  sustained  bodily  harm. 

12  December.  An  explosion  of  a  charge  of  dynamite  or  other  nitro-compound  under  Lon- 
don Bridge,  fortunately  doing  very  littte  damage. 

1885  :  2  January.     An  explosion  in  the  Gower  Street  tunnel  of  the  Metropolitan  Railway, 
caused  by  about  two  pounds  of  some  nitro-compound  fired  apparently  by  a  percussion  fuse. 
Damage  inconsiderable. 

24  January.  An  explosion  in  the  Tower  of  London,  caused,  beyond  all  reasonable 
doubt,  by  about  five  to  eight  pounds  of  Atlas  Powder  A  (American  make).  Three  or  four 
persons  were  slightly  injured,  and  considerable  damage  was  done  to  the  Armory. 


THE  REAL  DANGER.  43 

24  January.  An  explosion  of  Atlas  Powder  A  (American  make),  in  Westminster  Hall. 
Three  persons  were  injured  severely,  and  others  slightly,  and  very  considerable  damage  was 
done  to  the  Hall  and  surroundings. 

24  January.  An  explosion  in  the  House  of  Commons  (probably  caused  by  a  similar 
amount  of  the  same  explosive).  No  persons  were  injured,  but  very  considerable  damage  was 
done  to  the  Houses  of  Parliament. 

February.  A  discovery  of  dynamite  (of  American  make)  in  a  house  in  Harrow  Road, 
Paddington. 

9  March.     A  discovery  of  Atlas  Powder  A  in  the  roof  of  a  saw-mill  at  Bootle. 

As  a  result  of  these  various  conspiracies  and  political  outrages,  twenty- 
nine  persons  were  convicted. 

Some  of  the  bombs  used  in  the  London  explosions  were  very  ingeniously 
made.  Usually  they  had  a  clock-work  arrangement  which  released  a  ham- 
mer and  exploded  the  infernal  machine  at  the  time  set.  Others  again  had 
a  time  fuse  depending  upon  the  percolation  of  acid  through  parchment.  In 
every  case,  however,  the  destruction  wrought  by  the  explosives  was  ridicul- 
ously disappointing  to  the  conspirators,  and  in  England  as  elsewhere  the 
event  proved  that  high  explosives  are-  a  delusion  and  a  snare  from  the 
revolutionist's  point  of  view.  They  are  greatly  more  dangerous  to  the  per- 
sons who  employ  them  than  to  the  people  or  the  property  against  which 
they  may  be  aimed. 


CHAPTER  III. 

The  Exodus  to  Chicago — Waiting  for  an  Opportunity — A  Political  Party 
Formed — A  Question  of  $600,000 — The  First  Socialist  Platform  —  Details  of  the  Organ- 
ization—  Work  at  the  Ballot-Box  —  Statistics  of  Socialist  Progress — "The  Interna- 
tional Workingmen's  Party"  and  The  "  Workingmen's  Party  of  the  United  States"  — 
The  Eleven  Commandments  of  Labor  —  How  the  Work  was  to  be  Done  —  A  Curious 
Constitution  —  Beginnings  of  the  Labor  Press  — The  Union  Congress  —  Criticising  the 
Ballot-Box — The  Executive  Committee  and  its  Powers  —  Annals  of  1876  —  A  Period  of 
Preparation — The  Great  Railroad  Strikes  of  1877 — The  First  Attack  on  Society  —  A 
Decisive  Defeat — Trying  Politics  Again — The  "Socialistic  Party" — Its  Leaders  and 
its  Aims  —  August  Spies  as  an  Editor  — Buying  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung —  How  the  Money 
was  Raised  —  Anarchist  Campaign  Songs  — The  Group  Organization  —  Plan  of  the  Prop- 
aganda—  Dynamite  First  Taught — "The  Bureau  of  Information"  —  An  Attack  on 
Arbitration  —  No  Compromise  with  Capital  —  Unity  of  the  Internationalists  and  the 
Socialists. 

AFTER  the  enactment  of  the  stringent  Socialist  law  in  Germany,  and 
the  determined  opposition  of  Prince  Bismarck  to  the  creed  of  the 
Social  Democrats,  the  exodus  to  America  began,  and  Chicago,  unfortu- 
nately for  this  city,  was  the  Mecca  to  which  the  exiles  came.  At  first  but 
little  attention  was  paid  to  the  incoming  people.  It  was  thought  that  free 
air  and  free  institutions  would  disarm  them  of  their  rancor  against  organized 
society,  and  but  little  attention  was  paid  to  the  ^aporings  of  the  leaders. 
We  had  heard  that  sort  of  thing  before,  —  especially  in* the  years  following 
1848, — and  it  had  come  to  nothing  ;  and  people  generally,  when  they  heard 
the  mouthings  of  the  apostles  of  disorder,  told  themselves  that  when  these 
apostles  had  each  bought  a  home,  there  would  come  naturally,  and  out  of 
the  logic  of  facts,  a  change  in  their  convictions. 

Hence,  although  there  were  some  inflammatory  speeches,  and  a  pretense 
of  Socialistic  activity,  it  was  not  until  the  year  1873  that  any  serious  atten- 
tion was  paid  to  the  movement.  Even  then  the  interest  it  excited  was  that 
solely  of  a  political  novelty. 

The  period  was  one  of  general  business  depression,  however,  and  addi- 
tional impetus  was  given  to  the  feelings  of  discontent  by  the  labor  troubles 
in  New  York,  Boston,  St.  Louis  and  other  large  cities.  In  New  York  the 
labor  demonstrations  were  particularly  violent.  The  special  object  sought 
to  be  accomplished  there  was  the  introduction  of  the  eight-hour  system. 
Eastern  Internationalists  saw  in  this  an  opportunity  to  strengthen  their 
foothold  in  America,  and  they  were  not  slow  in  fomenting  discord  among 
the  members  of  the  different  trades-unions  which  had  inaugurated  the 
movement.  They  even  went  so  far  as  to  proclaim  that,  if  there  was  any 
interference  with  the  eight-hour  strike,  the  streets  would  run  red  with  the 
blood  of  capitalists.  The  Communists  of  Chicago  sympathized  with  their 
brethren  in  the  East,  but  they  lacked  numbers  and  similar  conditions  of 


THE  SOCIALISTS  IN  POLITICS.  45 

violent  discontent  to  urge  force  and  bloodshed  in  the  attainment  of  the  same 
object,  which,  however,  had  been  for  some  time  under  discussion  by  the 
Trades  Assembly  of  Chicago.  They  consequently  contented  themselves 
with  wild  attacks  upon  the  prevailing  system  of  labor  and  urged  a  severance 
from  existing  political  parties  and  the  formation  of  a  party  exclusively 
devoted  to  the  amelioration  of  the  condition  of  workingmen. 

Toward  the  end  of  the  year  1873,  the  leaders  seem  to  have  concluded 
that  they  had  a  sufficient  number  of  adherents  to  form  a  party,  and  a  com- 
mittee was  appointed  to  prepare  and  submit  a  plan  of  organization.  On 
the  ist  of  January  following,  this  committee  reported.  They  suggested 
organization  into  societies  according  to  nationalities,  and  that  all  societies 
thus  organized  should  be  directed  by  a  central  committee,  to  be  appointed 
from-  the  several  sections.  At  the  same  time  it  was  publicly  announced  that 
"the  new  organization  did  not  seek  the  overthrow  of  the  national,  State  or 
city  government  by  violence,"  but  would  work  out  its  mission  peaceably 
through  the  ballot-box. 

While  the  formation  of  a  party  was  under  consideration,  times  were 
exceedingly  dull  in  the  city.  Thousands  were  idle,  and  there  was  a  general 
clamor  among  the  unemployed  for  relief.  This  discontent  was  seized  upon 
to  influence  the  minds  of  the  poor  against  capital,  and  the  remedy  was 
declared  to  lie  only  in  Socialism.  The  Relief  and  Aid  Society  formed  the  first 
point  of  attack.  The  Socialist  leaders  loudly  proclaimed  that  it  had  on 
hand  over  $600,000, — the  charitable  contributions  of  the  world  sent  to  Chi- 
cago after  the  fire  for  the  benefit  of  the  poor, — which  sum  was  held,  they 
claimed,  for  the  enrichment  of  the  managers  of  that  society  and  the  benefit 
of  "rich  paupers."  In  the  early  part  of  December,  1873,  a  procession  of 
the  unemployed  marched  through  the  streets  of  the  city  and  demanded 
assistance  from  the  municipal  authorities.  They  finally  decided  to  appeal 
to  the  Relief  Society,  and,  backed  by  hundreds  in  line,  a  committee 
attempted  to  wait  upon  the  officials  of  that  organization.  They  were, 
excluded,  however,  on  the  ground  that  all  deserving  cases  would  be  aided 
without  the  intervention  of  a  committee. 

The  condition  of  labor  now  formed  the  pretext  for  many  a  diatribe 
against  capital  in  general  and  the  alleged  favoritism  of  the  Relief  and  Aid 
Society  in  particular ;  and  many  allied  themselves  with  the  Socialistic 
organization  —  not  comprehending  its  meaning,  but  because  it  happened  at 
the  moment  to  appeal  to  their  passions. 

It  was  this  state  of  affairs  which  spurred  on  the  Socialist  leaders  to  the 
formation  of  a  party.  Having  accepted  the  general  plan  of  organization  as 
recommended  by  the  committee,  another  meeting  was  held  in  January,  1874. 
A  declaration  of  principles  was  then  formulated.  There  were  nine  articles, 
which  may  be  summarized  as  follows : 


46  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

9 

Abolition  of  all  class  legislation  and  repeal  of  all  existing  laws  favoring  monopolies. 

All  means  of  transportation,  such  as  railroads,  canals,  telegraph,  etc.,  to  be  controlled, 
managed  and  operated  by  the  State. 

Abolition  of  the  prevailing  system  of  letting  out  public  work  by  contract,  the  State  or 
municipality  to  have  all  work  of  a  public  nature  done  under  its  own  supervision  and  control. 

An  amendment  to  the  laws  in  regard  to  the  recovery  of  wages,  all  suits  brought  for  the 
recovery  of  wages  to  be  decided  within  eight  days. 

The  payment  of  wages  by  the  month  to  be  abolished,  and  weekly  payments  substituted. 

A  discontinuance  of  the  hiring-out  of  prison  labor  to  companies  or  individuals,  prisoners 
to  be  employed  by  and  for  the  benefit  of  the  State  only. 

Adoption  by  the  State  of  compulsory  education  of  all  children  between  the  ages  of  seven 
and  fourteen  years  ;  the  hiring-out  of  children  under  fourteen  to  be  prohibited. 

All  banking,  both  commercial  and  savings,  to  be  done  by  the  State. 

All  kinds  of  salary  grabs  to  be  discontinued ;  all  public  officers  to  be  paid  a  fixed  salary 
instead  of  fees. 

Specifically  stated,  the  organization  was  made  to  consist  of  sections  and 
divisions  and  a  central  committee.  Each  section  was  made  to  consist  of 
twenty-five  members,  and  was  entitled  to  one  delegate  to  the  conventions  of 
the  order,  with  one  delegate  for  every  additional  one  hundred  members  or 
fraction  thereof.  The  central  committee  was  to  be  composed  of  nine  members, 
to  be  chosen  by  the  delegates.  The  duties  of  the  committee  were  fixed  under 
such  rules  as  might  be  adopted  by  the  organization.  Their  term  was  from 
one  general  convention  to  another.  Each  delegate  was  allowed  as  many 
votes  as  there  were  members  of  the  section  he  represented.  Delegates  from 
each  section  were  obliged  to  assemble  every  week  to  report  all  party  affairs, 
and,  if  necessary,  were  expected  to  make  similar  reports  to  the  central  com- 
mittee. Sections  and  divisions  elected  officers  for  six  months.  Two-thirds 
of  the  members  of  each  section  were  required  to  be  wage-workers.  Each 
member  had  to  pay  only  five  cents  initiation  fee  and  five  cents  monthly  dues. 
One-half  of  the  income  from  fees  was  given  to  the  central  committee  for 
printing  and  general  expenses.  All  in  arrears  for  three  months,  barring 
sickness  or  want  of  employment,  were  expelled.  Each  section  was  given 
the  power  to  dismiss  such  members  as  acted  by  word,  writing  or  deed  to  the 
detriment  of  the  party  and  its  principles.  The  right  of  appeal  to  the  cen- 
tral committee  was  given  to  any  member  in  case  three  of  his  section  favored 
it.  Monthly  reports  to  sections  and  quarterly  reports  to  the  central  com- 
mittee as  to  the  condition  of  the  organization  and  the  treasury  were  required 
of  the  secretary.  In  the  event  that  any  officer  lost  the  confidence  of  his 
section,  he  could  be  expelled  before  the  expiration  of  his  term  by  a  majority 
vote. 

Such  were  the  principles  and  plans  of  the  organization  at  the  outset. 
There  does  not  appear  anywhere  anything  to  show  that  the  ulterior  object 
of  the  party  was  to  use  violence  to  enforce  its  demands.  On  the  contrary, 
at  a  subsequent  general  gathering  a  preamble  to  the  platform  expressly 
stated  that  the  party  was  organized  "to  advocate  and  advance  the  political 


THE  "WORKINGMEN'S  PARTY."  47 

platform  of  the  Workingmen's  Party,  to  acquire  power  in  legislative  bodies 
and  to  uphold  the  principles  of  the  platform."  Subsequent  mass-meetings, 
held  in  January,  ratified  the  declaration  of  principles,  and  the  various 
speakers  urged  that,  inasmuch  as  the  "  other  political  parties  were  for  the 
benefit  of  unprincipled  scalawags,"  their  party  had  come  into  existence 
"pure  and  undefiled,  to  secure  to  workingmen  their  rights. "  The  prime 
movers  in  the  party  at  this ,  time  were  John  McAuliff,  L.  Thorsmark, 
Carl  Klings,  Henry  Stahl,  August  Arnold,  J.  Zimple,  Leo  Meilbeck, 
Prokup  Hudek,  O.  A.  Bishop,  John  Feltes,  John  Simmens,  Jacob  Winnen, 
J.  Krueger,  William  Jeffers  and  Robert  Mueller.  The  organization  was 
styled  "The  Workingmen's  Party  of  Illinois." 

Active  agitation  at  once  commenced  in  various  parts  of  the  city.  Meet- 
ings were  held  wherever  possible  in  the  poorer  sections  of  the  North  and 
West  Divisions.  In  all  speeches  the  prevalent  distress  was  dwelt  upon  and 
the  people  were  urged  to  combine  against  capital.  Some  of  the  points  made 
at  these  gatherings  may  be  judged  from  the  remarks  of  the  agitators  at  a 
meeting  of  the  various  sections  of  the  party  at  No.  68  West  Lake  Street  on 
the  ist  of  March,  1874.  While  the  sentiments  were  somewhat  rabid,  there 
was  no  encouragement  to  deeds  of  violence.  One  of  the  speakers,  Mr. 
Zimple,  spoke  of  the  object  of  the  meeting  as  being  "  to  devise  means  for 
marching  on  the  bulwarks  of  aristocracy,  and  gain  for  the  working  classes 
that  social  position  to  which  they  were  by  right  entitled. "  Then  followed 
an  invective  against  capital  and  society.  "  All  existing  things  must  be  torn 
down,"  he  continued,  "  and  a  new  system  of  society  built  up."  Slaves  even 
were  allowed  to  live,  but,  as  things  were  then,  workingmen,  who  could  work 
no  longer,  had  to  starve.  If  they  stood  together  and  elected  good  men  to 
the  Legislature  next  fall,  this  state  of  affairs  would  be  changed.  Legislators 
were  too  stupid  to  make  a  living  by  honest  work,  therefore  they  had  to  sub- 
sist by  robbing  the  people.  Mr.  Thorsmark  expressed  confidence  in  the 
success  of  Socialism  and  said  that  if  all  workingmen  would  do  their  duty 
"the  present  state  of  society  would  be  reformed,  not  only  for  their  benefit, 
but  for  the  benefit  of  mankind."  Carl  Klings  could  conceive  of  "nothing 
more  inhuman,  cruel  and  outrageous  than  the  present  state  of  society,"  and 
it  was  for  this  reason,  he  said,  that  they  had  banded  together  to  "strike  a 
blow  which  would  effect  a  change  for  all  time  to  come."  The  same  tyrants, 
he  argued,  who  had  slaughtered  their  brethren  in  cold  blood  and  oppressed 
them  in  France,  could  be  found  in  Chicago.  The  workingmen  of  America 
had  not  accomplished  anything  as  yet,  because  they  were  not  yet  fully  pre- 
pared, but  gradually  they  were  becoming  a  great  power,  and  soon  would  "no 
longer  be  compelled  to  drink  the  bitter  poison  from  the  cup  of  the  aristo- 
crats." Mr.  McAuliff  touched  on  the  wrongs  of  the  existing  state  of  society 
as  he  saw  it  and  held  that  "  they  all  had  to  unite  in  one  common  body  and 
seek  success  at  the  ballot-box." 


48  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

To  gain  political  power,  the  Socialists  made  their  first  attempt  by  plac- 
ing a  ticket  in  the  field.  A  convention  was  held  in  Thieleman's  Theater,  in 
the  North  Division  of  the  city,  on  the  2gth  of  March,  1874.  Although  there 
were  general  city  officers  to  be  elected  the  following  month,  the  Socialists 
confined  their  efforts  to  making  nominations  only  for  the  town  offices  of 
North  Chicago,  in  which  section  their  theories  seemed,  at  that  time,  to  have 
found  the  most  fertile  soil.  Their  ticket  was  made  up  as  follows:  Assessor, 
George  F.  Duffy  ;  Collector,  Philip  Koerber  ;  Supervisor,  August  Arnold  ; 
Town  Clerk,  Frederick  Oest ;  Constable,  James  Jones. 

At  this  convention  an  impetus  was  given  to  the  new  organ  of  the  party, 
the  Vorbote,  which  had  just  issued  its  initial  number,  and,  although  this 
journal  was  given  a  considerable  circulation  to  boom  the  new-fledged  can- 
didates, the  ticket  only  polled  950  votes. 

But  the  leaders  were  not  disheartened.  They  continued  their  political 
agitation,  and  at  the  approach  of  the  fall  campaign  they  decided  to  branch 
out  more  extensively,  and  to  measure  swords  with  the  other  political  parties 
for  all  the  offices  in  sight.  On  the  25th  of  October,  1874,  a  convention 
was  held  in  Bohemian  Turner  Hall,  on  Taylor  Street,  near  Canal,  and  Con- 
gressional, county  and  city  tickets  were  put  into  the  field.  For  Congress 
they  selected,  for  the  West  Side,  W.  S.  Le  Grand  ;  for  the  North  Side, 
F.  A.  Hoffman,  Jr.  It  was  left  an  open  question  whom  they  should  support 
on  the  South  Side.  Their  candidates  for  the v Legislature  were  :  Madden, 
Rice,  Hudek,  Kranel,  Thrane  and  Hymann ;  and  for  the  Senate,  Rowe, 
Bishop,  Methua  and  Koellner.  County  Commissioners,  Mueller,  Bettetil, 
Bley  and  Maiewsky  for  the  West  Side,  and  German  and  Breitenstein  for 
the  North  Side.  Their  candidate  for  Sheriff  was  E.  Melchior,  and  for 
Coroner,  Dr.  Geiger.  The  aldermanic  selections  were  :  In  the  Second 
Ward,  Wasika  ;  in  the  Fourth,  Tuer  j  in  the  Sixth,  Grapsicsky  ;  in  the 
Seventh,  Maj.  Warnecke  and  E.  A.  Haller  ;  in  the  Eighth,  Leonhard  ;  in 
the  Ninth,  George  Heck  ;  in  the  Tenth,  Sticker  ;  in  the  Eleventh,  Uren- 
harst  ;  in  the  Twelfth,  Zirbes  ;  in  the  Fourteenth,  Sirks  ;  in  the  Fifteenth, 
Schwenn  and  Anderson  ;  in  the  Sixteenth,  Seilheimer  ;  in  the  Seventeenth, 
H.  Jensen  ;  in  the  Eighteenth,  Frey  ;  and  in  the  Twentieth,  Otto  F.  Schalz. 
In  the  wards  not  given  no  nominations  were  made. 

The  strength  of  the  ticket  may  be  gathered  by  the  fact  that  at  the  elec- 
tion, on  November  5th,  Melchior  received  only  378  votes,  while  his 
opponent,  Agnew,  Democrat,  scored  28,549,  and  Bradley,  Republican, 
21,080.  The  Socialist  candidate  who  polled  the  largest  number  of  votes  was 
Breitenstein,  for  County  Commissioner  —  790. 

The  leaders  now  became  convinced  that  a  German  morning  daily  was 
necessary  to  further  the  interests  of  their  party.  The  Illinois  Staats-Zeitung 
and  the  Freie  Presse  had  almost  neutralized  their  efforts  on  the  stump,  and 
they  saw  that  they  must  have  an  organ  to  meet  these  papers  and  reach  the 


THE  INTERNATIONALE.  49 

masses.  They  had  seen  the  effects  of  workingmen's  papers  in  Germany, 
where  several  representatives  had  been  sent  to  the  Reichstag,  and  as  their 
party  shibboleth  then  was  "  to  secure  power  in  legislative  bodies  "  in  Illi- 
nois, they  determined  to  found  a  paper  of  their  own.  On  the  i3th  of  De- 
cember, 1874,  on  Market  Street,  they  held  a  secret  meeting.  The  leading 
spirits  in  the  proceedings  were  Mueller,  Simmens  and  Klings.  It  was  pro- 
posed that  stock  to  the  amount  of  $20,000  should  be  issued  for  a  daily,  but  as 
no.  one  seemed  to  be  thoroughly  posted  in  the  matter  of  publishing  a  paper, 
it  was  decided  to  select  a  committee.  Messrs.  Klings,  Helmerdeg,  Sim- 
mens, Methua,  Kelting,  Winner  and  Finkensieber  were  so  selected,  but 
whether  they  made  any  progress,  or  submitted  a  report  as  to  their  conclu- 
sions, is  not  known.  It  is  certain  that  no  daily  appeared  to  supplement  the 
efforts  of  their  weekly  organ  at  that  time,  and  it  was  not  until  four  or 
five  years  later  that  such  a  paper  finally  made  its  appearance. 

In  the  winter  of  1874  and  the  spring  of  1875  the  Socialist  agitators  were  not 
openly  aggressive,  but  they  nevertheless  kept  quietly  at  work  sowing  the 
seed  of  discontent.  Finally,  in  October,  1875,  they  resumed  open  and 
active  agitation.  The  only  meeting  they  held  that  fall  was  at  No.  529  Mil- 
waukee Avenue,  and  their  wrath  was  directed  especially  against  the  Repub- 
lican and  Democratic  candidates  for  County.  Treasurer.  The  speakers  were 
J.  Webeking,  John  Feltis,  Jacob  Winnen,  A.  Zimmerman  and  John  Sim- 
mens. The  burden  of  their  harangues  was  that  "  the  workingmen  should 
no  longer  believe  the  scoundrels  "  put  up  by  the  other  parties.  It  was  time, 
they  urged,  to  "  destroy  the  power  of  the  robber  band."  Workingmen  must 
"organize,  place  laborers  on  the  throne,  and  drive  capitalists  from  power." 

In  the  election,  held  the  following  month,  they  took  no  active  part,  and 
this  fact,  together  with  the  apparently  quiescent  condition  of  the  organiza- 
tion, prompted  the  Tribune  to  remark  : 

No  longer  do  they  work  openly  (smarting  under  former  failures),  nor  do  they  allow 
outsiders  like  Oelke,  Gruenhut  and  others  to  get  into  their  ranks.  The  Workingmen's  Party 
of  Illinois,  as  the  Communists  of  this  city  style  themselves,  no  longer  acts  as  an  independent 
organization,  but  has  placed  itself  under  the  protectorate  of  the  society  of  the  International- 
ists, which  has  branches  in  every  city  in  the  world.  The  executive  committee  of  this  society, 
which  formerly  resided  in  Paris  and  Leipsic,  has  now  its  headquarters  in  New  York,  and  its 
mandates  are  implicitly  complied  with  by  all  the  local  organizations.  The  central  com- 
mittee believe  that  during  the  winter  large  numbers  will  be  without  employment,  and  hence  a 
proper  time  will  come  to  strike  a  blow.  For  months  they  have  been  organizing  military 
companies  and  maturing  plans  to  burn  Chicago  and  other  large  cities  in  the  United  States 
and  the  Old  World. 

At  about  this  time  a  secret  meeting  was  held  at  No.  140  West  Lake 
Street.  Only  members  of  the  local  committee  of  the  Internationale  and  the 
executive  committee  of  the  Workingmen's  Party  were  present.  It  came  to 
the  surface  that  other  than  political  measures  were  discussed.  The  Socialist 
leaders  denied  all  intention  of  abandoning  politics,  but  they  did  not  hesitate 


50  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

to  avow  a  belief  that  some  startling  blow  would  facilitate  the  success  of 
their  movement.  What  seemed  to  give  a  strong  color  of  truth  to  reports 
about  their  incendiary  intentions  was  the  action  they  took  with  reference  to 
Carl  Klings.  He  had  been  one  of  the  most  active  spirits  in  their  organiza- 
tion. He  was  a  fiery,  impetuous  speaker  and  carried  the  crowds  with  him 
in  all  his  harangues.  For  some  unknown  reason,  not  explainable  upon  any 
other  hypothesis  than  that  some  violent  demonstration  was  contemplated 
as  a  change  from  their  past  policy,  the  party  had  decided  to  take  no  hand  in 
the  election  of  November,  and  yet,  in  spite  of  this  decision,  Klings  had  entered 
into  it  most  bitterly  and  violently  to  accomplish  the  defeat  of  a  candidate 
against  whom  he  cherished  the  greatest  enmity.  It  would  seem  that  this, 
viewed  from  a  Socialistic  standpoint,  ought  to  have  commended  him  to  his 
brethren,  especially  as  the  candidate  was  beaten  in  the  election,  but,  on  the 
representation  that  he  had  violated  an  order  of  the  party,  Klings  was  sum- 
marily expelled  from  the  organization  on  the  i3th  of  December,  1875.  The 
fact  that  he  had  never  secretly  advocated  violent  means  undoubtedly  accounts 
for  his  expulsion. 

It  is  unquestionably  true  that  at  this  time  the  Communists  were  begin- 
ning to  think  of  more  serious  matters  than  politics,  and  gradually  drifting 
away  from  their  peaceful  mission  as  avowed  in  their  early  party  platform 
and  public  declarations,  and  it  is  not  unwarranted  to  attribute  their  non- 
intervention in  politics  that  fall  to  the  efforts  and  influence  of  the  Inter- 
nationale. They  proved  in  more  ways  than  one  that  they  had  at  heart 
revolutionary  methods,  and  that  they  were  only  awaiting  an  opportune 
time  to  boldly  proclaim  their  sentiments.  Even  if  there  could  exist  a  doubt 
on  this  point,  it  was  dissipated  by  the  utterances  of  the  Socialists  at  a  mass- 
meeting  held  December  26,  1875,  at  West  Twelfth  Street  Turner  Hall,  to 
protest  against  the  treatment  of  Communist  prisoners  in  New  Caledonia  by 
the  French  Government. 

As  already  stated,  the  Socialists  had  established  in  1874  an  "  Inter- 
national Workingmen's  Party  of  the  State  of  Illinois,"  and  for  some  time 
they  held  meetings  under  that  pretentious  title,  principally  on  Clybourn 
Avenue.  The  organization  struggled  along  for  awhile  and  finally  was  lost 
to  sight.  Subsequently  a  "  Workingmen's  Party  of  the  United  States " 
appeared  in  the  Socialistic  world,  and  some  of  the  leaders  of  the  old  local 
organization  began  to  identify  themselves  with  its  establishment  and  success. 
They  held  frequent  meetings  on  North  Avenue.  The  declaration  of  prin- 
ciples of  the  new  party  was  as  follows : 

The  emancipation  of  the  working  classes  must  be  achieved  by  the  working  classes 
themselves,  independently  of  all  political  parties  of  the  propertied  class. 

The  struggle  for  the  emancipation  of  the  working  classes  means  not  a  struggle  for  class 
privileges  and  monopolies,  but  for  equal  rights  and  duties,  and  the  abolition  of  all  class 
rule. 

The  economical  subjection  of  the  man  of  labor  to  the  monopolizers  of  the  means  of 


SCENES  FROM  THE   RIOTS  AT  PITTSBURG,  1877. 


52  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

labor,  the  sources  of  life,  lies  at  the  bottom  of  servitude  in  all  its  forms,  of  all  social  misery, 
mental  degradation  and  political  dependence. 

The  economical  emancipation  of  the  working  classes  is,  therefore,  the  great  end  to 
which  every  political  movement  ought  to  be  subordinate  as  a  means. 

All  efforts  aiming  at  that  great  end  have  hitherto  failed  from  want  of  solidarity  between 
the  manifold  divisions  of  labor  in  each  country,  and  from  the  absence  of  concerted  action 
between  the  workingmen  of  all  countries. 

The  emancipation  of  labor  is  neither  a  local  nor  a  national,  but  a  social  problem,  embrac- 
ing all  countries  in  which  modern  society  exists,  and . depending  for  its  solution  upon  the 
practical  and  theoretical  concurrence  and  cooperation  of  the  most  advanced  countries. 

For  these  reasons  the  Workingmen's  Party  of  the  United  States  has  been  founded.  It 
enters  into  proper  relations  and  connections  with  the  workingmen  of  other  countries. 

Whereas,  political  liberty  without  economical  freedom  is  but  an  empty  phrase  ;  therefore, 
we  will,  in  the  first  place,  direct  our  efforts  to  the  economical  question.  We  repudiate 
entirely  connection  with  all  political  parties  of  the  propertied  class  without  regard  to 
their  name.  We  demand  that  all  the  means  of  labor,  land,  machinery,  railroads,  telegraphs, 
canals,  etc.,  become  the  common  property  of  the  whole  people,  for  the  purpose  of  abolishing 
the  wage-system,  and  substituting  in  its  place  cooperative  production  with  a  just  distribution 
of  its  rewards. 

The  political  action  of  the  party  will  be  confined  generally  to  obtaining  legislative  acts  in 
the  interest  of  the  working  class  proper.  It  will  not  enter  into  a  political  campaign  before 
being  strong  enough  to  exercise  a  perceptible  influence,  and  then  in  the  first  place  locally  in 
the  towns  or  cities,  when  demands  of  purely  local  character  may  be  presented,  provided  they 
are  not  in  conflict  with  the  platform  and  principles  of  the  party.  We  work  for  organization 
of  the  trades-unions  upon  a  national  and  international  basis,  to  ameliorate  the  condition  of 
the  working  people  and  seek  to  spread  therein  the  above  principles.  The  Workingmen's 
Party  of  the  United  States  proposes  to  introduce  the  following  measures  as  a  means  to 
improve  the  condition  of  the  working  classes  : 

1.  Eight  hours'  work  for  the  present  as  a  normal  working  day,  and  legal  punishment  for 
all  violators. 

2.  Sanitary  inspection  of    all  conditions  of    labor,   means  of  subsistence  and  dwellings 
included. 

3.  Establishment  of  bureaus  of  labor  statistics  in  all  States  as  well  as  by  the  National 
Government,  the  officers  of  these  bureaus  to  be  taken  from  the  ranks  of  the  labor  organiza- 
tions and  elected  by  them. 

4.  Prohibition  of  the  use  of  prison  labor  by  private  employers. 

5.  Prohibitory  laws  against  the  employment  of  children  under  fourteen  years  of  age  in 
industrial  establishments. 

6.  Gratuitous  instruction  in  all  educational  institutions'. 

7.  Strict  laws  making  employers  liable  for  all  accidents  to  the  injury  of  their  employes. 

8.  Gratuitous  administration  of  justice  in  courts  of  law. 

9.  Abolition  of  all  conspiracy  laws. 

10.  Railroads,    telegraphs  and  all  means  of   transportation    to   be  taken  hold    of  and 
operated  by  the  Government. 

11.  All  industrial  enterprises  to  be  placed  under  the  control  of  the  Government  as  fast  as 
practicable    and   operated    by   free  cooperative   trades-unions  for   the   good   of    the  whole 
people. 

The  Constitution  of  the  "Workingmen's  Party  of  the  United  States" 
was  as  follows : 

The  affairs  of  the  party  shall  be  conducted  by  three  bodies:  i.  The  Congress.  2.  The 
Executive  Committee.  3.  The  Board  of  Supervision. 


THE  "  WORKWOMEN* S"   CONSTITUTION.  53 

ARTICLE  I.  THE  CONGRESS,  i.  At  least  every  two  years  a  Congress  shall  be  held,  com- 
posed of  the  delegates  from  the  different  sections  that  have  been  connected  with  the  party  at 
least  two  months  previously  and  complied  with  all  their  duties.  Sections  of  less  than  one 
hundred  members  shall  be  entitled  to  one  delegate  ;  from  one  hundred  to  two  hundred,  to  two 
delegates ;  and  one  more  delegate  for  each  additional  hundred. 

2.  No  suspended  section  shall  be  admitted  to  a  seat  before  the  Congress  has  examined 
and  passed  judgment  on  the  case.     It  shall,  however,  be  the  duty  of  every  Congress  to  put 
such  cases  on  the  order  of  business  and  dispose  of  them  immediately  after  the  election  of  its 
officers. 

3.  The  Congress  defines  and  establishes  the  political  position  of  the  party,  decides  finally 
on  all  differences  within  the  party,  appoints  time  and  place  of  next  Congress  and  designates 
the  seat  of  the  Executive  Committee  and  of  the  Board  of  Supervisors. 

4.  The  entire  expenses  of  Congress,   as  well  as  mileage   and  salaries  of   the  delegates, 
shall  be  paid  by  the  party  and  provided  for  by  a  special  tax  to  be  levied  six  weeks  before  the 
Congress  meets  before  the  year  1880 ;  however,   no  mileage  will  be  paid  beyond  the  36th 
degree  of  northern  latitude,  nor  beyond  the  sgth  degree  of  western  longitude. 

5.  All  propositions  and  motions  to  be  considered  and  acted  upon  by  Congress  shall  be 
communicated  to  all  sections  at  least  six  weeks  previously. 

ARTICLE  II.  THE  EXECUTIVE  COMMITTEE,  i.  The  Executive  Committee  shall  consist 
of  seven  members  and  shall  appoint  from  its  own  midst  one  corresponding  secretary,  one 
recording  secretary,  one  financial  secretary  and  one  treasurer.  The  Executive  Committee 
shall  be  elected  by  the  sections  of  the  place  designated  as  its  seat,  and  vacancies  shall  be 
filled  in  the  same  way. 

2.  The  Executive  Committee  shall  hold  office  from  one  Congress  to  the  ensuing  one. 

3.  The  duties  of  the  Executive  Committee  shall  be  to  execute  all  resolutions  of  Congress, 
and  to  see  that  they  are  strictly  observed  by  all  sections  and  members,   to  organize  and 
centralize  the  propaganda,  to  represent  the  organization  at  home  and  abroad,  to  entertain 
and  open  relations  with  the  workingmen's  parties  of  other  countries,  to  make  a  quarterly 
report  to  the  sections  concerning  the  status  of  the  organization  and  its  financial  position,  to 
make  all  necessary  preparations  for  the  Congress  as  well  as  a  detailed  report  on  all  party 
matters. 

4.  Right  and  Power  of  the  Executive  Committee.     The   Executive   Committee,   with   the 
concurrence  of  the  Board  of  Supervision,  may  refuse  to  admit  to  the  organization  individuals 
and  sections  as  well  as  suspend  members  and  sections  till  the  next  Congress  for  injuring  the 
party  interests.     In  case  of  urgency  the  Executive  Committee  may  make  suitable  proposi- 
tions, which  propositions  shall  become  binding,  if  approved  of  by  a  majority  of  the  members 
within  two  months.     The  Executive  Committee  has  the  right  to  establish  rules  and  regula- 
tions for  the  policy  to  be  observed  by  the  party  papers,  to  watch  their  course,  and  in  cases  of 
vacancies  to  appoint  editors  pro  tempore.     The  Executive  Committee  may  send  the  corre- 
sponding secretary  as  delegate  to  Congress  ;  the  delegate  will  have  no  vote  and  shall  be  pro- 
hibited from  accepting  any  other  credentials. 

5.  The  salary  of  the  party  officers  shall  be  fixed  by  the  Executive  Committee  with  the 
concurrence  of  the  Board  of  Supervision. 

6.  The  corresponding  secretary  shall  copy  all  documents  and  writings  issuing  from  the 
Executive  Committee,  place  on  file  all  communications  received,  and  keep  a  correct  record 
thereof.     He  shall  receive  a'  proper  salary. 

7.  The  financial  secretary  shall  keep  and  make  out  the  lists  of  sections  and  members, 
receive  and  record  all  money  and  hand  the  same  over  to  the  treasurer,  taking  his  voucher 
therefor. 

8.  The  treasurer  shall  receive  all  moneys  from  the  financial  secretary,  pay  bills  and  honor 
all  orders  of  the  Executive  Committee,  after  they  are  countersigned  by  the  corresponding 
secretary  and  one  more  member  of  the  Executive  Committee,  make  a  correct  report  on  the 


54  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

status  of  the  treasury  to  the  Executive  Committee  at  every  meeting  and  to  the  whole  organi- 
zation every  three  months,  and  give  security  in  the  amount  fixed  by  the  Executive  Committee. 
The  report  of  the  treasurer  must  be  examined  at  a  regular  session  of  the  Executive  Commit- 
tee and  indorsed  by  the  same. 

ARTICLE  III.  THE  BOARD  OF  SUPERVISION,  i.  The  Board  of  Supervision  shall  consist 
of  five  members,  to  hold  office  and  be  elected  in  the  same  way  as  the  Executive  Committee. 

2.  The  duties  of  the  Board  of  Supervision  shall  be  to  watch  over  the  action  of  the 
Executive  Committee  and  that  of  the  whole  party  ;  to  superintend  the  administration  and  the 
editorial  management  of  the  organs  of  the  party,  and  to  interfere  in  case  of  need  ;  to  adjust 
all  differences  occurring  in  the  party  within  four  weeks  after  receiving  the  necessary  evidence, 
subject  to  the  final  decision  of  the  Congress  ;  to  make  a  detailed  report  of  its  actions  to 
Congress. 

3.  In  case  of  any  urgency  the  Board  of  Supervision  may  suspend  officers  and  editors 
until  the  meeting  of  the  next  Congress,  such  suspension  to  be  submitted  at  once  to  a  general 
vote,  the  result  of  which  shall  be  made  known  within  four  weeks  thereafter. 

4.  The  Board  of  Supervision  is  entitled  to  send  one  delegate  to  the  Congress  under  the 
same  conditions  as  the  Executive  Committee. 

ARTICLE  IV.  SECTIONS.  Ten  persons  speaking  the  same  language  and  being  wage- 
workers  shall  be  entitled  to  form  a  section,  provided  they  acknowledge  the  principles,  statutes 
and  Congress  resolutions  and  belong  to  no  political  party  of  the  propertied  classes.  They 
shall  demand  admission  from  the  Executive  Committee  by  transmitting  the  dues  for  the  cur- 
rent month,  and  their  list  of  members,  their  letter  to  contain  the  names,  residences  and 
trade  of  members,  and  to  show  their  conditions  as  wage-laborers.  At  least  three-fourths 
of  the  members  of  a  section  must  be  wage-laborers.  There  shall  be  no  more  than  one  sec- 
tion of  the  same  language  in  one  place,  which  meet  at  different  parts  of  the  town  or  city  for 
the  purpose  of  an  active  propaganda.  Business  meetings  shall  be  held  once  a  month. 
Each  section  is  responsible  for  the  integrity  of  its  members.  Each  section  is  required  to 
make  a  monthly  report  to  the  Executive  Committee  concerning  its  activity,  membership  and 
financial  situation,  to  entertain  friendly  relations  with  the  trades-unions  and  to  promote  their 
formation,  to  hold  regular  meetings  at  least  once  every  week,  and  to  direct  its  efforts  exclusively 
to  the  organization,  enlightening  and  emancipating  the  working  classes.  No  section  shall  take 
part  in  political  movements  without  the  consent  of  the  Executive  Committee.  Five  sections 
of  different  localities  shall  be  entitled  to  call  for  the  convention  of  an  extraordinary  Congress, 
such  Congress  to  be  convened  if  a  majority  of  the  sections  decides  in  its  favor. 

ARTICLE  V.  DUES  AND  CONTRIBUTIONS.  A  monthly  due  of  five  cents  for  each  member 
shall  be  transmitted  to  the  Executive  Committee  to  meet  the  expenses  of  the  propaganda  and 
administration.  In  case  of  need,  and  with  the  consent  of  the  Board  of  Supervision,  the 
Executive  Committee  is  empowered  to  levy  an  extraordinary  tax. 

ARTICLE  VI.  GENERAL  REGULATIONS.  All  officers,  committees,  boards,  etc.,  shall  be 
chosen  by  a  majority  vote.  No  member  of  the  organization  shall  hold  more  than  one  office 
at  the  same  time.  All  officers,  authorities,  committees,  boards,  etc.,  of  the  organization, 
may  be  dismissed  or  removed  at  any  time  by  a  general  vote  of  their  constituencies,  and  such 
general  vote  shall  be  taken  within  one  month  from  the  date  of  the  motion  to  this  effect ; 
provided,  however,  that  said  motion  be  seconded  by  not  less  than  one-third  of  the  respective 
constituents.  Expulsion  from  one  section  shall  be  valid  for  the  whole  organization  if 
approved  by  the  Executive  Committee  and  the  Board  of  Supervision. 

All  members  of  the  organization,  by  the  adoption  of  this  constitution,  take  upon  themselves 
the  duty  to  assist  each  other  morally  and  materially  in  case  of  need. 

The  Congress  alone  has  the  right  of  amending,  altering  or  adding  to  this  constitution, 
subject  to  a  general  vote  of  all  sections,  the  result  of  which  is  to  be  communicated  to  the 
Executive  Committee  within  four  weeks. 


THE   "WORKINGMEWS"  PRESS.  55 

ARTICLE  VII.  LOCAL  STATUTES.  Each  section  shall  chose  from  its  ranks  one  organizer, 
one  corresponding  and  recording  secretary,  one  financial  secretary,  one  treasurer  and  two 
members  of  an  auditing  committee.  All  these  officers  shall  be  elected  for  six  months,  and 
the  Executive  Committee  shall  take  timely  measures  to  make  the  election  of  newly  formed 
sections  correspond  with  the  general  election  of  the  whole  party.  The  organizer  conducts 
the  local  propaganda  and  is  responsible  to  the  section. 

The  organizers  of  the  various  sections  of  one  locality  shall  be  in  constant  communication 
with  each  other  in  order  to  secure  concerted  action.  The  secretary  is  charged  with  the 
minutes  and  the  correspondence.  The  financial  secretary  shall  keep  and  make  out  the  list 
of  members,  sign  the  cards  of  membership,  collect  the  dues,  hand  them  over  to  the  treasurer 
and  correctly  enter  them.  The  treasurer  shall  receive  all  moneys  from  the  financial  secre- 
tary and  hold  them  subject  to  the  order  of  the  section.  The  auditing  committee  shall  super- 
intend all  books  and  the  general  management  of  the  affairs,  and  audit  bills.  All  officers 
shall  make  monthly  reports  to  the  section.  A  chairman  is  elected  in  every  meeting  for  main- 
taining the  usual  parliamentary  order. 

The  monthly  dues  of  each  member  shall  be  no  less  than  ten  cents,  five  cents  of  which 
shall  be  paid  to  the  Executive  Committee.  Members  being  in  arrears  for  three  consecutive 
months  shall  be  suspended  until  fulfilling  their  duties,  always  excepted  those  who  are  sick  or 
out  of  work.  Persons  not  belonging  to  the  wages-class  can  only  be  admitted  in  a  regular 
business  meeting  by  a  two-thirds  vote.  The  result  of  every  election  within  the  section  must 
be  at  once  communicated  to  the  Executive  Committee. 

Regulations  concerning  the  Press  of  the  Workingmen's  Party  of  the  United  States. — The 
Labor  Standard  of  New  York,  the  Ar 'better- Stimme  of  New  York  and  the  Vorbote  of 
Chicago  are  recognized  as  the  organs  and  property  of  the  party.  The  organs  of  the  party 
shall  represent  the  interest  of  labor,  awaken  and  arouse  class  feelings  amongst  the  working- 
men,  promote  their  organization  as  well  as  the  trades-union  movement,  and  spread  econom- 
ical knowledge  amongst  them.  The  editorial  management  of  each  one  of  the  papers  of  the 
party  shall  be  intrusted  to  an  editor  appointed  by  Congress  or  by  the  Executive  Committee 
and  the  Board  of  Supervision  jointly,  the  editor  to  receive  an  appropriate  salary.  Whenever 
needed,  assistant  editors  shall  be  appointed  by  the  Executive  Committee  with  the  advice  and 
consent  of  the  chief  editor.  The  chief  editor  is  responsible  for  the  contents  of  the  paper 
and  is  to  be  guided  in  matters  of  principle  by  the  declarations  of  principles  of  the  party ;  in 
technical  and  formal  matters  by  the  regulations  of  the  Executive  Committee.  Whenever 
refusing  to  insert  a  communication  from  a  member  of  the  organization,  the  editor  is  to  make 
it  known  to  the  writer  thereof,  directly  or  by  an  editorial  notice,  when  an  appeal  can  be  taken 
to  the  Executive  Committee.  The  editor  shall  observe  strict  neutrality  toward  differences 
arising  within  the  party  till  the  Board  of  Supervision  and  the  Congress  have  given  their  decis- 
ion. For  each  one  of  the  three  party  papers  there  shall  be  elected  at  their  respective  places 
of  publication  a  council  of  administration  of  five  members,  who,  jointly  with  the  Executive 
Committee,  shall  appoint  and  remove  the  business  manager  and  his  assistants.  The  council 
of  administration  shall  be  chosen  for  one  year  in  the  first  week  of  August  of  each  year.  The 
council  of  administration  shall  establish  rules  for  the  business  management,  superintend  the 
same,  investigate  all  complaints  concerning  the  business  management,  redress  all  grievances, 
pay  their  weekly  salaries  to  the  editors  and  managers,  and  make  a  full  report  of  the  status 
of  the  paper  every  three  months  to  all  sections  by  a  circular.  The  manager  is  bound  to  mail 
punctually  and  address  correctly  the  papers  ;  he  shall  receive  all  moneys,  book  them  and  hand 
them  over  to  the  treasurer  of  the  council  of  administration,  and  he  shall  keep  the  office  of 
the  paper  in  good  order  ,  his  salary  shall  be  fixed  by  the  Congress  or  by  the  Executive  Com- 
mittee. All  sums  over  and  above  the  amount  of  the  security  shall  be  deposited  in  a  bank  by 
the  council  of  administration.  The  receipts  of  all  moneys  from  without  shall  be  published 
in  the  paper. 


56  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

The  treasurer  of  the  council  of  administration  and  the  manager  shall  give  security  to 
the  council  of  administration  in  the  amount  fixed  by  the  Executive  Committee.  The 
chief  editor's  salary  shall  be  from  $15  to  $20  per  week.  All  complaints  against  the  edito- 
rial management  shall  in  the  first  place  be  put  before  the  Executive  Committee,  in  the 
second  place  before  the  Board  of  Supervision.  All  complaints  against  the  busines  manage- 
ment shall  be  first  referred  to  the  council  of  administration,  in  the  second  place  to  the 
Board  of  Supervision.  The  sections  are  responsible  for  the  financial  liabilities  of  the 
newspaper  agents  appointed  by  them.  The  Congress  alone  can  alter,  amend  or  add  to 
these  regulations. 

The  spring  of  1876  found  the  local  party  in  a  quiescent  state  as  regards 
active  participation  in  politics,  but  they  did  not  abandon  their  meetings. 
The  First  Regiment  of  the  National  Guard  at  this  period  had  assumed 
goodly  proportions,  and  it  naturally  came  in  for  a  good  deal  of  attention  at 
the  hands  of  the  speakers.  They  never  failed  to  denounce  it ;  but,  to  cover 
their  own  sinister  designs  and  lull  others  to  a  sense  of  security,  they  invari- 
ably declared  that  the  Communists  intended  no  war.  They  continued  their 
"vacant-lot"  oratory  and  in  every  way  sought  to  increase  the  number  of 
their  party  adherents. 

Toward  the  end  of  July,  1876,  a  Union  Congress  was  held  in  Philadel- 
phia, and  these  new  declarations  of  principles  were  formulated  : 

The  Union  Congress  of  the  Workingmen's  Party  of  the  United  States  declares :  The 
emancipation  of  labor  is  a  social  problem  concerning  the  whole  human  race  and  embracing 
all  sexes.  The  emancipation  of  women  will  be  accomplished  with  the  emancipation  of  men, 
and  the  so-called  woman's  rights  question  will  be  solved  with  the  labor  question.  All  evils 
and  wrongs  of  the  present  society  can  be  abolished  only  when  economical  freedom  is  gained 
for  men  as  well  as  for  women.  It  is  the  duty,  therefore,  of  the  wives  and  daughters  of  the 
workingmen  to  organize  themselves  and  take  their  places  within  the  ranks  of  struggling  labor. 
To  aid  and  support  them  in  this  work  is  the  duty  of  men.  By  uniting  their  efforts  they  will 
succeed  in  breaking  the  economical  fetters,  and  a  new  and  free  race  of  men  and  women  will 
arise,  recognizing  each  other  as  peers.  We  acknowledge  the  perfect  equality  of  rights  of  both 
sexes,  and  in  the  Workingmen's  Party  of  the  United  States  this  equality  of  rights  is  a  prin- 
ciple and  is  strictly  observed. 

The  Ballot-box. — Considering  that  the  economical  emancipation  of  the  working  classes  is 
the  great  end,  to  which  every  political  movement  ought  to  be  subordinate  as  a  means ;  con- 
sidering that  the  Workingmen's  Party  of  the  United  States  in  the  first  place  directs  its  efforts 
to  the  economical  struggle ;  considering  that  only  in  the  economical  arena  the  combatants  for 
the  Workingmen's  Party  can  be  trained  and  disciplined ;  considering  that  in  this  country  the 
ballot-box  has  long  ago  ceased  to  record  the  popular  will,  and  only  serves  to  falsify  the  same 
in  the  hands  of  professional  politicians ;  considering  that  the  organization  of  the  working 
people  is  not  yet  far  enough  developed  to  overthrow  at  once  this  state  of  corruption ;  con- 
sidering that  this  middle  class  republic  has  produced  an  enormous  amount  of  small  reformers 
and  quacks,  the  intruding  of  whom  will  only  be  facilitated  by  a  political  movement  of  the 
Workingmen's  Party  of  the  United  States  and  considering  that  the  corruption  and  misappli- 
cation of  the  ballot-box,  as  well  as  the  silly  reform  movements,  flourish  most  in  years  of  Presi- 
dential elections,  at  such  times  greatly  endangering  the  organization  of  workingmen :  For 
these  reasons  the  Union  Congress,  meeting  at  Philadelphia  in  July,  1876,  resolves: 

The  sections  of  this  party  as  well  as  all  workingmen  in  general  are  earnestly  invited  to 
abstain  from  all  political  movements  for  the  present  and  to  turn  their  back  on  the  ballot-box. 
The  workingmen  will  thus  save  themselves  bitter  disappointments,  and  their  time  and  efforts 


58  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

will  be  directed  far  better  towards  their  own  organization,  which  is  frequently  destroyed  and 
always  injured  by  a  hasty  political  movement. 

Let  us  bide  our  time  !     It  will  come. 

Party  Government. —  Chicago  shall  be  the  seat  of  the  Executive  Committee  for  the 
ensuing  term  ;  New  Haven,  the  seat  of  the  Board  of  Supervision. 

The  Next  Congress. — The  Executive  Committee,  in  connection  with  the  Board  of  Super- 
vision, shall  select  a  place  for  holding  the  next  Congress  in  the  following  named  cities : 
Chicago,  111.  ;  Newark,  N.  J.  ;  Boston,  Mass.  The  end  of  August  shall  be  the  time  for  the 
meeting  of  the  next  Congress,  and  the  Executive  Committee  jointly  with  the  Board  of  Super- 
vision shall  decide  whether  the  next  Congress  shall  be  held  in  1877  or  1878. 

7'he  Party  Press. — As  editor  of  the  Labor  Standard,  J.  P.  McDonnell  is  appointed  at  a 
salary  of  $15  per  week  ;  at  least  one  member  of  Typographical  Union  No.  6  shall  be  employed 
as  a  compositor.  As  editor  of  the  Arbeiler-Stinune  Dr.  A.  Otto  Walster  is  appointed  at  a 
salary  of  $i 8  per  week ;  the  paper  is  to  be  enlarged  in  a  proper  way  in  October  next.  As 
editor  of  the  Vorbote  C.  Conzett  is  appointed  at  a  salary  of  $18  per  week.  In  consideration 
of  the  claim  of  C.  Conzett  upon  the  paper  for  past  services  it  is  resolved  that  after  a  thorough 
investigation  of  the  books  the  Executive  Committee  shall  give  to  C.  Conzett  a  promissory 
note  for  an  amount  not  exceeding  the  sum  of  $1,430;  for  payment  of  this  note  two-thirds  of 
the  net  gains  made  by  party  festivities  in  Chicago  and  the  whole  of  the  gain  resulting  from  a 
general  New  Year's  festivity  in  the  year  1876  shall  be  appropriated.  Stock  and  assets  to  pass 
into  the  hands  of  the  party.  A  co-operative  printing  association  like  the  one  in  New  York 
shall  be  formed  in  Chicago,  which  shall  publish  the  Vorbote  at  cost  price,  adding  the  usual 
percentage  of  wear  and  tear,  and  which  shall  buy  the  stock  for  not  less  than  $600.  A  diminu- 
tion of  the  size  of  the  Vorbote  is  proposed,  and  Conzett  is  empowered  to  act  in  this  matter 
with  due  regard  to  the  interests  of  the  party.  I5r.  A.  Douai  is  appointed  assistant  editor  of 
all  three  papers.  It  is  also  resolved  to  employ  the  late  editor  of  the  English  paper  as  assist- 
ant editor  for  numbers  18  and  19  of  the  Labor  Standard  and  pay  him  his  usual  salary  of  $12 
per  week  for  two  weeks  more.  It  is  resolved  to  levy  an  extraordinary  tax  of  ten  cents  per 
member,  and  to  continue  said  extraordinary  tax  every  three  months  until  all  liabilities  of  the 
party  shall  be  paid.  All  sections  are  invited  to  hold  festivities  in  honor  of  the  Union,  now 
accomplished,  and  to  devote  the  proceeds  of  these  festivities  to  aid  the  press  of  the  party  and 
to  pay  the  extraordinary  taxes. 

It  was  further  resolved  that  "no  local  paper  shall  be  founded  without 
the  consent  of  the  Executive  Committee  and  the  Board  of  Supervision."  It 
was  resolved  to  place  the  agencies  of  all  foreign  publications  in  the  hands 
of  the  party.  After  having  come  to  an  understanding  with  the  various 
publishers  of  labor  papers  in  other  countries,  a  central  depot  was  to  be 
established.  The  two  councils  of  administration  of  the  party  organs  in 
New  York  were  charged  with  making  the  necessary  preparations  for  open- 
ing the  central  depot  on  the  first  day  of  October  in  New  York.  It  was  also 
recommended  to  the  party  authorities  to  publish  labor  pamphlets  adapted 
to  the  conditions  of  this  country. 

Decisions  of  the  Executive  Committee. — In  order  to  insure  the  collection  of  the  extra  tax 
of  ten  cents  per  quarter,  levied  by  the  Congress,  the  moneys  sent  in  for  dues  will  be  credited 
to  the  extra  tax  account  for  the  preceding  quarter  year,  should  such  delinquencies  occur. 
Any  section  in  arrears  for  three  months  will  be  notified,  and  if  within  one  month  thereafter 
the  section  has  not  restored  its  good  standing,  it  will  be  declared  defunct.  Where  sections 
cannot  appoint  their  own  newspaper  agent  from  among  the  members,  they  may  appoint  any 
person  as  their  agent,  but  such  agent  must  be  personally  responsible.  Where  sections  fail 


THREA  TS  OF  CONFLICT.  59 

to  report  gain  or  loss  of  members,  they  will  be  charged  for  dues  and  extra  tax,  according  to 
the  number  of  members  enrolled  at  the  last  report.  Every  section  shall  be  judge  of  its  own 
members,  but  no  expulsion  from  the  whole  party  can  be  effected  except  as  provided  for  by 
the  constitution.  No  person  can  be  a  member  of  two  sections  at  the  same  time. 

Amendments  to  the  Constitution. — Paragraph  3,  division  4,  under  "Sections."  First  amend- 
ment, adopted  December  i6th  by  a  general  election  :  In  addition  to  one  section  (composed 
of  men  of  each  language  of  any  locality)  there  may  also  be  organized  one  section  of  women 
under  the  same  regulations  as  the  others.  Second  amendment,  adopted  July  15:  Article  i, 
paragraph  4,  is  amended  to  read  :  "For  the  Congress  to  be  held  in  the  year  1887,  the  ex- 
penses of  each  delegate  will  be  borne  by  the  section  or  sections  represented  by  him." 

During  the  winter  of  1876  the  excitement  on  the  possible  outcome  of  the 
national  election  prostrated  business  throughout  the  country.  There  were 
even  rumors  and  threats  of  bloody  conflict.  Capital  naturally  hesitated,  and 
investments  were  confined  to  projects  in  which  there  was  no  element  of 
chance  and  for  which  the  returns  were  measurably  certain.  The  Socialists 
of  Chicago  sought  in  every  possible  way  to  make  the  most  of  the  situation 
by  inflaming  the  minds  of  the  unemployed  against  capital,  and  labored  to 
secure  proselytes  by  urging  that  such  a  state  of  affairs  could  never  exist 
under  Socialism.  Meetings  were  held  wherever  either  a  hall  or  a  vacant  lot 
could  be  secured.  A.  R.  Parsons,  Philip  Van  Patten,  George  A.  Schil- 
ling, T.  J.  Morgan  and  Ben  Sibley,  who  had  hitherto  figured  only  before 
small  street  crowds,  now  became  prominent  as. speakers  at  large  gatherings, 
and  their  harangues  proved  that  they  were  apt  students  in  the  Socialistic 
school,  and  ready  expounders  of  the  proposed  new  social  system. 

The  Legislature  of  Illinois  was  in  session  at  the  time  under  review,  and 
in  March,  1877,  the  Socialist  leaders  entered  into  a  discussion  of  the  neces- 
sity of  forcing  that  body  to  pass  the  bills  then  pending  before  it  with  refer- 
ence to  the  establishment  of  a  bureau  of  statistics  on  wages  and  earnings, 
cost  and  manner  of  living,  fatal  accidents  in  each  branch  of  labor  and  their 
causes,  cooperation,  hours  of  labor,  etc.,  and  for  the  collection  of  wages. 
They  urged  that  the  laboring  classes  should  demand  these  measures  and  in- 
sisted that  the  "boss  classes,  the  capitalistic  classes,  the  aristocrats,  who 
lived  in  riot  and  luxury  on  the  fruit  which  labor  had  tilled  and  ought  to  en- 
joy," should  not  stand  in  the  way  of  their  passage.  Time  and  again  they 
rang  the  various  changes  on  the  "iniquity  and  inequalities  of  the  present 
social  system,"  and  fairly  howled  themselves  hoarse  in  declaring  that  "  the 
Labor  party  was  organized  not  only  to  destroy  that  system,  but  to  secure  a 
division  of  property,  which  Socialism  demanded  and  was  determined  to 
have." 

Early  in  July,  1877,  the  firemen  and  brakemen  of  the  Baltimore  and 
Ohio  Railroad  began  a  strike  at  Baltimore  against  a  reduction  of  wages. 
This  strike  soon  reached  Martinsburg,  W.  Va.,  and  caused  an  immense 
blockade  of  freight  traffic.  The  strikers  finally  grew  so  riotous  that  the 
local  authorities  were  powerless,  and  President  Hayes,  being  appealed  to  by 


60  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

the  Governor  of  Maryland,  issued  a  proclamation.  United  States  troops 
were  at  the  same  time  dispatched  from  Washington  and  Fort  McHenry  to 
the  scene  of  disturbances,  and  order  was  finally  brought  out  of  chaos. 

Following  close  upon  the  heels  of  this  strike  came  one  on  the  Pennsyl- 
vania Railroad  at  Pittsburg,  against  an  order  doubling  up  trains  and  thus 
dispensing  with  a  large  number  of  employes.  The  railroad  people,  in 
explanation  of  their  action,  showed  that  during  June  preceding  not  only  had 
there  been  a  great  depreciation  of  railroad  stocks,  but  a  shrinkage  in  the 
value  of  railroad  property  from  20  to  70  per  cent.,  caused  by  a  great  falling- 
off  in  business.  It  is  needless  for  the  purpose  of  this  chapter  to  recount 
the  wild  scenes  of  riot  and  bloodshed  that  ensued  at  Pittsburg,  when  troops 
numbering  two  thousand,  sent  from  Philadelphia,  engaged  in  deadly  con- 
flict with  the  unbridled  mob  and  when  millions  of  dollars'  worth  of  property 
was  destroyed  by  the  incendiary  torch. 

While  this  carnival  of  fire,  death  and  bloodshed  still  startled  the  world, 
a  strike  broke  out  in  Chicago  among  railroad  men.  While  the  strikers 
here  sought  to  contend  in  an  orderly  manner  against  their  employers,  the 
same  element  which  had  inspired  and  carried  out  deeds  of  violence  in  the 
East — the  Communists  —  were  not  slow  to  seize  upon  the  opportunity  in 
Chicago  to  .widen  the  breach  between  capital  and  labor.  Threats  and  riot- 
ous demonstrations  were  their  weapons.  They  virtually  took  possession  of 
all  the  large  manufacturing  establishments  in  the  city,  and  by  intimidation 
and  force  compelled  men  willing  to  work  and  satisfied  with  their  wages  to 
join  their  howling  mobs.  Not  alone  did  they  succeed  in  stopping  freight 
traffic,  but  they  clogged  the  wheels  of  industry  in  the  principal  factories  and 
shops  of  the  city.  The  leaders  were  active  during  the  day  directing  the 
riotous  movements  of  their  followers,  and  at  night  they  assembled  to  devise 
methods  to  increase  the  general  turmeil.  Their  headquarters  were  at  No. 
131  Milwaukee  Avenue,  and  here  all-night  sessions  were  sometimes  held. 
Proclamations  were  frequently  sent  out  to  workingmen,  urging  them  to 
stand  firmly  in  defense  of  their  rights. 

The  leading  spirits  at  this  time  were  Philip  Van  Patten,  now  of  Cincin- 
nati, J.  H.  White,  J.  Paulsen  and  Charles  Erickson,  who  constituted  the 
executive  committee  of  the  Workingmen's  Party,  and  A.  R.  Parsons  and 
George  Schilling. 

Some  of  the  meetings  referred  to  were  quite  stormy  in  character. 
Threats  were  made  to  "clean  out"  the  police,  and  some  speakers  advised 
attacks  on  the  guardians  of  the  peace  with  stones,  bricks  and  revolvers.  The 
leaders  were  too  cautious,  however,  to  advise  anything  of  the  kind  in  their 
public  declarations.  Violence  was  reserved  for  the  mobs  on  the  inspiration 
of  the  moment,  or  at  the  instigation  of  trusted  adherents  at  the  proper  time. 

That  such  were  their  intentions  is  apparent  from  a  statement  of  one  of 
the  members,  who  said  : 


THE  RIOTS  OF  1877.  61 

"To-morrow  Chicago  will  see  a  big  day,  and  no  one  can  predict  what 
will  be  the  end  of  this  contest." 

Sure  enough,  on  the  day  following  —  the  25th  of  July  —  a  conflict 
ensued  between  the  police  and  strong  mobs  at  the  Halsted  Street  Viaduct 
and  elsewhere,  in  which  several  of  the  rioters  were  injured.  On  the  day 
following,  the  riots  reached  their  culminating  point,  and  between  the 
police,  infantry  and  cavalry  the  Communistic  element  were  driven  to  their 
holes  with  many  killed  and  wounded.  That  effectually  terminated  the 
reign  of  riot,  and  the  city  resumed  its  normal  condition.  The  trouble  in 
the  East  also  subsided  about  the  same  time. 

The  Communists,  after  this  severe  lesson,  remained  dormant  for  some 
months.  Evidently  they  saw  that  the  time  had  not  arrived  for  the  com- 
mencement of  that  revolution  which  they  had  at  heart.  In  the  fall  of  1877 
they  seem  to  have  reached  the  conclusion  that  they  would  exchange  the  art 
of  war  for  arts  political.  Accordingly,  in  October  they  were  again  to  be 
found  on  the  campaign  stump  —  for  the  first  time  since  1874.  There  were 
then  four  parties  in  the  field, — Democrats,  Republicans,  Industrials  and 
Greenbackers, —  and  this  situation  may  have  suggested  a  chance  for  the  suc- 
cess of  their  ticket  or  an  opportunity  to  secure  concessions  from  the  dom- 
inant parties  that  would  result  to  their  advantage.  C.  J.  Dixon  was  then 
chairman  of  the  "Industrial  Party."  This  party  claimed  to  seek  redress 
for  the  grievances  of  workingmen  without  resorting  to  destruction  of  society 
or  government,  and  if  it  had  denied  affiliation  with  the  Socialists  it  might 
have  become  a  factor  in  politics.  It  may  be  stated  that  for  a  time  after  the 
election  Dixon  held  to  his  principles,  but,  a  few  years  Tater  became  a  repre- 
sentative in  the  Legislature  of  the  Communistic  element. 

The  outcome  of  the  political  agitation  of  the  Socialists  that  fall  was  the 
nomination  of  the  following  ticket :  For  County  Treasurer,  Frank  A.  Stau- 
ber ;  County  Clerk,  A.  R.  Parsons ;  Probate  Clerk,  Philip  Van  Patten ; 
Clerk  of  the  Criminal  Court,  Tim  O'Meara;  Superintendent  of  Schools, 
John  McAuliff ;  County  Commissioners,  W.  A.  Barr,  Samuel  Goldwater, 
T.  J.  Morgan,  Max  Nisler  and  L.  Thorsmark.  For  Judge,  John  A.  Jameson, 
then  on  the  bench,  was  indorsed,  and  Julius  Rosenthal  —  not  a  Socialist  — 
was  nominated  for  Judge  of  the  Probate  Court.  The  election  held  on  the 
8th  of  November  showed  some  gains  for  the  party.  Omitting  the  "Indus- 
trials" which  were  swallowed  up  by  the  other  parties  in  the  way  of  "elec- 
tion trades,"  the  Socialists  secured  a  vote  of  6,592  in  the  contest  for  the 
County  Treasurership,  while  McCrea,  Republican,  polled  a  vote  of  22,423  ; 
Lynch,  Democrat,  18,388,  and  Hammond,  Greenbacker,  769. 

In  1878  a  session  of  the  Congress  was  again  held,  and  then  it  was  decided 
to  change  the  name  of  the  "  Workingmen's  Party  of  the  United  States  "  to 
the  "Socialistic  Labor  Party,"  and  it  was  also  resolved  to  "use  the  ballot- 
box  as  a  means  for  the  elevation  of  working  people"  and  for  "electing  men 


62  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

from  their  own  ranks  to  the  halls  of  legislation  and  to  the  municipal  govern- 
ment." 

The  different  wards  of  Chicago  were  subsequently  organized  into  ward 
clubs,  each  with  a  captain  and  secretary  as  permanent  officers  for  a  year. 
It  was  made  the  duty  of  the  captain  of  a  ward  to  find  halls  for  public  meet- 
ings and  to  report  to  the  central  committee.  He  was  to  open  the  meetings 
in  his  ward  and  see  that  a  chairman  was  chosen  from  among  those  attend- 
ing. The  duty  of.  the  secretary  was  to  issue  cards  of  membership  to  new 
members,  to  collect  monthly  dues  of  ten  cents  from  each  member,  and  to 
receipt  for  the  same  on  the  back  of  the  cards  ;  he  was  also  to  keep  minutes 
of  the  meetings  and  have  them  published  in  the  party  papers.  The  captain 
was  authorized  to  appoint  a  precinct  captain  for  every  precinct  in  his  ward, 
whose  duty  it  was  to  control  the  distribution  of  tickets  at  elections.  The 
precinct  captain  was  also  directed  to  appoint  lieutenants  in  his  precinct, 
one  for  each  block  if  possible,  to  assist  him  in  the  work  of  agitation  and  the 
distribution  of  tickets. 

Under  the  plans  formulated  by  the  Socialistic  Congress  a  central  commit- 
tee was  again  organized  in  the  city  of  Chicago.  It  was  composed  of  a 
chairman,  a  secretary  and  a  treasurer,  who  were  elected  by  a  joint  meeting 
of  the  different  sections  every  six  mqpths.  In  1878  there  were  four  sections 
in  Chicago — one  German,  one  English,  one  French  and  one  Scandinavian. 
The  German  section  had  the  largest  number  of  members,  between  three 
and  four  hundred,  and  was  steadily  gaining.  The  English  section  num- 
bered only  about  one  hundred  and  fifty.  The  Scandinavian  branch  had 
about  an  equal  number.  The  French  only  mustered  fifty  members.  Dur- 
ing a  campaign  the  ward  captains  were  made  members  of  the  central 
committee.  They  were  charged  with  the  duty  of  reporting  the  progress  of 
the  ward  clubs,  notifying  the  committee  where  halls  had  been  rented  and 
indicating  what  speakers  were  needed.  It  was  the  duty  of  the  central 
committee  to  advertise  all  club  meetings,  pay  for  the  halls  rented  when  the 
clubs  could  not  pay,  and  settle  all  bills  and  expenses  incident  to  an  election. 
The  committee  was  the  only  body  authorized  to  order  the  printing  of  tickets, 
and  for  all  their  acts  they  were  held  responsible  to  the  "Socialistic  Labor 
Party."  The  money  needed  to  defray  expenses  was  raised  mostly  through 
subscriptions  and  collections  in  the  various  clubs.  The  meetings  of  the 
committee  were  conducted  openly.  Representatives  of  the  press  were  per- 
mitted to  be  present  if  at  any  prior  meeting  they  had  not  purposely  dis- 
torted the  proceedings.  During  the  years  1878  and  1879  the  meetings  of 
the  committee  were  generally  held  in  a  hall  on  the  second  floor  of  No.  7 
South  Clark  Street. 

With  an  organization  thus  perfected  under  the  plan  of  the  Socialistic 
Congress,  the  Socialists  felt  themselves  in  condition  to  cope  with  the  other 
parties.  They  saw  in  the  vote  of  1877  a  chance  for  seating  some  of  their 


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64  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

members  in  the  City  Council,  and  set  out  to  talk  politics  at  all  their  gather- 
ings for  the  spring  of  1878.  On  the  I5th  of  March  of  that  year  they  held  a 
convention  at  No.  45  North  Clark  Street,  and  put  up  a  ticket  for  Aldermen 
in  all  the  wards  except  the  Eleventh  and  Eighteenth,  and  for  the  various 
town  offices  in  the  three  divisions  of  Chicago.  Inasmuch  as  the  "old 
timber"  was  worked  over  for  these  various  offices,  it  is  needless  to  repeat 
names.  Their  platform  reiterated  the  demands  made  in  the  first  declaration 
of  principles,  and,  in  addition,  asked  for  the  establishment  of  public  baths 
in  each  division  of  the  city ;  extension  of  the  school  system ;  annulment  of 
the  gas  and  street-car  companies'  charters,  the  same  to  be  operated  by  the 
city  after  payment  to  the  owners  of  principal  and  interest  on  moneys  actually 
invested,  out  of  the  profits  ;  prompt  payment  of  taxes,  and  employment  for 
all  residents  of  the  city  that  needed  it. 

During  the  campaign  incident  to  the  election,  Paul  Grottkau,  then  a 
recent  arrival  from  Berlin,  proved  a  conspicuous  figure  and  made  a  number 
of  stirring  appeals.  He  expounded  the  principles  of  Socialism  and  invari- 
ably  wound  up  by  characterizing  the  members  of  the  Democratic  an<A 
Republican  parties  as  "liars  and  horse-thieves."  Through  his  Active  par- 
ticipation in  the  Socialistic  movement  in  Chicago  Grottkau  became  editor  of 
the  Arbeiter-Zeitung,  but,  fortunately  for  himself,  was  displaced  in  1880  by 
August  Spies. 

The  election  of  April,  1878,  resulted  in  placing  one  member  in  the  City 
Council  —  Stauber,  from  the  Fourteenth  Ward. 

This  was  the  first  political  victory  the  Socialists  had  achieved  in  the  city, 
and,  having  noticed  a  small  but  steady  increase  in  their  voting  force,  they 
proceeded  to  organize  and  agitate  more  diligently  than  ever  before  in  a 
political  way.  Meanwhile  they  saw  the  growing  strength  of  the  State 
militia,  and  as  an  offset  to  the  organization  of  the  various  military  com- 
panies in  Chicago  they  determined  to  raise  and  equip  companies  from 
their  own  ranks.  They  had  begun  in  a  quiet  way  to  start  the  nucleus  of 
military  companies  some  time  after  the  First  Regiment  had  been  organized, 
but  it  was  not  until  1878  that  it  became  generally  known  that  they  had  men 
armed  and  drilled  in  military  tactics,  to  be  marshaled  against  society  upon 
a  favorable  opportunity.  In  the  early  part  of  1878  the  very  flower  and 
strength  of  their  military  was  the  Lehr  und  Wehr  Verein,  composed  of 
picked  men  and  veterans  who  had  been  baptized  with  fire  on  European 
battlefields.  Its  strength  was  variously  estimated  at  from  four  to  six 
thousand,  but  it  never  exceeded  four  hundred  members.  The  "Jaeger 
Verein,"  the  "Bohemian  Sharpshooters"  and  the  "Labor  Guard  of  ths 
Fifth  Ward,"  each  with  no  more  than  fifty  members,  were  auxiliary  organ- 
izations and  composed  mainly  of  raw  recruits.  Their  instruction  in  the 
manual  of  arms  was  mainly  given  by  Major  Presser,  a  trained  and  skilled 
European  tactician. 


SOCIALISTIC  NEWSPAPERS.  65 

Meantime  the  party  had  been  greatly  strengthened  by  the  aid  of  news- 
papers printed  in  its  interest.  In  1874,  Die  Volks-Zeitung\&&  been  started 
by  a  stock  company  called  the  Social-Democratic  Printing  Association. 
This  paper  was  published  at  No.  94  South  Market  Street,  with  Mr.  Brucker 
as  editor.  Shortly  thereafter,  the  Vorbote,  a  weekly  paper,  was  started 
under  the  auspices  of  the  Workingmen's  Party  at  the  same  number.  C. 
Conzett,  formerly  a  resident  of  Berne,  Switzerland,  became  its  editor.  He 
subsequently  bought  out  the  Volks-Zeitung  and  thereafter  published  a  tri- 
weekly paper  under  the  name  of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung,  which  became  a 
private  enterprise  in  the  interest  of  workingmen.  His  assistant  editor  was 
Gustav  Leiser.  They  made  the  paper  an  advocate  of  revolutionary 
methods  and  urged  the  organization  of  trades-unions.  They  encouraged 
strikes  and  held  that  only  through  such  means  could  workingmen  secure 
their  rights.  They  published  without  charge  all  grievances  of  laboring 
men  on  the  score  of  non-payment  of  wages  and  abuses  of  manufacturing 
concerns,  but  each  article  had  the  full  name  of  the  writer.  At  first  the 
editors  did  not  favor  a  resort  to  the  ballot-box  to  remedy  grievances.  It 
was  not  until  after  the  great  railroad  strike  of  July,  1877,  that  they  advo- 
cated an  organized  fight  in  elections  independently  of  the  old  parties.  The 
workingmen,  they  urged,  must  elect  men  of  their  own  in  order  to  secure 
favorable  legislation. 

I(n  1878  an  English  weekly  called  the  Socialist  was  started  under  the 
auspices  of  the  main  section  of  the  Socialistic  Labor  Party  of  Chicago. 
This  main  section  was  composed  of  the  German,  English,  Scandinavian 
and  French  sections,  and  they  employed  Frank  Hirth  as  editor  at  a  salary 
of  $15  per  week  and  A.  R.  Parsons  as  assistant  at  a  salary  of  $12  per  week. 
This  paper  was  made  the  organ  in  the  English  language  of  the  Socialistic 
Labor  Party,  and,  while  it  made  some  headway  at  the  start,  it  succumbed 
within  a  year,  owing  to  jealousies  and  differences  of  opinion  between  the 
German  and  English  sections. 

About  the  time  the  Socialist  was  established  another  paper  was  put  in 
the  field  by  the  Scandinavian  section.  It  was  called  Den  Nye  Tid,  and  was 
edited  by  Mr.  Peterson. 

In  1878  the  proprietor  of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  signified  a  willingness  to 
sell  his  paper  to  the  Socialistic  Labor  Party,  and,  in  o^der  to  consummate 
the  transfer,  the  main  section  held  a  meeting  in  May  of  that  year  at  Stein- 
mueller's  Hall,  No.  45  North  Clark  Street.  Plans  were  then  and  there  ma- 
tured for  its  purchase.  It  was  decided  to  borrow  the  money  and  issue  notes 
at  6  per  cent,  interest,  payable  as  soon  as  the  treasury  had  secured  enough 
from  collections  and  other  sources  to  take  them  up.  Collectors  were 
appointed  for  each  division  of  the  city,  and  they  were  directed  to  collect 
money  from  workingmen  and  storekeepers.  On  the  evening  of  June  29, 
1878,  a  meeting  was  held  at  No.  7  South  Clark  Street,  and  the  reports 


66  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

showed  that  enough  money  had  been  raised  to  purchase  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung. 
Subsequently  a  general  meeting  was  held  and  a  society  was  organized  called 
the  "  Socialistische  Druckgesellschaft."  A  board  of  trustees  was  chosen, 
and  they  applied  to  the  Secretary  of  State  for  a  charter.  That  official 
declined  to  issue  the  charter  because  the  name  of  the  society  was  in  German. 
Another  meeting  was  held  at  No.  54  West  Lake  Street,  and  the  name  was 
changed  to  the  "Socialistic  Publishing  Company,"  after  which  the  charter 
was  readily  secured.  The  paper  was  then  transferred  by  Herr  Conzett  to  the 
new  company,  and  subsequently  the  managers  added  a  Sunday  edition  called 
Die  Fackel.  Paul  Grottkau,  formerly  editor  of  the  Berlin  Freie  Presse,  was 
appointed  editor  under  the  new  management  at  a  salary  of  $15  per  week, 
and  F.  J.  Pfeiffer,  of  Chicago,  was  made  assistant  editor.  The  society 
which  now  had  charge  of  the  paper  was  composed  of  bona  fide  members 
of  the  German  section.  Their  meetings  were  conducted  in  the  same 
manner  as  those  of  the  Socialistic  Labor  Party.  The  price  of  the  Arbeiter- 
Zeitung  was  reduced,  and  all  money  realized  from  its  sale  over  and  above 
expenses  was  applied  for  purposes  of  agitation.  While  the  paper  was 
reported  in  a  prospering  condition,  it  was  decided  to  take  steps  to  pay  off 
its  indebtednes  as  represented  by  the  outstanding  notes,  and  to  this  end  a 
grand  festival  was  to  be  held,  the  proceeds  of  which  should  be  devoted  to 
the  press  fund.  Some  trouble  was  experienced  in  getting  a  hall  large 
enough  for  the  purpose.  The  Exposition  Building  was  finally  decided  upon, 
and  it  was  secured  without  much  delay,  with  results  as  noted  further  along 
in  this  chapter. 

Soon  after  the  Socialist  had  expired,  the  members  of  the  Workingmen's 
Party  felt  the  need  of  an  English  organ,  and,  having  meanwhile  come  to  a 
better  understanding,  they  decided  that  they  would  make  another  effort  to 
put  one  before  the  people.  The  result  of  several  conferences  was  a  monster 
picnic  at  Wright's  Grove  on  the  i6th  of  June,  1878.  The  procession  formed 
to  make  the  occasion  imposing  numbered  about  three  thousand,  and  side  by 
side  with  the  American  flag  was  borne  the  red  banner  of  Anarchy.  This 
emblem,  although  it  finally  crowded  out  the  "stars  and  stripes,"  had 
hitherto  been  reserved  in  public  demonstrations  for  a  minor  place.  Some  of 
the  mottoes  displayed  on  this  occasion  ran  as  follows  :  "  No  Rich,  no  Poor  — 
All  Alike."  "No  Monopolies  —  All  for  One  and  One  for  All. "  "  Land  belongs 
to  Society,"  and  "No  Masters,  no  Slaves." 

The  result  of  the  picnic  was  that  the  Alarm  was  established,  and  A.  R. 
Parsons  became  its  editor  on  a  weekly  allowance  of  $5,  subsequently  raised 
to  $8. 

In  the  fall  campaign  of  1878  we  find  the  Socialists  again  in  the  field  with 
a  full  ticket  for  Congressmen,  the  Legislature  and  local  offices.  Former 
party  platforms  were  reaffirmed,  and  mass-meetings  to  fire  the  hearts  of 
workingmen  were  frequently  held.  At  these  gatherings  capitalists  were 


THE  ELECTION  OF  1878. 


DR.  CARL  EDUARD  NOBILING. 


denounced  as  usual,  and  the  police  came  in  for  some  attention.  The  cam- 
paign song  was  also  introduced,  and  the  chorus  of  one,  rendered  by  an 
untamed  troubadour  named  W.  B.  Creech,  and  referring  to  the  police,  ran 

after  this  style,  to  the  air  of  "  Peeler  and  Goat  "  : 

Then  raise  your  voices,  workingmen, 
Against  such  cowardly  hirelings,  O  ! 

Go  to  the  polls  and  slaughter  them 
With  ballots,  instead  of  bullets,  O  ! 

One  Dr.  Mclntosh  could  always  be  de- 
pended on  for  grinding  out  any  quantity  of 
doggerel  of  this  kind  for  any  occasion. 
The  Socialists  claimed  that  they 
would  poll  on  the  day  of  election  — 
Nov.  5th  —  from  9,000  to  13,000  votes. 
Their  calculations,  like  their  utter- 
ances, were  wild  and  wide  of  the 
mark,  however,  as  their  candidate  for 
Sheriff,  Ryan,  only  secured  5,980 
votes,  while  Hoffman,  Republican, 
had  16,592 ;  Kern,  Democrat,  16,586, 
and  Dixon,  Greenbacker,  4,491.  They 
secured,  however,  a  member  of  the  State  Senate,  Sylvester  Artley,  and  three 
members  of  the  lower  house  of  the  Legislature  —  Leo  Meilbeck,  Charles, 
Ehrhardt  and  Christian  Meier.  This  gave  them  great  confidence,  and  they 
pushed  with  greater  vigor  than  ever  their 
political  work.  Meetings  were  kept  up 
throughout  the  winter,  and,  among  other 
things,  they  discussed  measures  which  they 
demanded  from  the  Legislature  in  the  in- 
terest of  labor.  These  demands  included 
reducing  the  hours  of  labor;  the  establish- 
ment of  a  bureau  of  labor  statistics ;  abolish- 
ment of  convict  labor ;  sanitary  inspection 
of  food,  dwellings,  factories,  work-shops  and 
mines ;  abolition  of  child  labor ;  liability  of 
employers  for  all  accidents  to  employes 
through  the  employers'  neglect,  and  prior- 
ity of  demands  for  wages  over  all  other 
claims.  They  found  time  also  to  give  their 
attention  to  their  brethren  in  Europe,  and 
at  a  meeting  held  Sunday,  January  19, 
1879,  they  adopted  resolutions  denouncing 
Bismarck  for  persecutions  of  workingmen  in  MAX  HOEDEL 


68  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

Germany.  The  pretext  for  these  persecutions,  they  claimed,  grew  out  of 
the  attempts  on  the  life  of  Emperor  William  by  Hoedel  and  Dr.  Nobiling. 
The  would-be  assassins,  they  confessed,  had  once  been  Socialists,  but  at  the 
time  of  the  attack  had  had  nothing  in  common  with  the  order.  Hoedel, 
they  said,  had  been  expelled,  and  had  subsequently  joined  the  "  Christian 
Socialistic  Party,"  which  they  asserted  had  the  favor  of  the  Government, 
and  at  the  head  of  which  was  a  Government  official.  They  claimed 
that  Hoedel  had  been  instigated  to  the  deed  by  the  German  court,  and 
they  even  doubted  that  he  had  been  beheaded  in  expiation  of  his 
crime.  Hoedel,  they  said,  had  been  simply  an  instrument  in  the  hands  of 
Bismarck,  who  wanted  a  pretext  to  persecute  the  Socialists  and  secure  the 
passage  of  a  bill  in  the  Reichstag  for  their  suppression.  Under  the  provis- 
ions of  that  bill,  they  asserted,  men,  women  and  children  were  thrown  into 
dungeons  without  trial,  and  they  insisted  that  the  Congress  of  the  United 
States  should  voice  their  protest  against  such  persecutions. 

At  nearly  every  large  meeting  held  during  the  winter  in  question,  Creech 
was  to  the  front  with  new  songs,  among  one  the  chorus  of  which  ran  thus  : 

Raise  aloft  the  crimson  banner,  emblem  of  the  free  ; 
Mighty  tyrants  now  are  trembling,  here  and  o'er  the  sea. 

On  the  evening  of  March  22,  1879,  they  held  the  celebration  in  the  Expo- 
sition Building  already  referred  to.  This  was  ostensibly  in  commemora- 
tion of  the  establishment  of  the  Paris  Commune  in  1848  and  again  in  1871. 
The  real  purpose,  however,  was  to  obtain  funds  to  defray  the  expenses 
incident  to  the  coming  spring  campaign  and  to  aid  in  making  a  daily  out  of 
their  tri- weekly  organ,  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung.  There  were  from  20,000  to 
25,000  people  in  the  building,  and  the  amount  reported  realized  reached 
$4,500.  There  was  speech-making  by  Dr.  Ernst  Schmidt,  A.  R.  Parsons, 
Paul  Grottkau,  and  lesser  lights,  and  the  various  military  companies  of  the 
organization  strutted  about  in  their  uniforms,  with  belts,  cartridge-boxes, 
bayonet  scabbards  and  breech-loading  Remingtons. 

With  part  of  the  proceeds  of  this  celebration,  the  Socialists  fitted  up 
campaign  headquarters  in  a  top-story  room  on  the  northeast  corner  of 
Madison  and  La  Salle  Streets,  in  the  very  heart  of  the  business  center. 
Their  ticket  covered  all  the  offices  from  Mayor  io  Aldermen.  The  only  new 
names  that  figured  on  this  ticket  were  those  of  N.  H.  Jorgensen,  J.  J. 
Alpeter,  Robert  Buck,  Henry  Johnson,  Max  Selle,  George  Brown,  R. 
Lorenz,  James  Lynn  and  R.  Van  Deventer.  The  election  occurred  on  the 
ist  of  April,  1879,  and  their  candidate  for  Mayor,  Dr.  Schmidt,  secured 
11,829  votes,  while  Carter  H.  Harrison,  Democrat,  scored  25,685,  and  A.  M. 
Wright,  Republican,  20,496.  They  elected  three  Aldermen,  however  — 
Alpeter  from  the  Sixth  Ward,  Lorenz  from  the  Fourteenth,  and  Meier,  then 
in  the  Legislature,  from  the  Sixteenth,  which  made,  with  Stauber,  four 
representatives  in  the  City  Council, 


70  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

With  the  inauguration  of  Carter  Harrison's  administration,  a  good  deal 
of  attention  was  given  to  the  Socialists  by  him  as  well  as  by  his  Democratic 
co-laborers.      Some  of  their  men  were  given  employment  in  the  departments 
of  the  city.      Although  they  still  continued  their  agitation,   these  appoint- 
ments   and    other   favors    had  the  effect    of    undermining    their    political 
strength. 

In   the  next   Mayoralty  election  they  made  a  show  of  keeping  up  their 
organization  and  nominated  George  Schilling  for  Mayor  and  Frank  Stauber 
for  City  Treasurer.      But  in  the  election  held  April  5th,  1881,  the  former  only 
polled  240  votes,  and  Stauber  1,999,  thus  demonstrating  an  almost  complete 
collapse  of  the  party. 

This  virtually  took  them  out  of  politics.      Thenceforward   the  Socialists 
^_________^_^_^___^__    seem  to  have  decided    to  abandon  the 

ballot-box,  and  to  rely  on  force  only  for 
the  attainment  of  their  objects.  Accord- 
ingly their  harangues  were  directed  to 
the  dissemination  of  the  doctrines  of 
revolution.  They  endeavored  still,  it  is 
true,  to  maintain  a  representation  in  the 
City  Council,  but  in  1884  the  Socialistic 
element  was  entirely  eliminated  from 
that  body. 

At  the  session  of  the  Congress  of 
the  International  Workingmen's  Asso- 
ciation held  at  Pittsburg  from  the  i4th 
to  the  1 6th  of  October,  1883,  there  was 
a-  large  delegation  of  Chicago  Anarch- 
ists. A  question  arose  as  to  the  use  of 
the  ballot  for  remedying  the  wrongs  of 
the  laboring  people.  The  delegates 

CARTER  H.  HARRISON.  ,  TD    u-  •       •    <-    J     4.1, 

from  Baltimore  insisted   that  recourse 

should  be  had  to  the  ballot-box,  but  those  from  Pittsburg  were  of  another 
mind,  and  favored  something  stronger.  This  suggestion  gave  the  Anarch- 
ist contingent  from  Chicago  an  opportunity  to  come  to  the  front,  and,  while 
some  of  these  did  not  hold  to  extreme  measures,  they  all  agreed  that  the 
ballot-box  only  served  to  keep  capitalistic  representatives  in  office.  The 
radical  Chicago  element  went  still  further,  holding  that  the  theory  of 
Karl  Marx,  the  use  of  force,  was  the  correct  one,  and  that  that  force  should 
be  dynamite.  But  here  a  split  occurred  in  their  own  delegation,  the  milder 
ones  holding  to  the  theory  of  Lassalle,  that  they  should  first  give  the 
ballot  a  thorough  trial  and  use  force  only  in  the  event  of  failure.  The  sen- 
timent of  the  convention  predominated  in  favor  of  force,  and  the  conserva- 
tive Anarchists  ceased  to  be  members. 


THE  PITTSBURG  CONGRESS.  71 

The  controversy  thus  begun  was  carried  back  to  Chicago,  and  the  radi- 
cals set  themselves  strenuously  to  work  to  bring  their  disaffected  associates 
to  the  advocacy  of  dynamite.  The  members  of  the  Lehr  und  Wehr  Verein 
were  particularly  opposed  to  the  use  of  the  bomb.  They  had  equipped 
themselves  and  drilled  in  the  use  of  guns  so  as  to  be  able  to  meet  the  police 
and  militia  after  failure  at  the  polls,  and  they  contended  that  men  carrying 
bombs  would  be  apt,  through  lack  of  experience,  to  hurt  themselves  as  much 
as  their  opponents.  Men  thoroughly  drilled  in  the  handling  of  a  gun,  they 
argued,  could  accomplish  something,  and  to  that  end  every  one  should  be 
instructed  in  military  tactics.  The  radicals  of  the  various  "groups"  did 
not  believe  in  guns,  however,  and  held  that,  inasmuch  as  they  had  experi- 
mented with  dynamite  with  some  success,  they  should  adopt  it  as  a  means  of 
warfare.  They  finally  brought  all  to  their  ideas,  and  from  that  time  to  the 
present  they  have  given  the  subject  of  dynamite  and  explosives  a  great 
deal  of  study. 

As  indicating  the  sense  of  the  Pittsburg  Congress  their  plan  of  organiza- 
tion and  resolutions  are  here  given: 

The  name  of  the  organization  shall  be  "  International  Workingmen's  Association." 

1.  The  organization  shall  consist  of  federal  groups  which  recognize  the  principles  laid 
down  in  the  manifesto  and  consider  themselves  bound  by  them. 

2.  Five  persons  shall  have  the  right  to  form  a  group. 

3.  Each  group  shall  have  complete  independence  (autonomy)  and  shall  further  have  the 
right  to  conduct  the  propaganda  in  accordance  with  its  own  judgment,  but  the  same  must 
not  collide  with  the  fundamental  principles  of  the  organization. 

4.  Each  group  may  call  itself  by  the  name  of  its  location.     When  there  is  more  than  one 
group,  they  shall  be  numbered. 

5.  In  places  where  there  is  more  than  one  group  it  is  recommended  that  a  general  com- 
mittee be  formed  to  secure  united  action.     Such  committees  shall,  however,  have  no  execu- 
tive power. 

6.  A  Bureau  of  Information  shall  be  created  at  Chicago  and  shall  consist  of  a  secretary 
of  each  of  the  groups  of  different  languages.     It  is  the  duty  of  such  bureau  to  keep  an  exact 
list  of  all  the  groups  belonging  to  the  organization  and  to  keep  up  correspondence  with  and 
between  the  domestic  and  foreign  groups. 

7.  Groups  intending  to  join  the  organization  must,  after  they  have  recognized  its  prin- 
ciples, send  their  application  and  list  of  members  to  the  groups  located  nearest  to  them, 
whose  duty  it  is  then  to  forward  such  application  to  the  Bureau  of  Information.     The  groups 
shall  send  a  report  of   the   situation   to   the   Bureau  of  Information  at  least  every  three 
months. 

8.  A  Congress  can  be  called  at  any  time  by  a  majority  of  the  groups. 

9.  All  the  necessary  expenses  of  the  Bureau  of  Information  shall  be  met  by  voluntary 
contributions  of  the  groups. 

Plan  for  the  Propaganda. — The  organization  of  North  America  shall  be  divided  into  nine 
districts  of  agitation,  as  follows;  i.  Canada.  2.  District  of  Columbia.  3.  The  Eastern 
States  (Maine,  New  Hampshire,  Vermont,  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  New 
York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware  and  Maryland).  4.  The  Middle  States  (Ohio, 
West  Virginia,  Indiana,  Kentucky,  Michigan,  Wisconsin,  and  Illinois).  5.  The  Western 
States  (Missouri,  Iowa,  Minnesota,  Nebraska,  Dakota,  Kansas,  Indian  Territory  and  New 
Mexico).  6.  The  Rocky  Mountain  States  (Colorado,  Montana,  Idaho  Territory,  Utah  and 


72  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

Nevada).  7.  The  Pacific  Coast  States.  8.  The  Southern  States  (Virginia,  North  Caro- 
lina., South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Florida,  Alabama,  Tennessee,  Mississippi,  Arkansas,  Louisi- 
ana and  Texas. )  9.  Mexico. 

It  is  recommended  to  the  several  districts  to  organize  general  district  committees  for  the 
purpose  of  more  effective  and  united  action.  It  is  the  duty  of  these  general  committees  to 
provide  that  whenever  practicable  agitators  shall  be  sent  forth.  If  there  is  a  lack  of  proper 
agitators  in  a  district  the  general  committee  shall  inform  the  Bureau  of  Information.  This 
shall  be  done  also  when  there  is  a  surplus  of  workers,  so  that  the  bureau  shall  be  able  to- 
bring  about  an  equal  distribution  of  the  working  elements. 

The  expenses  of  the  traveling  agitators  shall  be  paid  by  local  groups,  or,  when  these  are 
without  means,  by  the  general  organization. 

Resolutions. — The  following  resolutions  were  offered  by  A.  R.  Parsons  : 

"  In  consideration  that  the  protection  capitalists  are  men  who,  by  excluding  the  cheap 
products  of  labor  of  competing  countries,  intend  to  make  enormous  profits,  while  the  free- 
trade  capitalists  intend  to  make  just  as  large  profits  by  the  sale  of  the  cheap  products  of 
labor  of  other  countries  ;  and 

' '  In  consideration  that  the  only  difference  between  the  two  is  this  :  That  the  one  wants 
to  import  the  products  of  cheap  foreign  labor,  while  the  others  consider  it  of  greater  advan- 
tage to  import  the  cheap  labor  itself  of  other  countries ;  and 

"  In  consideration  that  it  is  a  great  injustice  to  tax  by  a  protective  tariff  a  whole  people  for 
the  benefit  of  a  few  privileged  capitalists  or  of  branches  of  industry  :  Be  it,  therefore, 

"Resolved,  That  we,  the  International  Workingmen's  Association,  consider  the  protec- 
tive tariff  and  free  trade  questions  capitalistic  questions,  which  have  not  the  least  interest  for 
wage-workers  —  questions  which  are  intended  ro  confuse  and  mislead  the  workingman.  The 
fight  on  both  sides  is  only  one  for  the  possession  of  the  robbed  products  of  labor.  The 
question  whether  there  should  be  a  protective  tariff  or  free  trade  are  political  questions, 
which  for  some  time  past  have  divided  governments  and  nations  into  opposing  factions,  but 
which,  as  already  said,  do  not  contribute  toward  the  solution  of  social  questions.  The 
adage,  Polvere  negll  occhi  (throwing  dust  in  the  eyes),  expresses  the  intentions  of  both  parties. 

' '  In  consideration  that  we  see  in  trades-unions  advocating  progressive  principles  the 
abolishment  of  the  wage  system  —  the  corner-stone  of  a  better  and  more  just  system  of  soci- 
ety than  the  present ;  and 

' '  In  consideration,  further,  that  these  trades~-unions  consist  of  an  army  of  robbed  and  dis- 
inherited fellow-sufferers  and  brothers,  called  to  overthrow  the  economic  establishments  of 
the  present  time  for  the  purpose  of  general  and  free  cooperation  :  Be  it,  therefore, 

"Resolved,  That  we,  the  I.  W.  M.  A.,  proffer  the  hand  of  fellowship  to  them,  and  give 
them  our  sympathy  and  help  in  their  fight  against  the  ever-growing  despotism  of  private 
capital ;  and 

"  Resolved,  That  while  we  give  such  progressive  trades-unions  our  fullest  sympathy  and 
assure  them  of  every  assistance  in  our  power,  we  are,  on  the  other  hand,  determined  to  fight 
and,  if  possible,  to  annihilate  every  organization  given  to  reactionary  principles,  as  these  are 
the  enemies  of  the  emancipation  of  the  workingmen,  as  well  as  of  humanity  and  of  progress. 

"  In  consideration  that  the  courts  of  arbitration  for  settlement  of  differences  between  the 
workingmen  and  their  employers,  without  the  fundamental  condition  of  free  and  independent 
action  on  both  sides,  are  simply  contrary  to  reason  ;  and 

"  In  consideration  that  a  free  settlement  between  the  rich  and  the  poor  is  impossible  since 
the  wage-worker  has  but  the  choice  to  obey  or  to  starve  ;  and 

"  In  consideration  that  arbitration  is  possible  and  just  only  in  case  both  parties  are  so 
situated  that  they  can  accept  or  refuse  an  offer  entirely  of  their  own  free  will  :  Be  it,  therefore, 

"Resolved,  That  arbitration  between  capital  and  labor  is  to  be  condemned.  Wage- 
workers  ought  never  to  resort  to  it." 


THE  BUREAU  OF  INFORMATION.  73 

After  expressions  of  sympathy  for  the  striking  coal-miners  in  Dubois, 
Pa.,  who  were  advised  to  arm  themselves  for  defense  against  the  bandits  of 
order,  the  resolutions  proceed  : 

' '  In  consideration  that  our  brothers  and  fellow  combatants  in  the  Old  World  are  engaged 
in  a  terrible  struggle  against  our  common  foe,  the  crowned  and  uncrowned  despots  of  the 
world,  the  church  and  priestcraft,  and  thousands  of  them  are  languishing  in  prison  and  in 
Siberia  and  are  suffering  in  exile  :  „  Be  it,  therefore, 

"Resolved,  That  we  tender  these  heroic  martyrs  our  sympathies,  encouragement  and  aid. 
"In  consideration  that  there  is  no  material  difference  existing  between  the  aims  of  the 
I.  W.  M.  A.  and  the  Socialistic  Labor  Party  :     Be  it,  therefore, 

"Resolved,  That  we  invite  the  members  of  the  S.  L.  P.  to  unite  with  us  on  the  basis  of 
the  principles  laid  down  in  our  manifesto  for  the  purpose  of  a  common  and  effective  propa- 
ganda." 

Issued  by  order  of  the  Pittsburg  Congress  of  the  International  Workingmen's  Asso- 
ciation. For  further  information  apply  to  the  undersigned  "Bureau  of  Information." 

Secretary  of  the  English  language,       AUG.  SPIES. 
Secretary  of  the  German  language,       PAUL  GROTTKAU. 
Secretary  of  the  French  language,        WM.  MEDOW. 
Secretary  of  the  Bohemian  language,  J.  MIKOLANDA. 
No.  107  Fifth  Avenue,  Chicago. 

In  accordance  with  pre-arranged  plans,  therefore,  when  the  street-car 
riots  occurred  on  the  West  Division  Railroad  in  the  summer  of  1885,  the 
Anarchists  and  Socialists  of  Chicago  took  a  prominent  part  and  did  every- 
thing in  their  power  to  create  a  bloody  conflict  between  the  police  and  the 
strikers.  In  1886,  when  the  laboring  classes  of  Chicago  had  decided  to 
strike  on  the  ist  of  May  for  eight  hours  as  a  day's  work,  they  came  forward 
and  resolved  to  strike  a  blow  which  would  terrorize  the  community  and 
inaugurate  the  rule  of  the  Commune.  How  they  went  to  work  in  that 
direction  and  how  they  succeeded  is  fully  shown  in  succeeding  chapters. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Socialism,  Theoretic  and  Practical  —  Statements  of  the  Leaders  —  Ven- 
geance on  the  ' '  Spitzels  "  — The  Black  Flag  in  the  Streets  —  Resolutions  in  the  Alarm  — 
The  Board  of  Trade  Procession — Why  it  Failed — Experts  on  Anarchy  —  Parsons,  Spies, 
Schwab  and  Fielden  Outline  their  Belief  —  The  International  Platform  — Why  Commun- 
ism Must  Fail — A  French  Experiment  and  its  Lesson — The  Law  of  Averages  —  Extracts 
from  the  Anarchic  Press  —  Preaching  Murder  —  Dynamite  or  the  Ballot-Box? — "The 
Reaction  in  America  "  —  Plans  for  Street  Fighting  —  Riot  Drill  and  Tactics  —  Bakounine 
and  the  Social  Revolution  —  Twenty-one  Statements  of  an  Anarchist's  Duty  —  Herways' 
Formula —  Predicting  the  Haymarket — The  Lehr  und  Wehr  Verein  and  the  Supreme 
Court — The  White  Terror  and  the  Red  —  Reinsdorf,  the  Father  of  Anarchy  —  His 
Association  with  Hoedel  and  Nobiling  —  Attempt  to  Assassinate  the  German  Emperor  — 
Reinsdorf  at  Berlin  —  His  Desperate  Plan —  "Old  Lehmann  "  and  the  Socialist's  Dag- 
ger—  The  Germania  Monument  —  An  Attempt  to  Kill  the  Whole  Court  —  A  Culvert 
Full  of  Dynamite  —  A  Wet  Fuse  and  no  Explosion  —  Reinsdorf  Condemned  to  Death  — 
His  Last  Letters  —  Chicago  Students  of  his  Teachings  — De  Tocqueville  and  Socialism. 

THE  Constitution  of  the  United  States  guarantees  the  right  of  free 
speech,  free  discussion  and  free  assemblage.  These  are  the  cardinal 
doctrines  of  our  free  institutions.  But  when  liberty  is  trenched  upon  to 
the  extent  of  advocacy  of  revolutionary  methods,  subversion  of  law  and 
order  and  the  displacement  of  existing  society,  Socialism  places  itself  be- 
yond the  pale  of  moral  forces  and  arrays  itself  on  the  side  of  the  freebooter, 
the  bandit,  the  cut-throat  and  the  traitor.  Public  measures  and  public  men 
are  open  to  the  widest  criticism  consistent  with  truth,  decency  and  justice, 
but  differences  of  opinion  are  no  more  to  be  brought  into  harmony  through 
blood  than  the  settlement  of  private  disputes  is  to  be  effected  by  means  of 
the  bludgeon,  the  knife  or  the  bullet.  The  freedom  of  speech  which  is  val- 
uable either  to  the  individual  or  to  humanity  is  that  which  builds  up,  not 
destroys,  society. 

Now,  what  does  Socialism,  or  Anarchy,  precisely  teach,  and  at  what  does 
it  aim  ?  It  is  true,  there  are  two  schools  of  Socialism  —  one  conservative  and 
the  other  radical  to  a  sanguinary  degree ;  one  seeking  a  change  in  existing 
society  and  government  through  enlightenment,  and  the  other  the  attain- 
ment of  the  same  principles  through  force.  But  the  conservatives  form  so 
small  a  portion  of  the  Socialistic  body  that  they  cut  no  figure  in  the  general 
direction  and  management  of  the  organization ;  and  so  far  as  relates  to  the 
visible  manifestations  of  that  body,  Socialism  in  the  United  States  may  be 
regarded  as  synonymous  with  Anarchy. 

As  I  have  shown,  the  ostensible  object  of  the  organization  in  Chicago,  as 
elsewhere,  at  the  outset,  was  peaceful,  but  the  ulterior  aim  —  the  establish- 
ment of  Socialism  through  force,  when  sufficiently  powerful  in  numbers  — 
has  in  later  years  clearly  developed.  The  early  Socialist  orators  only 

74 


PARSONS'  RABID  TALK. 


75 


hinted  at  force  as  a  possible  factor  in  the  social  revolution  they  advocated, 
and  it  was  reserved  for  the  active  agitators  of  the  past  ten  years  to  boldly 
and  openly  proclaim  for  the  methods  of  the  Paris  Commune. 

Before  proceeding  to  particulars  as  to  the  utterances  of  Anarchist 
leaders,  the  sources  of  their  inspiration  and  their  definition  of  Socialism, 
it  may  be  well  to  advert  to  some  incidents  in  connection  with  their 
movements  as  a  revolutionary  party.  One  incident  specially  worthy  of 
mention  was  a  meeting  held  at  Mueller's  Hall,  corner  of  Sedg- 

wick  Street  and  North  Avenue,  on  the  evening  of         i         January  12,  1885. 
It  was  a  secret  gathering,   but,  despite  Socialistic     jujfuk     vigilance,  Officer 
Michael    Hoffman  managed  to  re-          .^__.. 
main  and  quietly  note  the  drift  of 
the   speeches.      Parsons  first   took 
the  floor,  and  said  : 

Gentlemen,  before  we  call  this  meeting 
to  order,  I  want  you  to  be  sure  that  we  are 
all  right  and  all  one.  I  want  you  to  see 
if  there  are  any  reporters  or  policemen  pres- 
ent. See  if  you  can  discover  any  spies. 
If  you  find  any  one  here,  you  can  do  with 
him  as  you  please,  but  my  advice  to  you 
is,  take  him  and  strangle  him  and  then 
throw  him  out  of  the  window  ;  then  let  the 
people  think  that  the  fellow  fell  out.  And 
if  you  should  give  one  of  them  a  chance 
for  his  life,  tell  him,  if  he  has  any  more 
notions  to  come  to  our  meetings,  he  should 
first  go  to  St.  Michael's  Church,  see  the 
priest  and  prepare  himself  for  death,  say 
farewell  to  all  his  friends  and  family  — 
and  then  let  him  enter.  I  want  all  these 
people  to  know  that  I  am  not  afraid  of 
them  ;  I  don't  like  them,  and  let  them  stay 
away  from  me. 


THE  BLACK  FLAG. 


From  a  Photograph. 


After  precautions  had  been  taken 
to  exclude  objectionable  persons,  the  proceedings  began.  Four  speeches 
were  delivered,  two  in  English  and  two  in  German.  Parsons  confined  his 
remarks  to  the  capitalists.  All  present  were  poor,  he  said,  and  they  only 
had  themselves  to  blame.  One-half  of  all  the  wealth  in  the  country  belonged 
to  the  poor  people,  but  the  capitalists  had  robbed  them  of  it.  The  poor 
offered  no  resistance,  and  yet  the  capitalist  was  doing  the  same  thing  day 
after  day.  He  was  getting  richer,  and  the  poor  poorer,  because  the  work- 
ing people  lay  down  and  permitted  themselves  to  be  robbed.  He  re- 
counted some  of  Most's  experiences,  and  insisted  that  capitalists  must 
submit  to  workingmen.  They  must  be  shown  that  their  lives  are  worth 
no  more  than  the  lives  of  the  working  people. 


76 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 


He  next  touched  upon  the  merits  of  a  new  invention  by  which,  he  said, 
many  hundreds  of  houses  could  be  set  on  fire,  and  exhibited  a  small  tin  box 
or  can  with  a  capacity  of  four  ounces.  This  can,  he  remarked,  could  be 
filled  with  some  chemical  stuff  to  serve  as  an  explosive.  A  great  many  of 
these  cans  could  be  carried  in  a  basket,  and,  traveling  around  as  match  ped- 
dlers or  under  some  other  guise,  his  hearers  could  secure  entrance  to  the 
houses  of  capitalists.  All  they  would  then  be  obliged  to  do  was  to  either 
place  or  drop  one  of  "  those  darlings"  in  a  secure  place  and  go  about  their 

business.  It  would  do 
its  work,  without  any 
one's  presence  to  attend 
to  it,  in  less  time  than 
an  hour.  If  they  would 
get  the  boxes  ready,  he 
would  tell  them  where 
to  get  the  "stuff."  This 
plan  of  operations  would 
keep  the  fire  and  police 
departments  quite  busy. 
If  they  organized  and 
went  to  work  with  a 
resolute  spirit,  they 
could  have  things  all 
their  own  way  through- 
out the  city  and  obtain 
possession  of  what  re- 
mained after  their  work 
of  destruction.  He  also 
urged  all  his  comrades 
to  become  familiar  with 
dynamite  and  said  that 
for  the  necessary  in- 
structions they  could 
come  to  a  building  on 
Fifth  Avenue  (107,  the  offices  of  the  Arbeiter-Zcitung  and  Alarni],  where 
he  and  others  could  be  found  to  help  them.  There  was  no  other  way  now 
left,  he  continued,  except  for  the  laborers  to  use  the  sword,  the  bullet 
and  dynamite,  and,  closing  sententiously,  he  said  : 

I  probably  will  be  hung  as  soon  as  I  get  out  on  the  street,  but  if  they  do  hang  me,  boys, 
don't  forget  what  I  have  been  telling  you  about  the  little  can  and  the  dear  stuff,  dynamite, 
because  this  is  the  only  way  I  and  you  can  get  our  rights. 

It  goes  without  saying  that  Parsons  was  applauded  to  the  echo.  Another 
speaker  emphasized  his  remarks  about  dynamite,  but  refrained  from  making 


THE  OFFICE  OF  THE  ARBEITER-ZEITUNG. 
From  a  Photograph. 


THE  BLACK  FLAG.  77 

a  speech,  because,  as  he  said,  Parsons  had  "covered  the  ground  so  well  and 
thoroughly."  One  of  the  German  speakers  gave  his  attention  to  King 
William  and  the  Pope,  scoring  them  in  the  strongest  language  he  could  com- 
mand. He  held  that  the  "police  of  Chicago  were  only  kept  to  protect  the 
property  of  capitalists  and  to  club  poor  workingmen." 

Another  event  memorable  in  the  history  of  the  party  was  the  flaunting  of 
the  black  flag  on  the  streets  of  Chicago  for  the  first  time.  On  that  occasion 
-November  25,  1884,  Thanksgiving  Day  —  they  marched  through  the 
fashionable  thoroughfares  of  the  South  and  North  Divisions,  and,  with  two 
women  as  standard-bearers  for  the  black  and  the  red,  they  made  it  a  point 
to  halt  before  the  residences  of  the  wealthy,  uttering  groans  and  using 
threatening  language.  Their  route  included  Dearborn  Street  to  Maple  on 
the  North  Side.  There  they  massed  in  front  of  the  residence  of  Hon.  E.  B. 
Washburne,  ex-Minister  to  France.  They  pulled  the  door-bell  and  insulted 
the  family  by  indulging  in  all  sorts  of  noises,  groans  and  cat-calls.  They 
rested  satisfied  with  this  last  exhibition,  and  retraced  their  steps,  proceeding 
to  Market  Square,  where  they  dispersed. 

The  preliminaries  leading  up  to  the  procession  just  described  were  thus 
given  in  the  Alarm  on  the  following  Saturday  : 

THE  BLACK  FLAG. 

The  Emblem  of  Hunger  Unfolded  by  the  Proletarians  of  Chicago.  —  The  Red  Flag  Borne  Aloft 
by  Thoiisands  of  Workingmen  on   Thanksgiving  Day.  —  The  Poverty  of  the  Poor  is  Created 
bv  the  Robbery  of  the  Rich.  —  Speeches,  Resolutions  and  a  Grand  Demonstration  of  the  Unem- 
ployed, the  Tramps  and  Miserables  of  the  City. —  Significant  Incidents. 

Shortly  before  Thanksgiving  Day  some  of  the  working  people,  lifter  consultation,  issued 
the  following  circular  to  wage- workers  and  tramps  : 

The  Governor  has  ordained  next  Thursday  for  Thanksgiving.  You  are  to  give  thanks 
because  your  masters  refuse  you  employment ;  because  you  are  hungry  and  without  home 
or  shelter,  and  your  masters  have  taken  away  what  you  have  created,  and  arranged  to  shoot 
you  by  the  police  or  militia  if  you  refuse  to  die  in  your  hovels,  in  due  observation  of  Law  and 
Order.  You  must  give  thanks  that  you  face  the  blizzards  without  an  overcoat ;  without  fit 
shoes  and  clothes,  while  abundant  clothing  made  by  you  spoils  in  the  storehouses  ;  that  you 
suffer  hunger  while  millions  of  bushels  of  grain  rots  in  the  elevators.  For  this  purpose  a  thanks- 
giving meeting  will  be  held  on  Market  Square  at  2:30  o'clock,  to  be  followed  by  a  demonstration 
to  express  our  thanks  to  our  "Christian  brothers  on  Michigan  Avenue."  Every  one  that  feels 
the  mockery  of  this  Thanksgiving  order  should  be  present.  Signed,  the  Committee  of  the 
Grateful  Workingpeople's  International  Association. 

Thursday  opened  with  sleet  and  rain,  cold  and  miserable.  At  2:30  over  three  thousand 
people  assembled  on  Market  Street,  under  the  unpitying  rain  and  sleet.  A  stranger  said, 
"What  you  want  is  guns;  you  don't  want  to  be  heard  talking."  He  was  stopped  for  the 
regular  arrangements.  The  meeting  being  called  to  order,  A.  R.  Parsons  said:  "We  assemble 
as  representatives  of  the  disinherited,  to  speak  in  the  name  of  forty  thousand  unemployed 
workingmen  of  Chicago  —  two  millions  in  the  United  States  and  fifteen  millions  in  the  civilized 
world."  He  compared  the  Thanksgiving  feast  to  that  of  Belshazzar,  and  said  the  champagne 
wrung  from  the  blood  of  the  poor  ought  to  strangle  the  rich.  He  then  read  as  follows  :  "St. 
James,  chapter  5,  says,  '  Go  to  now,  ye  rich  men,  weep  and  howl  for  your  miseries  which 
are  to  come  upon  you.  Your  riches  are  corrupted,  and  your  garments  are  moth-eaten. 
Your  gold  and  silver  is  cankered  ;  and  the  rust  of  them  shall  be  a  witness  against  you,  and 
shall  eat  your  flesh  as  it  were  fire.  Ye  have  heaped  treasures  together  for  the  last  days. 


A    THANKSGIVING  MEETING.  79 

Behold,  the  hire  of  the  laborers  who  have  reaped  down  your  fields,  which  ye  have  kept  back  by 
fraud,  crieth  :  Woe  to  them  that  bring  about  iniquity  by  law. '  The  prophet  Habakkuk  says  : 
'Woe  to  him  that  buildeth  a  town  by  blood,  and  establisheth  a  city  by  iniquity.'  The 
prophet  Amos  says  :  '  Hear  this,  O  ye  that  swallow  up  the  needy,  even  to  make  the  poor  to 
fail  from  the  land,  that  I  may  buy  the  poor  for  silver,  and  the  needy  for  a  pair  of  shoes.1 
The  prophet  Isaiah  says  :  '  Woe  unto  them  that  chain  house  to  house,  and  lay  field  to  field,  till 
there  is  no  place,  that  they  may  be  alone  in  the  midst  of  the  earth. '  Solomon  says  :  '  There 
is  a  generation  that  are  pure  in  their  own  eyes,  and  yet  is  not  washed  of  their  filthiness  ;  a 
generation,  O,  how  lifted  are  their  eyes,  and  how  their  eyelids  are  lifted  up :  A  generation 
whose  teeth  are  as  swords,  and  their  jaw-teeth  as  knives,  to  devour  the  poor  from  off  the 
earth,  and  the  needy  from  among  men. '  " 

And,  concluding,  he  said  :  "We  did  not  intend  to  wait  for  a  future  existence,  but  to  do 
something  for  ourselves  in  this." 

He  introduced  S.  S.  Griffin,  who  said  this  was  an  international  assembly  in  the  interests 
of  humanity,  having  no  quarrel  with  each  other  and  objecting  to  being  set  at  work  by  gov- 
ernmental scheme.  ' '  Don't  believe  that  any  government  or  system  should  be  allowed  to  pit 
man  against  man,  for  any  cause ;  and  to  get  at  the  root  of  these  evils,  we  must  go  to  the 
foundation  of  property  rights  and  the  wage  system.  The  old  system  could  not  meet  the 
demands  of  our  present  civilization.  The  present  cry  is  against  over-production,  because  it 
operates  against  humanity.  Over-production,  glutting  the  market,  causes  a  lock-out,  depriv- 
ing the  wage  class  of  the  means  of  purchasing.  Vacant  houses  stop  the  building  industry, 
and  result  in  throwing  builders  out  of  employment.  Ragged  because  of  a  surplus  of  clothing  ; 
homeless  because  of  too  many  houses ;  hungry  because  there  is  too  much  bread ;  freezing 
because  too  much  coal  is  produced.  The  system  must  be  changed.  Man  can  wear  but  one 
suit  of  clothes  at  a  time  and  can  consume  only  about  so  much.  The  genius  of  our  age  is 
inventing  and  increasing  the  productive  power.  A  system  that  in  effect  tells  the  working 
classes  that,  the  more  they  produce,  the  less  they  will  have  to  enjoy,  is  a  check  on  human  prog- 
ress and  cannot  continue.  Everything  must  be  made  free.  No  man  should  control  what  he 
has  no  personal  use  for. " 

Upon  Mr.  Parsons'  call  the  resolutions  were  read,  as  follows  : 

WHEREAS,  We  have  outlived  wage  and  property  system ;  and  whereas,  the  right  of  prop- 
erty requires  more  effort  to  adjust  it  between  man  and  man  than  to  produce  and  distribute  it : 

Resolved,  That  property  rights  should  no  longer  be  maintained  or  respected,  and  that 
all  useless  workers  should  be  deprived  of  useless  employment  and  required  to  engage  in 
productive  industry  ;  and  as  this  is  impossible  under  the  payment  system, 

Resolved,  That  no  man  shall  pay  for  anything,  or  receive  pay  for  anything,  or  deprive 
himself  of  what  he  may  desire,  that  he  finds  out  of  use  or  vacant. 

Resolved,  That  whoever  refuses  to  devote  a  reasonable  amount  of  energy  to  the  produc- 
tion or  distribution  of  necessaries  is  the  enemy  of  mankind  and  ought  to  be  so  treated ;  and 
so  of  the  willful  waster. 

As  this  system  cannot  be  introduced  as  against  existing  ignorance  and  selfishness  without 
force,  Resolved,  That,  when  introduced,  the  good  of  mankind  and  the  saving  of  blood  requires 
that  forcible  opposition  shall  be  dealt  with  summarily  ;  but  that  no  one  should  be  harmed  for 
holding  opposite  opinions. 

Resolved,  That  our  policy  is  wise,  humane  and  practical  and  ought  to  be  enforced  at  the 
earliest  possible  moment. 

As  an  expression  of  thankfulness,  Resolved,  That  we  are  thankful  we  have  learned  the  true 
cause  of  poverty  and  the  remedies,  and  can  only  be  more  thankful  when  the  remedy  is  applied. 

The  next  speaker  was  Samuel  Fielden.  He  denounced  the  hypocrisy  of  calling  upon 
people  to  thank  God  for  prosperity,  while  providing  no  changes  for  the  better,  when  so  many 
people  were  in  actual  want  in  the  midst  of  abundance.  When  he  was  a  boy,  his  mother  had 
taught  him  to  say,  ' '  Our  Father  who  art  in  Heaven, "  but  so  far  as  he  knew,  God  remained 
there  and  would  not  come  here  until  things  were  better  arranged.  "  Our  motto  is,  Liberty, 
Equality  and  Fraternity,  embracing  all  men.  Our  international  movement  is  to  unite  all 
countries  and  to  do  away  with  the  robber  class." 


8o 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 


August  Spies  spoke.  Pointing  to  the  black  flag,  he  said  it  was  the  first  time  the  emblem 
of  hunger  and  starvation  had  been  unfurled  on  American  soil.  He  said  we  had  got  to  strike 
down  these  robbers  who  were  robbing  the  working  people. 

In  answer  to  a  call  from  the  Germans,  Mr.  Schwab  spoke  in  German  a  few  .minutes.  A 
stranger  said  :  "  Get  your  guns  out  and  go  for  them.  That  is  all  I  have  got  to  say."  Three 
cheers  were  given  for  the  social  revolution.  The  audience  then  formed  a  procession  three 
thousand  strong. 

Another  notable  procession  was  on  the   evening  of  the  opening  of  the 

new  Board  of  Trade  building.  The 
Anarchists  gathered  in  front  of  the 
Arbeiter-Zeitung  office  and  were 
addressed  by  Parsons  and  Fielden. 
The  speeches  were  highly  inflam- 
matory. Parsons  insisted  that  they 
ought  to  blow  up  the  institution, 
and  urged  them  to  arm  them- 
selves "to  meet  their  oppressors 
with  weapons."  The  Board  of 
Trade,  he  said,  was  a  robbers' 
roost,  and  they  were  reveling  on 
the  proceeds  of  the  workingmen. 
"How  many,"  he  asked,  "of  my 
hearers  could  give  twenty  dollars 
for  a  supper  to-night  ?  We  will 
never  gain  anything  by  arguments 
and  words.  While  those  men  are 
enjoying  a  sumptuous  supper,  work- 
ingmen are  starving."  He  char- 
acterized the  police  as  bloodhounds 
and  servants  of  the  robbing  cap- 
italists, and  suggested  that  the  mob 
loot  Marshall  Field's  dry-goods 
store  and  other  places  and  secure 
such  things  as  they  needed.  It  was  apparent  that  these  sentiments  appealed 
strongly  to  the  inclinations  of  the  assembled  rabble,  and  when  Parsons  had 
concluded  the  mob  was  ready  for  an  even  more  violent  harangue. 

Fielden  went  as  far  as  to  urge  the  mob  to  follow  him  and  rob  those 
places,  and,  like  Parsons,  held  that  the  Board  of  Trade  building  had  been 
built  out  of  money  of  which  they  had  been  robbed,  and  that  all  who  trans- 
acted business  in  that  place  were  "robbers,  and  thieves,  and  ought  to  be 
killed." 

There  were  hundreds  of  tramps  in  the  throng  addressed,  and  naturally 
all  allusions  to  capitalists  as  robbers,  and  all  suggestions  to  plunder,  were 
greeted  with  applause.  A  procession  was  formed,  with  Oscar  W.  Neebe, 


THE  BOARD  OF  TRADE. 
From  a  Photograph. 


WHAT  IS  SOCIALISM?  81 

Parsons  and  Fielden  at  the  head,  and  with  two  women  following  next  carry- 
ing the  red  and  black  flags.  They  marched  down  to  the  Board  of  Trade, 
but,  arriving  at  the  street  leading  to  the  building,  a  company  of  police 
headed  them  off.  Thus  balked,  they  had  to  content  themselves  with  march- 
ing through  the  streets  back  to  their  starting-point,  where  they  separated 
without  further  exhibition  of  violence  than  subsequently  hurling  a  stone 
through  the  window  of  a  carriage  occupied  by  a  prominent  West  Side  resi- 
dent and  his  wife,  whom  they  took  to  be  a  millionaire  on  his  way  to  the 
Board  of  Trade  reception.  A  tougher-looking  lot  of  men  than  those  who 
composed  the  procession  it  would  be  difficult  to  find,  and,  once  started  in 
the  direction  of  violence  at  the  building,  there  is  no  telling  the  extent  of 
damage  they  might  have  inflicted.  The  toleration  of  such  a  parade  by  the 
municipal  authorities  was  severely  criticised  by  the  community,  for,  had  it 
not  been  for  the  action  of  the  late  Col.  Welter,  then  Inspector  of  Police,  in 
intercepting  the  procession,  a  serious  riot  would  have  occurred. 

Parsons,  when  asked  subsequently  why  they  had  not  blown  up  the  Board 
of  Trade  building,  replied  that  they  had  not  looked  for  police  interfer- 
ence and  were  not  prepared.  "The  next  time,"  he  said,  "we  will  be  pre- 
pared to  meet  them  with  bombs  and  dynamite."  Fielden  reiterated  the  same 
sentiments  and  expressed  the  opinion  that  in  the  course  of  a  year  they 
might  be  ready  for  the  police. 

Now  WHAT  is  the  Socialism  or  Anarchy  they  seek  to  establish  ?  In  his 
speech  before  Judge  Gary  in  the  Criminal  Court,  when  asked  why  sentence 
of  death  should  not  be  imposed  upon  him,  Anarchist  Parsons,  among  other 
things,  thus  described  the  condition  of  affairs  when  Socialism  should  obtain 
sway  : 

Anarchy  is  a  free  society  where  there  is  no  concentrated  or  centralized  power,  no  state,  no 
king,  no  emperor,  no  ruler.no  president,  no  magistrate,  no  potentate  of  any  character  whatever. 
Law  is  the  enslaving  power  of  men.  Blackstone  defines  the  law  to  be  a  rule  of  action,  pre- 
scribing what  is  right  and  prohibiting  what  is  wrong.  Now,  very  true.  Anarchists  hold 
that  it  is  wrong  for  one  person  to  prescribe  what  is  the  right  action  for  another  person,  and 
then  compel  that  person  to  obey  that  rule.  Therefore,  right  action  consists  in  each  person 
attending  to  his  business,  and  allowing  everybody  else  to  do  likewise.  Whoever  prescribes  a 
rule  of  action  for  another  to  obey  is  a  tyrant,  a  usurper  and  an  enemy  of  liberty.  This  is 
precisely  what  every  statute  does.  Anarchy  is  the  natural  law,  instead  of  the  man-made 
statute,  and  gives  men  leaders  in  the  place  of  drivers  and  bosses.  All  political  law,  statute 
and  common,  gets  its  right  to  operate  from  the  statute  ;  therefore,  all  political  law  is  statute 
law.  A  statute  law  is  a  written  scheme  by  which  cunning  takes  advantage  of  the  unsuspect- 
ing, and  provides  the  inducement  to  do  so,  and  protects  the  one  who  does  it.  In  other  words, 
a  statute  is  the  science  of  rascality  or  the  law  of  usurpation.  If  a  few  sharks  rob  mankind  of 
all  the  earth,  —  turn  them  all  out  of  house  and  home,  make  them  ragged  slaves  and  beggars, 
and  freeze  and  starve  them  to  death,  —  still  they  are  expected  to  obey  the  statute  because  it  is 
sacred.  This  ridiculous  nonsense,  that  human  laws  are  sacred,  and  that  if  they  are  not  re- 
spected and  continued  we  cannot  prosper,  is  the  stupidest  and  most  criminal  nightmare  of 
the  age.  Statutes  are  the  last  and  greatest  curse  of  men,  and,  when  destroyed,  the  world  will 
be  free.  .  .  .  The  statute  law  is  the  great,  science  of  rascality,  by  which  alone  the  few 


82  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

trample  upon  and  enslave  the  many.  There  are  natural  laws  provided  for  every  work  of 
man.  Natural  laws  are  self-operating.  They  punish  all  who  violate  them,  and  reward  all 
who  obey  them.  They  cannot  be  repealed,  amended,  dodged  or  bribed,  and  it  costs  neither 
time,  money  nor  attention  to  apply  them.  It  is  time  to  stop  legislation  against  them.  We 
want  to  obey  laws,  not  men,  nor  the  tricks  of  men.  Statutes  are  human  tricks.  The  law  — 
the  statute  law  —  is  the  coward's  weapon,  the  tool  of  the  thief.  .  .  .  Free  access  to  the 
means  of  production  is  the  natural  right  of  every  man  able  and  willing  to  work.  It  is  the 
legal  right  of  the  capitalist  to  refuse  such  access  to  labor,  and  to  take  from  the  laborer  all  the 
wealth  he  creates  over  and  above  a  bare  subsistence  for  allowing  him  the  privilege  of  work- 
ing. A  laborer  has  the  natural  right  to  life,  and,  as  life  is  impossible  without  the  means  of 
production,  the  equal  right  to  life  involves  an  equal  right  to  the  means  of  production.  .  .  . 
Laws — just  laws — natural  laws  —  are  not  made  ;  they  are  discovered.  Law-enacting  is  an 
insult  to  divine  intelligence;  and  law-enforcing  is  the  impeachment  of  God's  integrity  and  His 
power. 

August  Spies  on  the  same  memorable  occasion  gave  his  views  of  Social- 
ism in  these  words : 

Socialism  is  a  constructive  and  not  a  destructive  science.  While  capitalism  expropriates 
the  masses  for  the  benefit  of  the  privileged  class  ;  while  capitalism  is  that  school  of  economics 
which  teaches  how  one  can  live  upon  the  labor  (t.  <?.,  property)  of  the  other,  Socialism 
teaches  how  all  may  possess  property,  and  further  teaches  that  every  man  must  work 
honestly  for  his  own  living,  and  not  be  playing  the  respectable  Board  of  Trade  man,  or  any 
other  highly  too  respectable  business  man  or  banker.  Socialism,  in  short,  seeks  to  establish 
a  universal  system  of  cooperation  and  to  render  accessible  to  each  and  every  member  of  the 
human  family  the  achievements  and  benefits  of  civilization,  which,  under  capitalism,  are 
being  monopolized  by  a  privileged  class,  and  employed,  not,  as  they  should  be,  for  the  com- 
mon good  of  all,  but  for  the  brutish  gratification  of  an  avaricious  class.  Under  capitalism, 
the  great  inventions  of  the  past,  far  from  being  a  blessing  for  mankind,  have  been  turned 
into  a  curse  !  Socialism  teaches  that  machines,  the  means  of  transportation  and  communica- 
tion, are  the  result  of  the  combined  efforts  of  society,  past  and  present,  and  that  they  are 
therefore  rightfully  the  indivisible  property  of  society,  just  the  same  as  the  soil  and  the  mines 
and  all  natural  gifts  should  be.  This  declaration  implies  that  those  who  have  appropriated 
this  wealth  wrongfully,  though  lawfully,  shall  be  expropriated  by  society.  The  expropria- 
tion of  the  masses  by  the  monopolists  has  reached  such  a  degree  that  the  expropriation  of 
the  expropriateurs  has  become  an  imperative  necessity,  an  act  of  social  self-preservation. 
Society  will  reclaim  its  own  even  though  you  erect  a  gibbet  on  every  street-corner.  And 
Anarchism,  this  terrible  "ism,"  deduces  that  under  a  cooperative  organization  of  society, 
under  economic  equality  and  individual  independence,  the  "state" — the  political  state  — 
will  pass  into  barbaric  antiquity.  And  we  will  be  where  all  are  free,  where  there  are  no 
longer  masters  and  servants.  Where  intellect  stands  for  brute  force,  there  will  no  longer  be 
any  use  for  the  policeman  and  militia  to  preserve  the  so-called  "peace  and  order."  Anarch- 
ism, or  Socialism,  means  the  reorganization  of  society  upon  scientific  principles  and  the 
abolition  of  causes  which  produce  vice  and  crime. 

Michael  Schwab,  in  his  utterances  before  the  same  tribunal,  held  as 
follows  : 

Socialism,  as  we  understand  it,  means  that  land  and  machinery  shall  be  held  in  common 
by  the  people.  The  production  of  goods  shall  be  carried  on  by  producing  groups  which 
shall  supply  the  demands  of  the  people.  Under  such  a  system  every  human  being  would 
have  an  opportunity  to  do  useful  work,  and  no  doubt  would  work.  Some  hours'  work  every 
day  would  suffice  to  produce  all  that,  according  to  statistics,  is  necessary  for  a  comfortable 
living.  Time  would  be  left  to  cultivate  the  mind  and  to  further  science  and  art.  That  is 


PLATFORM  OF  THE  INTERNATIONALE.  83 

what  Socialists  propose.  According  to  our  vocabulary,  Anarchy  is  a  state  of  society  in  which 
the  only  government  is  reason.  A  state  of  society  in  which  all  human  beings  do  right  for  the 
simple  reason  that  it  is  right  and  hate  wrong  because  it  is  wrong.  In  such  a  society  no  laws, 
no  compulsion  will  be  necessary. 

Samuel  Fielden,  standing  before  the  same  court,  also  dwelt  upon  Social- 
ism, saying  : 

And  it  will  be  a  good  time,  a  grand  day  for  the  world  ;  it  will  be  a  grand  day  for  humanity; 
it  will  never  have  taken  a  step  so  far  onward  toward  perfection,  if  it  can  ever  reach  that 
goal,  as  it  will  when  it  accepts  the  principles  of  Socialism.  They  are  the  principles  that 
injure  no  man.  They  are  the  principles  that  consider  the  interest  of  every  one.  They  are 
the  principles  which  will  do  away  with  wrong ;  and  injustice  and  suffering  will  be  reduced  at 
least  to  a  minimum  under  such  an  organization  of  society.  As  compared  to  the  present 
struggle  for  existence,  which  is  degrading  society  and  making  men  merely  things  and  animals, 
Socialism  will  give  them  opportunities  of  developing  the  possibilities  of  their  nature. 

The  platform  of  the  International  Association  of  Workingmen,  indorsed 
by  the  local  organization,  formulates  the  principles  of  Socialism  as  follows  : 

1.  Destruction  of  existing  class  domination,  through  inexorable  revolution  and  international 
activity. 

2.  The  building  of  a  free  society  on  communistic  organizations  or  production. 

3.  Free  exchange  of    equivalent  products  through  the  productive  organization  without 
jobbing  and  profit-making. 

4.  Organization  of  the  educational  system  upon  a  non-religious  and  scientific  and  equal 
basis  for  both  sexes. 

5.  Equal  rights  for  all,  without  distinction  of  sex  or  race. 

6.  The  regulation  of  public  affairs  through  agreements  between  the  independent  com- 
munes and  confederacies. 

The  above  was  published  in  the  Alarm  of  November  i,  1884,  with  the 
following  comment  : 

Proletarians  of  all  countries,  unite.  Fellow  workmen,  all  we  need  for  the  achievement  of 
this  great  end  is  organization  and  unity. 

There  exists  now  no  great  obstacle  to  that  unity.  The  work  of  peaceful  education  and 
revolutionary  conspiracy  will,  can  and  ought  to  run  in  parallel  lines. 

The  day  has  come  for  solidarity.  Join  our  ranks  !  Let  the  drum  beat  defiantly  the  roll 
of  battle  ;  workingmen  of  all  lands,  unite !  You  have  nothing  to  lose  but  your  chains;  you 
have  a  world  to  win.  Tremble,  oppressors  of  the  world  !  Not  far  beyond  your  purblind 
sight  there  dawn  the  scarlet  and  sable  lights  of  the  judgment  day  ! 

Such,  in  brief,  are  the  aims  of  Socialism  as  expounded  by  its  most 
extreme  representatives.  The  state  of  society  they  seek  to  establish  may 
be  highly  beneficial  to  a  class  which,  under  any  conditions,  lacks  sobriety, 
frugality,  thrift  and  self-reliance  ;  but  just  where  the  general  mass  of  human- 
ity is  to  be  bettered  or  elevated,  socially,  morally  or  politically,  is  a  point  not 
satisfactorily  explained.  Their  theory  may  look  well  on  paper,  and  their 
glittering  generalities  may  draw  adherents  from  the  ranks  of  the  illiterate 
and  the  vicious,  but  a  condition  of  society  in  which  there  are  no  masters 
and  no  authority  can  only  lead  to  chaos.  In  a  society  "in  which  all 
human  beings  do  right  for  the  simple  reason  that  it  is  right,"  there  can  be 
neither  stability  nor  permanence,  unless  human  nature  is  recast,  recon- 


84  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

strutted  and  regenerated.  Human  nature  must  be  treated  as  it  is  found  in 
the  general  make-up  of  man ;  and  therefore  a  society  in  which  all  special 
desires,  all  ambition  and  all  self-elevation  have  been  eliminated,  precludes 
development  and  progress.  It  reduces  everything  to  utter  shiftlessness  and 
stagnation.  In  such  a  society  there  can  be  no  incentive  to  great  achieve- 
ments in  art,  literature,  mechanics  or  invention.  If  all  are  to  be  placed  on 
an  equal  footing,  the  ignorant  with  the  educated,  the  dullard  with  the 
genius,  the  profligate  with  the  provident,  and  the  drunken  wretch  with  the 
industrious,  what  encouragement  for  special  effort  ?  If  vou  "  render  accessi- 
ble to  each  and  every  member  of  the  human  family  the  achievements  and 
benefits  of  civilization,"  holding  "property  in  common,"  why  should  a  man 
rack  his  brain  or  strain  his  muscles  in  producing  something  which  he 
expects  to  prove  remunerative  to  himself  in  some  way,  but  which  under  the 
Socialistic  state  would  go  to  the  financial  benefit  of  all  ?  Take  away  all 
incentive  to  improvement,  and  you  make  life  scarcely  worth  the  living. 
Where  the  state,  or  the  "independent  commune,"  is  to  be  entrusted  with 
the  care  and  equal  distribution  of  wealth  and  the  employment  of  men, 
the  individual  will  give  little  concern  for  thev  morrow  or  for  anything  beyond 
his  immediate  wants.  What  need  he  accomplish  more  than  his  neighbor, 
since  everything  that  is  produced  is  shared  jointly  ? 

In  the  Socialistic  society,  every  man  might  "work  honestly  for  his  own. 
living,"  as  Spies  declares,  but  what  would  be  the  inevitable  result  of  a  sys- 
tem in  which  the  state  or  commune  undertakes  to  see  that  all  have  employ- 
ment ? 

History  does  not  leave  us  room  for  doubt.  The  various  constitutions  of. 
France  recognized  the  right  of  the  people  to  employment.  It  was  provided 
in  1792  that  it  was  the  duty  of  society  to  afford  such  employment,  and  in 
the  following  year  it  was  added  that  the  remuneration  of  the  laborer  should 
be  sufficient  to  support  him.  This  doctrine  was  recognized  until  1819, 
when  it  fell  into  "innocuous  desuetude,"  and  it  was  not  revived  until  1848- 
In  that  year  a  placard  appeared  on  the  dead  walls  of  Paris,  to  the  follow- 
ing effect : 

The  Provisional  Government  of  the  French  Republic  guarantees  existence  to  the  laborer 
by  labor.  It  guarantees  labor  to  every  citizen.  It  guarantees  that  laborers  may  associate  to 
obtain  the  profits  of  their  legitimate  labor. 

In  consequence  of  this  proclamation  the  Government  was  appealed  to, 
and  national  work-shops  were  established  under  the  auspices  of  the  Govern- 
ment. The  establishments  were  open  to  all,  but,  as  no  one  was  specially 
interested  in  their  financial  success,  they  soon  proved  too  great  a  drain  upon 
the  resources  of  the  nation.  Failure  was  the  result.  In  the  assignment 
of  work  at  the  factories,  skill  and  fitness  never  entered  into  consideration. 
One  workman  was  as  good  as  another,  and  the  men,  so  long  as  they  had  the 
Government  at  their  back,  with  living  guaranteed,  did  not  bother  much 


BANNERS  OF  THE  SOCIAL  REVOLUTION  — II.     FROM  PHOTOGRAPHS. 

i.    "  Down  with  all  Laws.''  '  6.   "  Long  live  the  Social  Revolution  !  " 


86  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

about  the  kind  of  article  they  produced.  The  result  was  that  inferior  goods 
were  thrown  upon  the  market,  and  purchasers  were  difficult  to  find.  This 
speedily  led  to  the  closing  of  the  work-shops,  and  since  then  the  French 
Government  has  never  maintained  that  society  at  large  must  operate  work- 
shops for  the  benefit  of  all.  Any  commune  that  undertakes  the  same  task 
again  must  similarly  fail. 

Now,  suppose  that,  in  the  new  economic  conditions,  it  should  be  deter- 
mined by  the  "  independent  communes  "  that  wages  should  in  a  measure  be 
fixed  according  to  the  skill,  ability  and  energy  of  the  workingmen,  what 
sort  of  allotment  would  fall  to  the  great  body  of  workers?  Edward  Atkin- 
son, an  accurate  statistician  of  world-wide  reputation,  has  furnished  the 
public  with  a  compilation  showing  what  each  would  receive  if  the  aggregate 
production  in  the  United  States  were  divided  among  its  inhabitants.  The 
annual  production,  he  calculates,  of  all  the  industries  of  our  country,  does  not 
exceed  $200  per  head  of  population.  This  would  give  a  total  of  $12,000,000. 
If  this  were  divided  equally  among  families  of  five  persons  each,  on  a  basis  of 
a  sixty-million  population,  each  family  would  have  $1,000  per  annum.  But, 
as  I  have  said,  suppose  some  families  secure  more  than  others,  on  account 
of  greater  efficiency,  and  that  one-third  of  these  families  secure  $2,000  each 
per  annum.  The  remaining  two-thirds  would  only  secure  an  average  of 
$500.  "Suppose,"  it  has  been  said,  "one-half  of  this  third  to  be  fortunate 
enough,  or  skillful  enough,  to  increase  their  average  to  $3,000.  The  remain- 
ing half  continuing  at  $2,000,  the  average  share  of  the  two-thirds  would 
fall  to  $250,  or  $50  only  per  head,  per  annum." 

As  Prof.  Barnard,  dwelling  upon  the  facts  to  be  deduced  from  Atkin- 
son's showing,  says:  "Inasmuch  as  the  idea  of  an  average  implies  that  as- 
many  are  below  it  as  are  above  it,  it  is  easy  to  see  that  the  only  way  of 
removing  the  scourge  of  poverty  from  the  entire  human  race  is  to  increase 
the  productiveness  of  labor  so  that  want  can  only  be  a  consequence  of  willful 
idleness,  or  improvidence,  or  vice." 

In  the  "wonderful  readjustment"  of  wealth  and  the  products  of  labor 
Socialists  propose  to  inaugurate,  there  would  be  everywhere  more  misery, 
more  poverty  and  more  crime  than  the,  people  are  now  contending  with  in 
the  purlieus  of  London  and  Paris.  That  there  is  room  for  improvement  in 
the  condition  of  our  social  state  is  true,  but  that  changes  for  the  better  can 
be  obtained  by  Socialism  and  by  means  of  violence  is  false.  These  social 
as  well  as  governmental  improvements  can  only  be  brought  about  by  peace- 
able means.  Never  by  force,  as  the  logic  of  events  demonstrated  in  the 
Cook  County  Jail.  There  is  no  question  that  crack-brained  theorists  will 
continue  to  spring  up  and  exist.  They  have  existed  in  the  past.  The 
Babeufs,  the  Lassalles,  the  Fouriers  and  the  Karl  Marxes  may  continue  to 
preach  their  one-sided  ideas,  but  universal  education  in  the  United  States 
and  the  general  morality  of  the  masses  may  be  safely  counted  upon  as  a 


MILITARY  ORGANIZATION. 


guaranty  that  neither  the  gospel  of  violence  nor  isolated  cases  of  bloodshed 
will  ever  succeed  in  establishing  exploded  and  ruinous  theories  of  politics. 

AFTER  the  Socialists  of  Chicago  had  organized  their  military  companies, 
it  soon  became  evident  that  they  intended  to  use  their  forces  against  organ- 
ized society,  and  as  they  paraded  them  before  the  community  on  all  public 
occasions  as  a 
menace  to  good  or- 
der, the  Illinois  Leg- 
islature in  1879  set- 
tled their  stat us 
effectually  by  adopt- 
ing a  law  prohibit- 
ing armed  forces  in 
the  State  except 
those  wi  11  ing  to 
swear  to  support  the 
institutions  of  the 
State  as  well  as  of 
the  nation,  or  to  be- 
come members  of 
the  State  militia.  It 
was  also  made  a 
punishable  offense 
for  any  body  of  men 
to  assemble  with 
arms,  drill  or  parade 
within  the  State 
without  authority. 
The  Socialists  were 
not  seeking  State 
honors,  and  they 
took  an  appeal  to 

A  GROUP  OF  ANARCHISTS. 


From  a  Photograph. — The  central  figure  is  that  of  a  man  in  the  uniform  of  the 
Lehr  und  Wehr  Verein.  The  reclining  figure  in  foreground  is  Moritz 
Neff,  proprietor  of  Neff's  Hall. 


the    State    Supreme 

Court  on  the  ground 

that    the    legislative 

act  was  unconstitutional.      They  were  beaten,    and  accordingly  forced   to 

abandon  their  ten  companies. 

From  carrying  arms,  however,  they  soon  turned  their  attention  to  the 
study  of  explosives.  They  began  experiments  at  once,  and  some  years 
later  boldly  urged  their  adherents  to  become  adepts  in  the  manufacture 
and  use  of  the  most  approved  explosive  —  dynamite. 

In  the  Alarm  of  October  18,  1884,  the  following  was  published  : 


88  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

One  man  armed  with  a  dynamite  bomb  is  equal  to  one  regiment  of  militia,  when  it  is  used 
at  the  right  time  and  place.  Anarchists  are  of  the  opinion  that  the  bayonet  and  Catling  gun 
will  cut  but  sorry  part  in  the  social  revolution.  The  whole  method  of  warfare  has  been 
revolutionized  by  latter-day  discoveries  of  science,  and  the  American  people  will  avail  them- 
selves of  its  advantages  in  the  conflict  with  upstarts  and  contemptible  braggarts  who  expect  to 
continue  their  rascality  under  the  plea  of  preserving  law  and  order. 

The  same  paper,  in  its  issue  of  November  i,  1884,  contained  this  pro- 
nunciamento : 

How  can  all  this  be  done  ?  Simply  by  making  ourselves  masters  of  the  use  of  dynamite, 
then  declaring  we  will  make  no  further  claim  to  ownership  in  anything,  and  deny  every  other 
person's  right  to  be  the  owner  of  anything,  and  administer  instant  death,  by  any  and  all 
means,  to  any  and  every  person  who  attempts  to  continue  to  claim  personal  ownership  in 
anything.  This  method,  and  this  alone,  can  relieve  the  world  of  this  infernal  monster  called 
the  "right  of  property." 

Let  us  try  and  not  strike  too  soon,  when  our  numbers  are  too  small,  or  before  more  of  us 
understand  the  use  and  manufacture  of  the  weapons. 

To  avoid  unnecessary  bloodshed,  confusion  and  discouragement,  we  must  be  prepared, 
know  why  we  strike  and  for  just  what  we  strike,  and  then  strike  in  unison  and  with  all  our 
might. 

Our  war  is  not  against  men,  but  against  systems ;  yet  we  must  prepare  to  kill  men  who 
will  try  to  defeat  our  cause,  or  we  will  strive  in  vain.  • 

The  rich  are  only  worse  than  the  poor  because  they  have  more  power  to  wield  this 
infernal  "property  right,"  and  because  they  have  more  power  to  reform,  and  take  less 
interest  in  doing  so.  Therefore,  it  is  easy  to  see  where  the  bloodiest  blows  must  be  dealt. 

We  can  expect  but  few  or  no  converts  among  the  rich,  and  it  will  be  better  for  our  cause 
if  they  do  not  wait  for  us  to  strike  first. 

Again,  on  February  21,  1885,  from  the  same  paper  : 

The  deep-rooted,  malignant  evil  which  compels  the  wealth-producers  to  become  the 
independent  hirelings  of  a  few  capitalistic  czars,  can  not  be  reached  by  means  of  the  ballot. 

The  ballot  can  be  wielded  by  free  men  alone ;  but  slaves  can  only  revolt  and  rise  in  insur- 
rection against  their  despoilers. 

Let  us  bear  in  mind  the  fact  that  here  in  America,  as  elsewhere,  the  worker  is  held  in 
economic  bondage  by  the  use  of  force,  and  the  employment  of  force,  therefore,  becomes  a 
necessity  to  his  economic  preservation.  Poverty  can't  vote  ! 

In  the  same  issue  also  appeared  the  following  : 

Dynamite  !  Of  all  the  good  stuff,  this  is  the  stuff.  Stuff  several  pounds  of  this  sublime 
stuff  into  an  inch  pipe  (gas  or  water  pipe),  plug  up  both  ends,  insert  a  cap  with  a  fuse 
attached,  place  this  in  the  immediate  neighborhood  of  a  lot  of  rich  loafers  who  live  by  the 
sweat  of  other  people's  brows,  and  light  the  fuse.  A  most  cheerful  and  gratifying  result 
will  follow.  In  giving  dynamite  to  the  downtrodden  millions  of  the  globe  science  has 
done  its  best  work.  The  dear  stuff  can  be  carried  in  the  pocket  without  danger,  while  it  is 
a  formidable  weapon  against  any  force  of  militia,  police  or  detectives  that  may  want  to 
stifle  the  cry  for  justice  that  goes  forth  from  the  plundered  slaves.  It  is  something  not  very 
ornamental,  but  exceedingly  useful.  It  can  be  used  against  persons  and  things.  It  is  better 
to  use  it  against  the  former  than  against  bricks  and  masonry.  It  is  a  genuine  boon  for  the 
disinherited,  while  it  brings  terror  and  fear  to  the  robbers.  A  pound  of  this  good  stuff  beats 
a  bushel  of  ballots  all  hollow,  and  don't  you  forget  it  !  Our  law-makers  might  as  well  try  to 
sit  down  on  the  crater  of  a  volcano  or  a  bayonet  as  to  endeavor  to  stop  the  manufacture  and 
use  of  dynamite.  It  takes  more  justice  and  right  than  is  contained  in  laws  to  quiet  the 
spirit  of  unrest. 


PREACHING  MURDER.  89 

In  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  of  March  19,  1886,  appeared  the  following, 
after  many  articles  had  been  previously  published  of  the  same  tenor  as 
those  in  the  Alarm  : 

The  only  aim  of  the  workingman  should  be  the  liberation  of  mankind  from  the  shackles 
of  the  existing  damnable  slavery.  Here,  in  America,  where  the  workingman  possesses  yet 
the  freedom  of  meeting,  of  speech,  and  of  the  press,  most  should  be  done  for  the  emancipa- 
tion of  suffering  mankind.  But  the  press  gang  and  the  teachers  in  the  schools  do  all  in  their 
power  to  keep  the  people  in  the  dark.  Thus  everything  tends  to  degrade  mankind  more  and 
more,  from  day  to  day,  and  this  effects  a  "  beastening, "  as  is  observable  with  Irishmen,  and 
more  apparent,  even,  with  the  Chinese. 

If  we  do  not  soon  bestir  ourselves  for  a  bloody  revolution,  we  can  not  leave  anything  to 
our  children  but  poverty  and  slavery.  Therefore  prepare  yourselves,  in  all  quietness,  for 
the  revolution. 

The  following  extracts  are  from  the  first  number  of  the  Anarchist, 
Engel's  paper,  dated  January  i,  1886,  with  the  motto/  "All  government  we 
hate"  : 

Workingmen  and  fellows :  We  recognize  it  our  duty  to  contend  against  existing  rule, 
but  he  who  would  war  successfully  must  equip  himself  with  all  implements  adapted  to  destroy 
his  opponents  and  secure  victory.  In  consideration  thereof  we  have  resolved  to  publish  the 
Anarchist  as  a  line  in  the  fight  for  the  disinherited.  It  is  necessary  to  disseminate  Anarchistic 
doctrine.  As  we  strive  for  freedom  from  government  we  advocate  the  principle  of  autonomy, 
in  this  sense :  We  strive  towards  the  overthrow  of  the  existing  order,  that  an  end  may  be 
put  to  the  "abhorrent  work  of  destruction  on  the  part  of  mankind,  and  fratricide  done  away." 
The  equality  of  all,  without  distinction  of  race,  color  or  nationality,  is  our  fundamental 
principle,  thus  ending  rule  and  servitude.  We  reject  reformatory  endeavors  as  useless  play, 
adding  to  the  derision  and  oppression  of  the  workingmen.  Against  the  never-to-be-satisfied 
ferocity  of  capital  we  recommend  the  radical  means  of  the  present  age.  All  endeavors  of  the 
working  classes  not  aiming  at  the  overthrow  of  existing  conditions  of  ownership  and  at  com- 
plete self-government  are  to  us  reactionary.  The  idea  of  the  absence  of  authority  warrants 
that  we  will  carry  on  a  fight  of  principles  only.  .  .  . 

No  one  can  deny  that  man  brings  with  him  into  the  world  the  right  to  live.  But  this  is 
denied  by  the  property  beast.  He  who  has  the  whip  of  power  will  brandish  it  over  the  poor. 
What  does  the  world  offer  to  the  poor  who  are  compelled  to  carry  on  a  mere  struggle  for 
existence  ?  Patented  machinery,  combined  with  capital  and  other  means  of  preservation, 
denies  work  to  the  workmen  on  account  of  the  excessive  offer  of  working  powers.  Working- 
men  should,  therefore,  enter  the  ranks  of  those  who  propose  to  set  aside  the  present  system 
of  inequality  and  build  up  a  system  of  equality  and  freedom.  Let  every  one  join  the  Inter- 
national Workingmen's  Association,  and  arm  himself  with  the  best  weapons  of  modern 
times.  .  .  . 

The  authorities  in  America  have  hitherto  refused  to  prosecute  Anarchists  as  the  European 
powers  do,  not  because  of  hatred  to  despotism,  but  from  fear  that  the  American  people 
might  be  driven  into  Anarchism.  As  Anarchists  increase,  however,  it  is  intended  to  to  away 
with  them  by  slow  degrees.  To  this  end  a  bill  was  introduced  in  Congress  refusing  to  and 
revoking  citizenship  of  such.  Yet  the  Anarchist  declines  citizenship  because  he  regards  him- 
self as  cosmopolitan.  We  hope  for  more  foolish  things  to  open  the  eyes  of  American  work- 
ingmen. .  .  . 

Reflections  of  an  Anarchist  at  the  Grave  of  Leiske. — After  the  workingman  becomes  a 
journeyman  he  feels  free,  casts  a  glance  into  the  world  —  it  is  glorious,  beautiful.  He  thinks 
there  is  happiness  for  him  somewhere.  He  proposes  to  go  abroad,  but  a  terrible  cry  falls  upon 
his  ears  —  the  outcry  of  a  tormented  people.  He  inquires,  have  the  pariahs  of  to-day  a  right 


90  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

to  live  ?  and  answers  yes.  Why  otherwise  born,  if  suffered  to  die  with  hunger  ?  And  hunger 
and  poverty  are  the  results  of  the  stealings  of  the  rich.  Having  thus  concluded,  he  swears 
to  help  in  the  work  of  liberation,  "in  the  great  struggle  of  mankind  for  a  better  condition  ;  " 
to  take  vengeance  upon  those  responsible  for  this  misery.  In  his  investigations  he  learns  the 
utter  vileness  of  the  police  power,  and  a  policeman  is  killed.  Whereupon  the  workman  is 
arrested,  charged  with  the  murder  of  Rumpf,  and  killed  after  nearly  a  year  of  most  devilish 
torture.  With  what  contempt  Leiske  met  his  executioners,  and  with  what  heroism  he  went 
unto  his  death,  is  known  to  our  fellows,  and  he  shall  be  avenged. 

The  Alarm,  January  13,  1885  : 

"Force  the  only  defense  against  injustice  and  oppression."  Because  the  Socialists 
advocate  resistance,  they  are  accused  of  brutality  and  want  of  wisdom.  All  men  agree  that 
themselves  should  not  be  trampled  upon  by  others.  If  you  can  compel  a  man  to  agree  to 
allow  others  to  exercise  control  over  him,  you  will  find  that  the  soldier  will  soon  claim  all 
you  have  acquired  for  yourselves.  This  only  teaches  that  it  is  dangerous  for  the  wicked  to 
teach  war  ;  not  so  with  justice.  Justice  can  never  create  opposition  to  itself.  Therefore 
"  justice  is  always  safe  in  accumulating  force,  while  injustice  can  only  accumulate  force  at 
its  peril."  We  are  told  force  is  cruel,  but  this  is  only  true  when  the  opposition  is  less  cruel. 
If  the  opposition  is  relentless  power,  starving,  freezing,  etc.,  and  the  application  of  force  will 
require  less  suffering,  then  force  is  humane.  Tharefore  we  say  that  dynamite  is  both  humane 
and  economical.  It  will,  at  the  expense  of  less  suffering,  prevent  more.  It  is  not  humane 
to  compel  ten  persons  to  starve  to  death,  when  the  execution  of  five  persons  would  prevent 
it.  A  system  that  is  starving  and  freezing  tens  of  thousands  of  little  children,  in  the  midst 
of  a  world  of  plenty,  cannot  be  defended  against  dynamiters  on  the  ground  of  humanity.  If 
every  child  that  starved  to  death  in  the  United  States  were  retaliated  for  by  the  execution  of 
a  rich  man  in  his  own  parlor,  the  brutal  system  of  wage  property  would  not  last  six  weeks. 
It  is  a  wonder  that  a  father,  after  his  vain  search  for  bread,  can  see  his  little  ones  starve  or 
freeze,  without  striking  that  vengeful,  just  and  bloody  blow  at  the  cause  that  would  prevent 
other  little  ones  suffering  a  similar  fate.  It  is  not  probable  that  men  will  always  endure  this 
cruel,  relentless  process  of  monopoly  and  competition. 

The  privileged  class  use  force  to  perpetuate  their  power,  and  the  despoiled  workers  must 
use  force  to  prevent  it. 

The  Alarm,  July  25,  1885  : 

STREET  FIGHTING. 
How  to  Meet  the  Enemy.  —  Some  Valuable  Hints  for  the  Revolutionary  Soldiers.  —  What  an 

Officer  of  the  United  States  Army  has  to  Say. 

The  following  letter,  published  in  the  San  Francisco  Truth  some  time  ago,  will  be  read 
with  interest.  The  letter  is  quoted  as  follows,  in  substance  :  "I  am  an  officer  in  the  army 
of  the  United  States,  and  know  whereof  I  write.  "  John  Upton  said  to  me,  with  great  earnest- 
ness, that  the  day  of  armies  is  passing  away.  I .  believe  this.  This  introduces  my  subject. 
I  desire  to  place  the  details  of  the  science  of  butchery  before  the  people;  to  point  out  its 
weak  points,  so  that  in  future  uprisings  the  people  may  stand  some  chance  of  winning.  They 
have  for  the  past  twenty  years  been  overcome  only  because  of  their  own  ignorance.  They 
have  been  slaughtered  and  subdued  because  of  a  lack  of  coolness,  want  of  knowledge,  and 
adherence  to  what  is  called  '  humanity, '  '  honorable  warfare, '  etc.  I  assume  that  my  readers 
agree  with  me  that  against  tyrants  all  means  are  legitimate,  and  that  in  war  that  course  is 
best,  though  bloodiest,  which  soonest  ends  the  contest.  My  purpose  is  to  persuade  the  people 
to  add  a  little  common  sense  in  future  to  their  heroism,  and  thus  insure  success. 

"  United  States  and  State  regiments  are  organized  on  the  unit  of  four,  which  permits  the 
most  rapid  and  effective  change  of  front  that  can  be  devised.  The  art  of  war  consists  in 
making  soldiers  fight.  The  line  of  retreat  must  be  kept  open  to  avoid  capture.  In  future 


Dick 

who  murdere,  .  HUUI  , 
wrkingmen  id  Lemontis  not 

I    Pi  •       J 

n  Inis  procession!. 

ii 

Yoikinseeiim  later.) 


arler  Harrison  whi 


jdubbedour  citizens  during 


carmens  [strike  is  not[ 


cessio 
later. 


miiWohllustgeniessi 
)enkapitalistischen7ei- 


unverdrossen 
StetsneueWaffenden 

Kampfcsgenossen: 
So  den,,BOYCOrrein 

scnarferPfeil 
Er  trai  ins  Herz  man 
.aerKtsafflWuthuheul 


tungs  mist 
HcMannerdcsYolks 

verlangcn  kraftigereK 
)icnARBEITER-ZEITUNC 
irdieJREIHEIT'VonMost 


Arbeiter-Zeitung  and  of 
Johann  Most's  paper,  Die 
Freiheit. 


i.  "The    greatest    crime 
these  days  is  Poverty." 

3.  "  Millions  work  for  the  benefit  of  the  few. 
Let  us  work  for  ourselves." 


7.  "Proletarians  of  all  lands,  unite." 

8.  This  is  a  bit  of  Socialist  "poetry"  expa- 


6. This  is  a  bit  of  doggerel  directed  against 


tiating  on  the  efficacy  of  the  "  boycott." 


the  capitalistic  press,  and  in  advocacy  of  the 


BANNERS  OF  THE  SOCIAL  REVOLUTION  — III.     FROM  PHOTOGRAPHS. 


92  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

revolts  the  people  shall  assume  the  aggressive.  Army  officers  have  wasted  years  of  study 
over  the  science  of  street  fighting,  unavailingly.  The  plan  below  shows  a  method  adopted 
as  best.  The  troops  are  formed  on  the  street  in  two  bodies  in  column  of  four,  headed  by 
a  Galling  gun.  On  the  sidewalk  a  line  of  skirmishers  and  sharpshooters,  whose  duty  it  is  to 
fire  into  the  houses,  the  whole  advancing  cautiously.  When  a  cross  street  is  reached,  a  com- 
pany is  left  to  hold  it,  in  order  to  keep  open  the  avenue  of  retreat.  Military  knowledge  has 
become  popularized  since  1877,  and  now,  in  almost  any  contest,  it  would  be  easy  to  find 
some  fair  leaders  of  the  people  who  would  devise  some  means  of  meeting  such  an  advance, 
as  indicated  by  the  following  diagram.  The  diagram  represents  a  street  corner.  The  plan 
is,  at  the  street  crossing  to  have  bodies  of  revolutionists  with  movable  barracks  placed  ob- 
liquely on  the  cross  street,  and  who  from  there  will  fire  vigorously  upon  the  advancing  column. 
They  have  supporters  also  in  the  building,  also  at  the  corner,  whose  duty  is  to  throw- 
dynamite  upon  the  troops.  If  the  position  is  carried,  the  party  defending  escape  through 
the  cross  streets.  The  rear  of  the  column  can  also  be  attacked  from  the  cross  streets.  If 
the  men  in  the  barricades  are  armed  with  the  new  international  dynamite  rifle  (which  I  am 
told  exists  in  the  hands  of  the  revolutionists),  I  give  it  as  a  careful  technical  opinion,  that, 
pursuing  these  tactics  under  brave  and  able  leaders,  fifty  men  can  hold  at  bay  and  finally 
destroy  in  any  of  your  cities  an  attacking  force  of  five  thousand  troops."  Signed  "  R.  S.  S." 
Alcatraz  Island,  December  8. 

The  Alarm,  December  26,  1885  : 

Bakounine's  Groundwork  for  the  Social  Revolution.  — A  Revolutionist's  Duty  to  Himself .     (Free 
translation  from  the  German.) 

1.  The  revolutionist  is  self-offered  ;  has  no  personal  interest,  but  is  absorbed  by  the  one 
passion,  the  revolution. 

2.  He  is  at  war  with  the  existing  order  of  society  and  lives  to  destroy  it. 

3.  He  despises  society  in  its  present  form  and  leaves  its  reorganization  to  the  future, 
himself  knowing  only  the  science  of  destruction.     He  studies  mathematics,  chemistry,  etc., 
for  this  purpose.     The  quick  and  sure  overthrow  of  the  present  unreasonable  order  is  his 
object. 

4.  He  despises  public  sentiment  and  acknowledges  as  moral  whatever  favors  the  revolu- 
tion ;  as  criminal  whatever  opposes  it. 

5.  He  is  consecrated ;  he  will  not  spare,  nor  does  he  expect  mercy.     Between  him  and 
society  reigns  the  war  of  death  or  life. 

6.  Stringent  with  himself,   he  must  be  stringent  with   others.     All   sentiment   must  be 
suppressed  by  his  passion  for  the  revolutionary  work.     He  must  be  ready  to  die  and  to  kill. 

7.  He  excludes   romance  and    sentiment  and  also  personal   hatred  and  revenge;   never 
obeying  his  personal  inclinations,  but  his  revolutionary  duty. 

Toward  his  Comrades. 

8.  His  friendship  is  only  for  his  comrade,  and  is  measured  by  that  comrade's  usefulness 
in  the  practical  work  of  the  revolution. 

9.  As  to  important  affairs,  he  must  consult  with  his  comrades,  but  in  execution  depend 
upon  himself.     Each  must  be  self -operating,   and   must  ask  help  only  when  imperatively 
necessary. 

10.  He  shall    use  himself   and    his  subordinates  as  capital   to  be  used  for  the  work  of 
revolution,  but  no  part  of  which  can  he  dispose  of  without  the  consent  of  the  persons  in- 
volved. 

n.   If  a  comrade  is  in  danger,  he  shall  not  consider  his  personal  feelings,  but  the  inter- 
est of  the  cause. 

His  Duty  toward  Socit-ty. 

12.   A  new  candidate  can  be  taken  into  the  company  only  after  proof  of  his  merit,  and 
upon  unanimous  consent. 


BAKO  UNINE  'S  "  GR  O  UND  WORK." 


93 


13.  He  lives  in  a  so-called  civilized  world  because  he  believes  in  its  speedy  destruction 
He  clings  to  nothing  as  it  now  is,  and  does  not  hesitate  to  destroy  any  institution.     He  is  no 
revolutionist  if  arrested  by  personal  ties. 

14.  He  must  obtain  entrance  everywhere,  even  in  the  detective  agency  and  the  emperor's 
palace. 

15.  The  present  society  should  be  divided  into  categories,  the  first  including   those  sen- 
tenced to  immediate  death,  the  others  classifying  the  delinquents  according  to  their  rascality. 

16.  The  lists    are  not  to  be  influenced  by  personal  considerations,  but  those  are  to  be 
first  destroyed  whose  death  can  terrify  governments  and  deprive  them  of  their  most  intelligent 
agents. 

17.  The  second  category  embraces  those  who  are  permitted  to  live,  but  whose  evil  deeds 
•will  drive  the  people  to 

open  revolt. 

1 8.  The  third  cate- 
gory embraces  the  dis- 
solute   rich    whose  se- 
crets   must   be  discov- 
ered in  order  to  control 
their  resources. 

19.  The  fourth  cat- 
egory   consists  of  am- 
bitious    officials      and 
liberals  whose  purposes 
we  must  discover  so  as 
to   prevent  their  with- 
drawing   from    our 
cause. 

20.  The    fifth     cat- 
egory consists  of  doc- 
trinaire    conspirators ; 
they  must  be  urged  to 
action. 

21.  The    sixth  cat- 
egory   is    the    women, 
who    are    divided  into 


THE  RED  BANNER  OF  THE  CARPENTERS'    UNION. 
From  a  Photograph. 


three  classes :  First,  the  brainless  and  heartless ;  second,  the  passionate  and  qualified ; 
and,  third,  the  wholly  consecrated,  who  are  to  be  guarded  as  the  most  valuable  part  of  the 
revolutionary  treasures. 

The  Alarm  of  January  9,  1886,  then  edited,  in  the  absence  of  its  editor 
and  his  assistant,  by  August  Spies,  contained  this  suggestive  editorial : 

"The  Right  to  Bear  Arms." — After  the  conspiracy  of  the  workingmen,  the  working  classes, 
in  1877,  the  breaking  up  of  the  meeting  on  the  Haymarket  Square,  the  brutal  assault  upon  a 
gathering  of  furniture  workers  in  Vorwaerts  Turner  Hall,  the  murder  of  Tessman,  and  the 
general  clubbing  and  shooting  down  of  peaceably  inclined  wage-workers,  the  proletarians 
organized  the  Lehr  und  Wehr  Verein,  which  in  about  a  year  and  a  half  had  grown  to  a  mem- 
bership of  one  thousand.  This  was  regarded  by  the  capitalists  as  a  menace,  and  they  pro- 
cured the  passage  of  the  militia  law,  under  which  it  became  an  offense  for  any  body  of  men, 
other  than  those  authorized  by  the  Governor,  to  assemble  with  arms,  drill  or  parade  the  streets. 
The  members  of  the  Lehr  und  Wehr  Verein,  mostly  Socialists,  who  believed  in  the  ballot, 
made  up  a  test  case  to  determine  the  constitutionality  of  this  act,  rejecting  the  counsel  of  the 
extremists.  Judge  Barnum  held  the  law  to  be  unconstitutional  —  an  appeal  was  taken  —  and 


94  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

the  Supreme  Court  upset  this  decision  and  held  the  law  constitutional.  Thereupon  the 
Lehr  und  Wehr  Verein  applied  to  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  which  within 
a  few  days  affirmed  the  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  State.  Do  we  need  comment 
on  this  ? 

That  militia  law  has  had  its  uses.  Where  there  was  before  a  military  body  publicly 
organized,  whose  strength  could  be  easily  ascertained,  now  there  exists  an  organization 
whose  members  cannot  be  estimated,  and  a  network  of  destructive  agencies  of  modern  mili- 
tary character  that  will  defy  suppression. 

The  Arbeiter-Zeitung,  February  17,  editorial: 

In  France,  during  strikes,  etc.,  a  new  method  is  lately  adopted.  The  workingmen 
barricade  themselves  in  the  factories  with  provisions,  taking  possession  of  the  property, 
which  the  manufacturers  desire  to  preserve,  and  will  only  resort  to  force  for  their  ejection  in 
the  most  extreme  case.  The  conflict  between  capitalism  and  workingmen  is  growing  con- 
stantly sharper,  and  the  indication  is  that  force  will  bring  about  decisive  results  in  the  battle 
for  liberty. 

The  Arbeiter-Zeitung  of  April  30  : 

We  are  advised  that  the  police  are  ordered  to  be  ready  for  a  conflict  upon  Saturday  of 
next  week.  The  capitalists  are  thirsting  for  the  blood  of  workingmen.  The  workingmen 
refuse  longer  to  be  tortured  and  treated  like  dogs,  and  for  this  opposition  the  capitalists  cry 
for  blood.  Perhaps  they  may  have  it,  and  lose  some  of  their  own.  To  the  workingmen 
we  again  say :  Arm  yourselves,  but  conceal  your  arms  lest  they  be  stolen  from  you. 

The  Arbeiter-Zeitung,  May  3  : 

Courage,  courage,  is  our  cry.  Don't  forget  the  words  of  Herways  :  "  The  host  of  the 
oppressors  grow  pale  when  thou,  weary  of  thy  burden,  in  the  corner  puttest  the  plow ;  when 
thou  sayest,  'It  is  enough.'" 

The  Arbeiter-Zeitung,  May  4  : 

Blood  has  flown.  It  happened  as  it  had  to.  The  militia  have  not  been  drilling  in  vain. 
It  is  historical  that  private  property  had  its  origin  in  violence.  The  war  of  classes  has 
come.  Yesterday,  in  front  of  McCormick's  factory,  workmen  were  shot  down  whose  blood 
cries  for  vengeance.  In  the  past,  countless  victims  have  been  offered  on  the  altars  of  the 
golden  calf  amid  the  shouts  of  the  capitalistic  robbers.  One  has  only  to  think  of  East  St. 
Louis,  Chicago  and  other  places,  to  recognize  the  tactics  of  the  extortioners.  The  white 
terror  will  be  answered  with  the  red,  for  the  workmen  are  not  asleep.  They  modestly  asked 
for  eight  hours.  The  answer  was  to  drill  the  police  force  and  militia,  and  browbeat  those 
advocating  the  change.  And  yesterday  blood  flowed  —  the  reply  of  these  devils  to  this  modest 
petition  of  their  slaves.  Death  rather  than  a  life  of  wretchedness.  The  capitalistic  tiger 
lies  ready  for  the  jump,  his  eyes  sparkling,  eager  for  murder,  and  his  clutches  drawn  tight. 
Self-defense  cries,  "To  arms,  to  arms!"  If  you  do  not  defend  yourselves,  you  will  be 
ground  by  the  animal's  teeth. 

The  powers  hostile  to  the  workingmen  have  made  common  cause,  and  our  differences 
must  be  subordinated  to  the  common  purpose.  The  statement  of  the  capitalistic  press,  that 
the  workmen  yesterday  fired  first,  is  a  bold,  barefaced  lie. 

In  the  poor  shanty  miserably  clad  women  and  children  are  weeping  for  husband  and 
father.  In  the  palace  they  clink  glasses  filled  with  costly  wine  and  drink  to  the  happiness 
of  the  bloody  bandits  of  law  and  order.  Dry  your  tears,  ye  poor  and  wretched ;  take 
heart,  ye  slaves  ;  arise  in  your  might  and  overthrow  the  system  of  robbery. 

These  are  a  few  of  the  many  articles  emanating  from  the  Socialistic 
propaganda,  calling  the  rabble  to  murder  and  destruction.  Other  declara- 


THE  PROPAGANDA   OF  FORCE. 


95 


tions  printed  in  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  and  pronounced  upon  the  stump  are 
in  the  same  virulent  spirit,  couched  in  varying  language  as  suggested  by  the 
events  of  the  moment,  but  all  breathing  defiance  and  death  to  the  so-called 
"  capitalistic  class."  There  are  also  minute  and  specific  directions  for  the 
preparation  as  well  as  the  use  of  dynamite,  Herr  Most's  work  on  that  subject 


ATTEMPT  OF  DR.  NOBILING  TO  ASSASSINATE   THE   EMPEROR  OF  GERMANY. 

having  been  largely  drawn  upon  for  the  enlightenment  of  those  who  believed 
that  dynamite  is  the  weapon  through  the  use  of  which  the  social  revolu- 
tion can  be  accomplished.  Paragraphs,  sections  and  chapters  of  Bakounine's 
"Groundwork  for  the  Social  Revolution"  were  likewise  read  to  the  Socialists 
and  published  in  their  organs. 


96 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 


Another  source  from  which  to  draw  inspiration  was  Reinsdorf,  the 
apostle  of  Anarchy  in  Germany.  The  Chicago  Anarchists  regarded  him  as 
a  splendid  representative  of  their  class,  and  praised  his  attempt  on  the  life 
of  the  Emperor  of  Germany.  His  death  on  the  scaffold  was  regarded  as 
martyrdom,  and  his  deeds  were  frequently  extolled.  His  confederates  in 
conspiracy,  Hoedel  and  Nobiling,  were  referred  to  in  terms  of  praise  by 
George  A.  Schilling  at  a  meeting  in  West  Twelfth  Street  Turner  Hall. 
Louis  Lingg  had  been  personally  acquainted  with  Reinsdorf,  and  gloried 
in  the  man's  work  and  courage.  The  extreme  section  of  the  Chicago 

Socialists  always 
sought  to  inculcate  his 
ideas,  and  that  the 
reader  may  gain  some 
notion  of  Reinsdorf's 
character,  I  reproduce 
the  following  transla- 
tion from  a  German 
Socialistic  paper,  show- 
ing his  career  : 

He  was  the  principal 
leader  of  all  the  Anarchists 
in  Germany.  The  people 
looked  upon  him  as  the 
savior  of  their  great  cause. 
He  was  admired  not  only  by 
men,  but  also  by  women. 
Wherever  he  went  he  was 
given  great  receptions,  and 
he  had  many  pupils. 

Reinsdorf  was  born  in 
Prussia.  When  he  became 
of  age,  he  joined  the  party, 
and,  by  his  good  and  rapid 
work,  became  in  a  short 
time  the  father  of  the  An- 
archistic agitation.  But  the  law  pursued  him,  and  he  wandered  from  state  to  state.  In 
the  year  1876  we  find  him  in  Switzerland,  where  he  had  many  followers.  One  of  his 
pupils  and  admirers  was  Max  Hoedel,  who  with  Reinsdorf  conceived  a  plot  to  murder 
King  William  of  Prussia.  The  attack  upon  his  life  was  made  by  Hoedel  on  the  nth  day  of 
May,  1878.  He  fired  several  shots  at  the  aged  warrior,  but  failed,  as  none  of  them  took 
effect.  They  missed  their  mark.  Not  satisfied  with  this,  another  man,  Dr.  Nobiling,  also  a 
pupil  of  Reinsdorf,  made  another  attempt  three  weeks  later,  by  firing  a  shot-gun  filled 
with  buck-shot  at  the  old  King  ;  but  again  without  effect.  Nobiling's  deed  was  the 
consequence  of  Hoedel's  attempt,  and  Reinsdorf  was  the  agitator.  Failing  in  this,  they 
concluded  to  wait  some  time  until  their  party  should  get  stronger  and  could  secure 
better  material.  Among  others  Louis  Lingg  joined  the  Anarchists  in  Zurich.  Louis  was 
then  very  young,  but  he  became  as  radical  as  their  chief  leader.  The  Socialists  were 


AUGUST  REINSDORF. 


REINSD  ORE'S  D  ESP  ERA  TE  PL  O  T.  97 

to  have  held  a  Congress  there  in  May,  1880,  but  the  gathering  did  not  take  place, 
as  the  police  had  notice,  and  Reinsdorf  and  his  followers  were  compelled  to  leave 
Zurich  and  go  to  Freiburg  (Baden),  where  they  held  secret  meetings  and  where  Reinsdorf 
declared  that  he  himself  would  go  to  Berlin  and  kill  the  miserable  mahdi  by  stabbing 
him  to  the  heart.  He  went  to  Berlin  to  carry  out  this  plan,  but  was  arrested  by  the 
police.  They  could  not  make  out  a  case  of  conspiracy  against  him,  but  he  was  sent  to  prison 
for  several  months  on  the  charge  of  carrying  a  dagger.  After  his  discharge  Reinsdorf  traveled 
to  and  from  Switzerland  to  Germany,  France  and  Belgium,  speaking  in  all  places  where  he 
stopped,  and  gaining  many  followers.  His  only  desire  was  to  put  old  Emperor  William  (com- 
monly called  "old  Lehmann")  out  of  the  way  —  to  do  something  great  so  that  all  the  people 
would  look  up  to  him.  His  only  targets  were  royal  palaces  and  the  palaces  of  diplomates.  He 
and  others  then  formed  a  plan  to  murder  the  King,  and  Bismarck,  and  all  the  princes  and  others 
who  were  to  participate  in  the  dedication  of  the  Germania  monument  at  Ruedesheim  on  the 
28th  day  of  September,  1883.  But  Reinsdorf  met  with  an  accident  while  crossing  a  railroad 
track,  and  was  severely  injured.  This  was  a  very  painful  situation  for  Reinsdorf.  The  day 
for  action  drew  near,  but  he  was  confined  to  his  bed.  Should  this  beautiful  plan  be  given 
up  on  that  account  ?  Never !  Could  not  other  people  accomplish  what  he  had  thought  out  ? 
Certainly.  But  was  it  sure  that  they  would  have  the  necessary  courage  at  the  critical  moment  ? 
Could  he  trust  them  ?  Tormented  by  such  thoughts,  Reinsdorf  finally  submitted  to  the 
inevitable  and  confided  his  mission  to  two  of  his  comrades.  He  called  these  people  to  his 
bedside  and  told  them  what  he  wanted  done.  He  presented  his  plan  in  detail.  Rupsch  and 
Kuechler  —  these  are  their  names  —  pledged  themselves  to  do  what  he  desired.  They  started 
on  the  journey  with  the  necessary  material,  reached  Ruedesheim  safely,  and  on  the  night  of 
the  ayth  they  proceeded  to  a  spot  not  far  from  the  monument,  where  the  railroad  runs  near 
the  edge  of  the  forest.  They  filled  a  culvert  with  a  large  quantity  of  dynamite,  put  a  fulmin- 
ating cap  into  it  and  drew  the  fuse  into  the  forest.  It  was  raining  at  the  time,  and  they 
covered  the  fuse  with  moist  ground  and  tied  the  end  of  it  to  a  tree,  which  they  marked  by 
cutting  into  it.  They  then  returned  to  Ruedesheim.  The  next  morning  they  returned  to  the 
place.  The  royal  train  came.  Kuechler  gave  the  signal ;  Rupsch  held  his  burning  cigar  to 
the  fuse.  One  moment  of  breathless  expectation  !  The  train  passed,  and  the  explosion  — 
failed.  Kuechler  asked  Rupsch  about  the  failure.  The  latter  showed  that  the  end  of  the 
fuse  had  been  lighted,  but  did  not  burn  because  it  was  damp.  They  did  not  give  up  hope,  as 
the  train  had  to  return  the  same  way  after  the  ceremonies  were  over.  A  new  fuse  was 
attached.  Again  the  royal  party  passed  over  the  critical  ground,  where  death  had  been  pre- 
pared for  them.  Rupsch  lit  the  fuse  again,  but  it  did  not  burn.  An  investigation  afterwards 
showed  that  the  fuse  only  burned  a  short  length  and  then  went  out.  They  had  followed  all 
Reinsdorf 's  instructions  but  one  —  instead  of  water-proof  fuse  they  had  supplied  them- 
selves with  the  common  kind.  With  mutual  recriminations,  Kuechler  and  Rupsch  took  the 
dynamite  from  under  the  culvert  and  went  back  to  Ruedesheim,  where  they  got  gloriously 
drunk.  After  they  had  sobered  up,  they  returned  to  Elberfeld  and  reported  to  Reinsdorf, 
who  already  knew  that  his  beautiful  plan  had  miscarried.  With  great  wrath  he  listened  to 
them  and  said  :  "  No  such  thing  could  have  happened  to  me."  He  thought  there  would  be 
another  chance.  Then  he  would  not  be  in  the  hospital,  but  could  carry  it  out  himself.  His 
hopes  were  in  vain.  After  his  discharge  from  the  hospital  in  Elberfeld,  he  proceeded  to 
Frankfort-on-the-Main,  where  he  was  arrested.  The  police  found  out  that  he  was  an 
accomplice  in  the  conspiracy,  but,  putting  him  through  the  sieve,  they  failed  to  get  anything 
out  of  him,  as  he  would  not  answer  a  single  question.  He  said  :  "You  may  ask  me  as  much 
as  you  wish,  I  shall  not  answer."  Bachman,  one  of  his  companions  and  an  accomplice, 
escaped  to  Luxemburg,  where  he  thought  he  would  be  safe  from  the  law,  but  he  also  was 
arrested  and  extradited  and  sent  to  Elberfeld  to  keep  Reinsdorf  company,  together  with 
Rupsch  and  Kuechler. 


98  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

Reinsdorf  and  his  accomplices  were  tried  before  the  courts  of  Leipsic,  and  the  trial 
lasted  seven  days.  Bachman  and  two  others  were  sentenced  to  ten  years  in  the  penitentiary. 
Rupsch  got  a  life  sentence,  while  Reinsdorf  was  sentenced  to  be  beheaded.  At  his  trial 
Reinsdorf  was  as  stubborn  as  ever.  He  denied  everything.  When  he  was  asked  who  he  was 
he  answered  : 

"I  am  an  Anarchist." 

"What  is  Anarchy  ?  "  he  was  asked. 

"A  company  in  which  every  sensible  man  can  develop  his  ability.  To  permit  this  no  on& 
should  be  burdened  with  excessive  labor  ;  want  and  misery  should  be  banished ;  every  force 
should  cease;  every  stupidity,  every  superstition  should  be  banished  from  the  world." 

The  presiding  judge  asked  him  if  he  was  guilty  or  not,  and  to  answer  with  "yes" 
or  "no." 

Reinsdorf  answered  with  a  steady  voice :  "I  look  upon  this  whole  thing  as  a  question  of 
power.  If  we  German  Anarchists  had  a  couple  of  army  corps  at  our  disposition,  then  I 
would  not  have  to  talk  to  this  court.  I  for  my  part  have  nothing  to  say.  Do  with  me  as 
you  please." 

After  the  court  had  finished,  Reinsdorf  resumed  his  remarks  and  said :  "The  attempt  at 
Niederwald  failed  because  'the  hand  of  Providence  appeared,"  as  the  prosecution  terms  it.  I 
tell  you  the  awkward  hand  of  Rupsch  did  it.  I  am  sorry  to  say  I  had  no  one  else  at  my 
disposal.  I  have  nothing  to  repent,  only  that  the  attempt  failed.  At  the  factories  the- 
people  are  going  to  ruin  merely  for  the  benefit  of  the  stockholders.  These  honest  Christians- 
swindle  the  working  people  of  half  of  their  living.  My  lawyer  wanted  to  save  my  head,  but 
for  such  a  hounded  proletarian  as  I  am  the  quickest  death  is  the  best.  If  I  had  ten  heads  I 
would  offer  them  with  joy  and  lay  them  on  the  block  for  the  good  cause." 

Before  going  to  the  scaffold,  Reinsdorf  ate  a  hearty  meal,  smoked  a  cigar,  and  sang  a 
song.  He  walked  steadily  into  the  court-yard,  where  the  scaffold  was  standing,  guarded  by 
a  squad  of  soldiers,  besides  about  a  hundred  other  persons. 

"Are  you  August  Reinsdorf  ?  "  asked  the  sheriff. 

"Yes,  that  I  am." 

The  death  warrant  was  then  read  and  the  royal  signature  shown  to  him.  The  exe- 
cutioner then  bore  him  to  the  scaffold.  Reinsdorf 's  last  words  were  :  ' '  Down  with  barbar- 
ism ;  hurrah  for  Anarchy  ! "  The  axe  fell  and  the  head  was  severed  from  his  body. 

The  atonement  for  the  decapitation  of  Reinsdorf  followed  quickly.  The  sentence  had 
hardly  been  carried  into  execution  when,  on  the  i3th  of  January,  1885,  "the  miserable 
Rumpff, "  as  they  called  him,  was  stabbed  and  killed  by  the  hand  of  an  Anarchist  at  Frankfort- 
on-the-Main.  Sic  semper  tyrannis. 

With  such  an  example  of  courage  before  them,  and  the  revenge  his 
execution  invited,  it  is  almost  needless  to  remark  that  the  bloodthirsty 
Anarchists  of  Chicago  read  with  eager  avidity  anything  pertaining  to  their 
hero.  Accordingly,  in  the  Vorbote  of  December  16,  1885,  the  following  is- 
to  be  found : 

REINSDORF'S  INHERITANCE. 

In  the  pamphlet  about  Reinsdorf  there  is  a  letter  published  which  our  great  martyr  wrote- 
the  day  previous  to  his  decapitation.  We  are  able  now  to  publish  two  other  letters  which 
Reinsdorf  wrote  at  the  same  time,  to  his  parents  and  to  his  second  brother. 

One  letter  reads  as  follows  : 

HALLE,  February  6,  1885. 

My  Dear  Brother  :  To-day  is  my  last  day,  and  I  could  not  let  it  pass  without  writing  to' 
you  to  show  you  that  I  always  remembered  you  with  brotherly  love.  When  you  have  read 


KEINSDOltF'S  LETTERS.  99 

this  letter  I  shall  be  one  of  the  fortunates  who  are  past  and  one  of  whom  they  can  speak 
nothing  but  good.  Now,  my  deeds,  specially  alleged  against  me  before  the  courts,  lie  open 
before  the  world,  and,  although  I  am  sentenced  to  death,  I  have  the  feeling  that  I  did  my 
duty  ;  and  this  feeling  it  is  which  makes  my  last  walk  easy,  to  receive  joyfully  the  everlasting 
sleep  as  something  well  earned. 

Dear  August,  you  have  often  had  trouble  and  sorrow,  although  you  are  in  the  blossom  of 
life.  People  usually  heed  the  words  of  one  deceased  more  than  the  speeches  of  philosophers. 
I  want  to  tell  you  a  few  words.  Bear  with  strength,  endurance  and  friendly  submission  the 
burden  which  you  have  laden  upon  yourself,  and  try  to  have  satisfaction  in  it,  so  you  can 
raise  your  children  that  they  may  be  useful  to  you  and  an  adornment  to  you.  What  would 
you  gain  by  it,  if  you  should  participate  in  the  good-for-nothing  diversions  of  the  people  ? 
Think,  I  could  have  done  it,  but  I  preferred  the  wandering  existence  of  an  Anarchist. 

When  you,  therefore,  in  years  to  come,  look  back  upon  the  days  of  honest,  peaceable  labor 
done,  and  of  hard  duty  fulfilled,  then  you  will  be  filled  with  a  joyful  certainty  and  a  quiet 
happiness  that  will  repay  you  for  all  your  sufferings.  We  still  live,  unfortunately,  in  a  world 
of  egotism  and  incompleteness,  and  only  a  few  are  in  position  to  swim  against  the  stream — 
even  at  the  risk  of  their  lives.  You  never  did  it.  Good.  So  do  your  duty  as  the  father  of 
your  family.  Good-by.  Accept  a  greeting  from  my  heart  for  your  wife  and  family,  from 

Your  brother,  AUGUST. 

The  second  letter  is  directed  to  his  parents  : 

HALLE,  February  6,  1885. 

My  Dear  Parents:  Take  in  silence  what  cannot  be  helped  !  Who  would  sacrifice  their  chil- 
dren, if  not  you,  who  have  so  many  ?  Or  should  the  wealthy  do  it,  when  it  is  the  cause  of 
the  poor  for  which  we  fight  ?  Or  should  we  lay  our  hands  in  our  laps  and  wait  until  others 
have  sacrificed  themselves  for  us  ?  And  is  it  such  a  great  sacrifice  I  bring  ?  Sick  as  I  am, 
and  with  a  prospect  of  long  suffering,  it  should  be  looked  upon  as  a  blessing  when  such  an 
existence  is  put  to  a  quick  death.  And  what  an  end  is  it  ?  Whoever  they  are,  progressive 
or  reactionary,  liberal  or  conservative,  they  all  hate  the  Anarchist  Reinsdorf.  As  they  have 
condemned  his  doings,  they  cheer  his  death,  the  crown  of  a  faithful,  self-sacrificing  man. 
But  his  steadfastness,  in  defiance  of  thousands  of  obstacles,  no  one  can  deny.  And  this  shall 
be  your  consolation. 

How  many  have  had  to  die  for  smaller  causes  ?  How  many  have  lost  their  lives  in 
dynamite  conquests  ?  Take  all  this  in  consideration  and  don't  let  your  hearts  be  made  heavy 
through  the  babble  of  paltry  and  narrow-minded  people.  My  last  thoughts  are  of  you 
and  of  brothers  and  sisters,  and  of  the  great  cause  for  which  I  die.  Deep-felt  wishes  fill 
my  heart  for  the  prosperity  of  every  one  of  you.  Greetings  to  my  brothers  and  sisters, 
especially  Carl,  Emilie,  Emma  and  Anna,  to  whom  I  could  not  write  personally.  Shake 
once  more  their  hands  for  me.  You  and  I  embrace  with  all  the  love  of  childhood,  and  I  greet 
you  a  thousand  times.  Good-by,  all.  Yours,  AUGUST. 

What  Herr  Johann  Most,  the  present  American  leader  of  the  irreconcil- 
ables,  thought  of  Reinsdorf,  may  be  judged  by  the  following  extracts  from 
Host's  biography : 

From  the  i5th  to  the  22nd  of  December,  1884,  eight  workingmen,  who  had  been  captured 
in  the  war  of  the  poor  against  the  rich,  were  sitting  in  the  dock,  not  to  have  justice  passed 
upon  them,  but  to  await  the  sentence  of  might  which  the  judges,  acting  as  mouth-pieces  for 
the  ruling  powers,  had  in  preparation  for  them.  The  most  prominent  figure  among  these 
victims  of  a  barbaric  order  of  society  was  August  Reinsdorf.  To  this  man  my  little  book  is 
to  be  a  tribute  of  esteem. 

I  am  well  aware  of  the  difficulty  of  my  otherwise  quite  modest  undertaking,  to  write  a 
biography  of  the  father  of  the  Anarchistic  movement  within  the  territory  of  the  German 


100 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 


language,  yet  I  hope  to  do  the  brothers  near  and  far  a  service,  for  the  time  being  at  least,  by 
sketching  for  them  a  likeness  of  a  true  hero  of  the  Social  Revolution.   .   .  . 

Indeed  Reinsdorf  was  not  an  agitator  of  the  common  sort.  Speeches  delivered  occasion- 
ally or  written  articles  were  to  him  only  means  to  a  higher  purpose  —  incentives  to  action. 

Since  he  had  recognized  his  ideal  in  Anarchism ;  .  .  .  since  the  necessity  of  the 
•'  tactics  of  terror "  had  dawned  upon  him  in  contradistinction  to  the  tactics  of  petitioning, 
voting,  ' '  parliamenting, "  bargaining,  and  of  the  peaceable  and  legitimate  hide-and-seek  prac- 
tice—  all  his  thinking  and  planning  was  directed  to  but  one  thing,  he  knew  of  but  one 

endeavor,  he  gave  his  entire  being  to 
but  one  motive  power  of  the  Social  Re- 
volution—  that  was  the  propaganda  cf 
action. 

In  this  regard  he  may  be  put  beside 
the  most  noble  conspirators  of  ancient 
and  modern  times  .  .  . 

To  be  a  revolutionist  indeed,  one 
must  possess  the  faculty  of  thinking  with 
the  most  acute  clearness.  But  religious 
"fog"  is  the  opposite  of  clearness  of 
intellect.  Yea,  where  religious  non- 
sense has  once  taken  a  deep  root,  there 
every  mental  development  is  actually 
excluded,  and  a  kind  of  idiocy  formally 
takes  its  place.  .  .  . 

Quite  different  does  the  matter  stand 
in  the  case  of  a  "proletarian."  If  he 
once  recognize  the  old  Lord  God  with 
his  thunderbolt  as  an  invented  scare- 
crow which  a  shrewd  gang  of  rascals 
have  placed  before  paradise,  —  that  man 
should  not  eat  of  the  tree  of  knowl- 
edge, but  that  he  should  rather  wait  in 
patience  for  the  roasted  birds  which, 
after  his  death,  come  flying  into  his 
mouth  from  a  heavenly  kitchen,  —  if  the 
poor  devil  has  learned  to  see  that  his 
namesake,  too,  wherewith  they  had  tried  to  scare  him  previously,  is  also  an  invention 
of  malicious  swindlers, —  then  he  soon  applies  the  rule  of  the  critic  to  the  "high  "  and  "high- 
est" idols  of  earth.  He  loses  respect  for  the  so-called  "Governments"  and  more  and  more 
learns  to  see  in  them  a  horde  of  brutal  tormentors.  These  custodians  of  existing  treasures 
attract  his  eye  also  to  the  possessors  of  the  riches  of  the  earth,  and  soon  the  question  dawns 
upon  him,  Who  has  created  all  these  things  ?  The  answer  comes  of  itself.  He  and  his  like 
have  done  that.  To  them,  therefore,  belongs  the  whole  world.  They  only  need  to  take. 
Thus  the  man,  having  cut  loose  from  God,  becomes  the  revolutionist  par  excellence. 
After  Reinsdorf  had  succeeded  in  finding  people  who  he  thought  were  fit  to  take  part  in 
revolutionary  actions  and  even  risk  their  lives,  he  was  also  fortunate  enough  to  discover  a  source 
from  which  dynamite,  that  glorious  stuff  which  will  literally  make  a  road  for  liberty,  could  be 
procured. 

And  how  did  he  die  ?  Shortly  before  the  moment  of  death,  and  while  in  the  hands  of  the 
hangman,  he  cried  out :  "Down  with  barbarism  !  Let  Anarchy  live  !  " 


JOHANN    MOST. 


TACTICS  OF  THE  REVOLUTION.  101 

These  are  admonishing  words,  which  no  one  should  leave  unheeded  who  marches  under 
the  flag  of  the  Revolution. 

Well,  then  !  Let  us  act  accordingly  !  Away  with  all  sentimental  hesitation  when  it  comes 
to  strike  a  blow  against  State,  Church  and  Society  and  their  representatives,  as  wsll  as  against 
all  that  exists. 

Let  us  never  forget  that  the  revolutionists  of  modern  times  can  enter  into  the  society 
of  free  and  equal  men  only  over  ruins  and  ashes,  over  blood  and  dead  bodies. 

Let  us  rise  to  the  height  of  an  August  Reinsdorf  !  Let  us  complete  the  work  which  he  so 
boldly  began  !  Only  thus  can  we  avenge  ourselves  ;  only  thus  can  we  show  ourselves  worthy 
of  him  ;  only  thus  can  we  conquer. 

Workingmen !  Look  down  into  the  freshly  dug  pit.  There  lies  your  best  friend  and 
adviser,  an  advance  champion  of  your  cause,  a  martyred  witness  to  the  greatness  of  the 
Anarchistic  idea.  Live,  strive  and  act  as  he  !  Anarchists,  in  your  name  I  lay  the  well-earned 
laurel-wreath  upon  his  grave.  .  .  . 

The  retribution  for  the  annihilation  of  Reinsdorf  came  rapidly.  Scarcely  had  the  sen- 
tence been  spoken,  and  before  it  had  been  executed,  the  dagger  of  a  Nemesis  had  already 
taken  revenge.  On  January  13,  1885,  the  head  of  the  German  detective  forces,  the  miser- 
able Rumpff,  was  stabbed  to  death  by  the  hand  of  an  Anarchist. 

"  Sic  semper  tyrannis  —  So  be  it  to  all  tyrants  !  "  was  heard  everywhere.  With  great  satis- 
faction every  honorable  man,  especially  every  man  of  work,  experienced  that  Rumpff  had  to 
die  because  he  was  the  cause  of  Reinsdorf's  death.  .  .  . 

The  combustibles  are  heaped  up.  Proletarians,  throw  the  igniting  spark  amongst 
them. 

Up  with  force  !     Let  the  Social  Resolution  live  ! 

The  revolutionists  of  Chicago  appear  more  careful  about  exposing 
themselves  to  danger  than  their  foreign  co-conspirators,  and,  while  counsel- 
ing bloodshed,  suggest  ways  of  bringing  about  destruction  with  a  minimum 
of  danger.  In  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  of  March  16,  1885,  there  appeared  the 
following  editorial,  suggesting  the  most  effective  way  of  using  dynamite : 

In  all  revolutionary  action  three  different  epochs  of  time  are  to  be  distinguished  :  First 
the  portion  of  preparation  for  an  action,  then  the  moment  of  the  action  itself,  and  finally 
that  portion  of  time  which  follows  the  deed.  All  these  portions  of  time  are  to  be  considered 
one  after  another. 

In  the  first  place,  a  revolutionary  action  should  succeed.  Then  as  little  as  possible  ought 
to  be  sacrificed,  —  that  is,  in  other  words,  the  danger  of  discovery  ought  to  be  weakened  as  much 
as  possible,  and,  if  it  can  be,  should  be  reduced  to  naught.  This  calls  for  one  of  the  most 
important  tactical  principles,  which  briefly  might  be  formulated  in  the  words  :  Saving  of  the 
combatants.  All  this  constrains  us  to  further  explain  the  measures  of  organization  and 
tactics  which  must  be  taken  into  consideration  in  such  an  action. 

Mention  was  made  of  the  danger  of  discovery.  That  is,  in  fact,  present  in  all  three  of 
the  periods  of  conflict.  This  danger  is  imminent  in  the  preparation  of  the  action  itself,  and 
finally,  after  the  completion  thereof.  The  question  is  now,  How  can  it  be  met  ? 

If  we  view  the  different  phases  of  the  development  of  a  deed,  we  have,  first,  the  time  of 
preparation. 

It  is  easily  comprehensible  for  everybody  that  the  danger  of  discovery  is  the  greater  the 
more  numerous  the  mass  of  people  or  the  group  is  which  contemplates  a  deed,  and  vice  versa. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  threatening  danger  approaches  the  closer  the  better  the  acting 
persons  are  known  to  the  authorities  of  the  place  of  action,  and  vice  versa.  Holding  fast  to 
this,  the  following  results  : 

In  the  commission  of  a  deed,  a  comrade  who  does  not  live   at  the  place  of  action  —  that 


102  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

is,  a  comrade  of  some  other  place — ought,  if  possibility  admits,  to  participate  in  the  action  ; 
or,  formulated  differently,  a  revolutionary  deed  ought  to  be  enacted  where  one  is  not 
known. 

A  further  conclusion  which  may  be  drawn  from  what  was  mentioned  is  this  : 

Whoever  is  willing  to  execute  a  deed  has,  in  the  first  place,  to  put  the  question  to  himself, 
whether  he  is  able,  or  not,  to  carry  out  the  action  by  himself.  If  the  former  is  the  case,  let 
him  absolutely  initiate  no  one  into  the  matter  and  let  him  act  alone  ;  but  if  that  is  not  the 
case,  then  let  him  look,  with  the  greatest  care,  for  just  so  many  fellows  as  he  must  have, 
absolutely  —  not  one  more  nor  less ;  with  these  let  him  unite  himself  into  a  fighting 
group. 

The  founding  of  special  groups  of  action  or  of  war  is  an  absolute  necessity.  If  it  were 
attempted  to  make  use  of  an  existing  group  to  effect  an  action,  discovery  of  the  deed  would 
follow  upon  its  heels,  if  it  came  to  a  revolutionary  action  at  all,  which  would  be  very 
doubtful.  It  is  especially  true  in  America,  where  reaction  has  velvet  paws,  and  where 
asinine  confidence  is,  from  a  certain  direction,  directly  without  bounds.  In  the  preparation, 
even,  endless  debates  would  develop  ;  the  thing  would  be  hung  upon  the  big  bell ;  it  would 
be  at  first  a  public  secret,  and  then,  after  the  thing  was  known  to  everybody,  it  would  also 
reach  the  long  ears  of  the  holy  Hermandad  (the  sacred  precinct  of  the  watchman  over  the 
public  safety),  which,  as  is  known  to  every  man,  woman  and  child,  hear  the  grass  grow  and 
the  fleas  cough. 

In  the  formation  of  a  group  of  action,  the  greatest  care  must  be  exercised.  Men  must 
be  selected  who  have  head  and  heart  in  the  right  spot. 

Has  the  formation  of  a  fighting  group  been  effected,  has  the  intention  been  developed, 
does  each  one  see  perfectly  clear  the  manner  of  the  execution,  then  action  must  follow  with 
the  greatest  possible  swiftness,  without  delay,  for  now  they  move  within  the  scope  of  the 
greatest  danger,  simply  from  the  very  adjacent  reason,  because  the  select  allies  might  yet 
commit  treason  without  exposing  themselves  in  so  doing. 

In  the  action  itself,  one  must  be  personally  at  the  place,  to  select  personally  that  point  of 
the  place  of  action,  and  that  part  of  the  action,  which  are  the  most  important  and  are 
coupled  with  the  greatest  danger,  upon  which  depend  chiefly  the  success  or  failure  of  the 
whole  affair. 

Has  the  deed  been  completed,  then  the  group  of  action  dissolves  at  once,  without  fur- 
ther parley,  according  to  an  understanding  which  must  be  had  beforehand,  leaves  the  place  of 
action,  and  scatters  in  all  directions. 

If  this  theory  is  acted  upon,  then  the  danger  of  discovery  is  extremely  small  —  yea, 
reduced  to  almost  nothing,  and  from  this  point  of  view  the  author  ventures  to  say,  thus,  and 
not  otherwise,  must  be  acted,  if  the  advance  is  to  be  proper. 

It  would  be  an  easy  matter  to  furnish  the  proof,  by  the  different  revolutionary  acts  in 
which  the  history  of  the  immediate  past  is  so  rich,  that  the  executors  sinned  against  the  one 
or  the  other  of  the  aforementioned  principles,  and  that  in  this  fact  lies  the  cause  of  the  dis- 
covery, and  the  loss  to  us  of  very  important  fellow-champions  connected  therewith  ;  but  we 
will  be  brief,  and  leave  that  to  the  individual  reflection  of  the  reader.  But  one  fact  is  estab- 
lished—  that  is  this  :  That  all  the  rules  mentioned  can  be  observed  without  great  difficulty  ; 
further,  that  the  blood  of  our  best  comrades  can  be  spared  thereby ;  finally,  as  a  conse- 
quence of  the  last-mentioned,  that  light  actions  can  be  increased  materially,  for  the  complete 
success  of  an  action  is  the  best  impulse  to  a  new  deed,  and  the  things  must  always  succeed 
when  the  rules  of  wisdom  are  followed. 

A  further  question  which  might  probably  be  raised  would  be  this  :  In  case  a  special  or 
conditional  group  must  be  formed  for  the  purpose  of  action,  what  is  the  duty,  in  that  case, 
of  the  public  groups,  or  the  entire  public  organization,  in  view  of  the  aforesaid  action  ?  The 
answer  is  very  near  at  hand.  In  the  first  place,  they  have  to  serve  as  a  covering  —  as  a 


DE  TO  CQ  UE  VILLES  DEFINITION.  1 03 

shield  behind  which  one  of  the  most  effective  weapons  of  revolution  is  bared ;  then  these 
permanent  groups  are  to  be  the  source  from  which  the  necessary  pecuniary  means  are  drawn 
and  fellow-combatants  are  recruited  ;  finally,  the  accomplished  deeds  are  to  furnish  to  per- 
manent groups  the  material  for  critical  illustration.  These  discussions  are  to  wake  the 
spirit  of  rebellion, —  that  important  lever  of  the  advancing  course  of  the  development  of  our 
race, — without  which  we  would  be  forever  nailed  down  to  the  state  of  development  of  a 
gorilla  or  an  orang-outang.  This  right  spirit  is  to  be  inflamed,  the  revolutionary  instinct  is  to 
be  roused  which  still  sleeps  in  the  breast  of  man,  although  these  monsters,  which,  by  an 
oversight  of  nature,  were  covered  with  human  skin,  are  earnestly  endeavoring  to  cripple  the 
truly  noble  and  elevated  form  of  man  by  the  pressure  of  a  thousand  and  again  a  thousand 
years  —  to  morally  castrate  the  human  race.  Finally,  the  means  and  form  of  conquest  are 
to  be  found  by  untiring  search  and  comparison,  which  enhance  the  strength  of  each  prole- 
tarian a  thousandfold,  and  make  him  the  giant  Briareus,  alone  able  to  crush  the  ogres 
of  Capital. 

I  have  thus  shown  the  manner  and  methods  by  which  Socialism  seeks 
to  gain  a  foothold  in  America.  In  their  declarations  of  principles  and 
encouragements  to  violence,  these  agitators  have  proved  themselves  traitors 
to  their  country  or  the  country  of  their  adoption,  and  ingrates  to  society. 
They  have  sought,  and  are  seeking,  to  establish  "Anarchy  in  the  midst  of 
the  state,  war  in  times  of  peace,  and  conspiracy  in  open  day."  They  are 
the  "Huns  and  Vandals  of  modern  civilization. >; 

As  De  Tocqueville  says  :  "  Democracy  and  Socialism  are  the  antipodes 
of  each  other.  While  Democracy  extends  the  sphere  of  individual  inde- 
pendence, Socialism  contracts  it.  Democracy  develops  a  man's  whole 
manhood ;  Socialism  makes  him  an  agent,  an  instrument,  a  cipher.  Dem- 
ocracy and  Socialism  harmonize  on  one  point  only — the  equality  which 
they  introduce.  But  mark  the  difference :  Democracy  seeks  equality  in 
liberty,  while  Socialism  seeks  it  in  servitude  and  constraint." 


CHAPTER  V. 

The  Socialistic  Programme  —  Fighting  a  Compromise  —  Opposition  to  the 
Eight-hour  Movement  — The  Memorial  to  Congress  —  Eight  Hours'  Work  Enough  — 
The  Anarchist  Position  —  An  Alarm  Editorial — "Capitalists  and  Wage  Slaves"  — 
Parsons'  Ideas  —  The  Anarchists  and  the  Knights  of  Labor  —  Powderly's  Warning  — 
Working  up  a  Riot  —  The  Effect  of  Labor-saving  Machinery  — Views  of  Edison  and 
Wells — The  Socialistic  Demonstration — The  Procession  of  April  25,  1886  —  How  the 
Arbeiter-Zeitung  Helped  on  the  Crisis  —  The  Secret  Circular  of  1886. 

WHILE  the  Socialists  are  bent  on  a  revolution  in  the  economic  con- 
dition of  the  working  class,  or,  as  they  choose  to  term  it,  the 
proletariat,  they  have  conclusively  shown  that  they  do  not  desire  to 
further  that  movement  by  pacific  means.  Imbued  with  the  doctrines  of 
violence  and  intent  on  the  complete  destruction  of  government,  they  do  not 
seek  their  end  by  orderly,  legitimate  methods.  This  fact  has  been  most 
thoroughly  established  by  the  extracts  from  their  public  declarations  which 
I  have  already  given. 

But  if  any  doubts  still  exist  with  reference  thereto,  they  are  completely 
dissipated  by  an  examination  into  the  attitude  assumed  by  the  Socialists 
toward  the  labor  problem  as  it  exists  at  the  present  day.  It  is  not  my  pur- 
pose to  enter  into  a  detailed  review  of  the  whole  field.  I  will  simply  call 
attention  to  one  fact,  and  in  that  fact  one  sweeps  the  labor  horizon,  viewed 
from  the  Socialistic  standpoint,  as  the  astronomer  sweeps  the  heavens  with 
his  telescope,  striking  the  most  prominent  objects  within  the  range  of  obser- 
vation. This  one  fact  is  the  position  of  the  Socialists  toward  the  eight-hour 
movement. 

It  is  generally  known  that  many  economists  and  agitators,  with  neither 
affiliations  nor  sympathy  for  Socialism,  have  been  contending  for  years  that 
with  the  rapid  increase  in  labor-saving  machinery  and  the  consequent  dis- 
placement of  labor,  reduction  in  the  hours  of  service  has  become  an  absolute 
necessity.  The  points  made  in  support  of  this  position  are  numerous,  and 
as  the  most  salient  ones  appear  in  a  memorial  on  the  part  of  a  National 
Labor  Convention  to  the  Committee  on  Depression  in  Labor  and  Business 
of  the  Forty-sixth  Congress,  drafted  November  10,  1879,  I  may  briefly  quote 
a  few.  The  memorial  asked  a  reduction  : 

1.  In  the  name  of   political  economy.       "All  political  economists  are 
agreed,"  they  said,  "that  the  standard  of  wages  is  determined  by  the  cost 
of  subsistence  rather  than  by  the  number  of  hours  employed.     Wages  are 
recognized  as  resulting  from  the  necessary  cost  of  living  in  any  given  com- 
munity.    The  cost  of  subsistence  for  an  average  family  determines  the  rate, 
and  it  is  for  this  reason  that  single  men  can  save  more  if  they  will. " 

2.  In  the  interest  of  civilization.      "The  battle  for  a  reduction  of  the 


THE  EIGHT-HOUR  QUESTION.  105 

hours  of  labor  is  a  struggle  for  a  wider  civilization."  With  less  hours,  more 
leisure  is  afforded  for  mental  and  social  improvement.  In  proof  the  memo- 
rialists appealed  to  the  past  and  to  the  fact  that  one  day  of  rest  in  seven  has 
raised  the  social  condition  of  the  people.  Besides,  they  urged,  the  "history 
of  the  short-hour  movement  in  England  proved  conclusively  that  every 
reduction  of  time  in  the  United  Kingdom  had  invariably  been  followed  by 
an  increase  of  wages,"  and  the  consequent  improvement  of  workingmen. 

3.  The  changed  relations  between  production  and  consumption  demand 
remedial  legislation.  A  reduction  of  houfs  would  give  more  men  employ- 
ment. Under  existing  conditions,  capital  and  production  have  increased 
while  the  number  of  persons  employed  has  fallen  off. 

These  are  doctrines  one  would  think  the  Socialist,  pretending  to  have 
the  interests  of  labor  at  heart,  would  unquestionably  and  heartily  indorse. 
Far  from  it.  True  to  his  nature  as  a  social  disturber,  disorganizer  and 
malcontent,  he  sees  in  it  a  possible  solution  of  many  labor  troubles  and 
the  approach  to  a  rearrangement  of  existing  conditions  on  a  basis  different 
from  his  own  theories.  When  this  question  arose  in  Chicago  in  the  winter 
of  1885-86,  the  Alarm  entered  its  most  emphatic  protest.  In  its  issue  of 
December  12,  1885,  ithad  this  to  say,  under  the  heading,  "No  Compromise  ": 

We  of  the  Internationale  are  frequently  asked  why  we  do  not  give  our  active  support  to 
the  proposed  eight-hour  movement.  Let  us  take  what  we  can  get,  say  our  eight-hour  friends, 
else  by  asking  too  much  we  may  get  nothing. 

We  answer :  Because  we  will  not  compromise.  Kither  our  position  that  capitalists  have 
no  right  to  the  exclusive  ownership  of  the  means  of  life  is  a  true  one,  or  it  is  not.  If  we  are 
correct,  then  to  concede  the  point  that  capitalists  have  the  right  to  eight  hours  of  our  labor,  is 
more  than  a  compromise ;  it  is  a  virtual  concession  that  the  wage  system  is  right.  If  capital- 
ists have  the  right  to  own  labor  or  to  control  the  results  of  labor,  then  clearly  we  have  no 
business  dictating  the  terms  upon  which  we  may  be  employed.  We  cannot  say  to  our 
employers,  ' '  Yes,  we  acknowledge  your  right  to  employ  us ;  we  are  satisfied  that  the  wage 
system  is  all  right,  but  we,  your  slaves,  propose  to  dictate  the  terms  upon  which  we  will 
work. "  How  inconsistent !  And  yet  that  is  exactly  the  position  of  our  eight-hour  friends. 
They  presume  to  dictate  to  capital,  while  they  maintain  the  justness  of  the  capitalistic  sys- 
tem ;  they  would  regulate  wages  while  defending  the  claims  of  the  capitalists  to  the  absolute 
control  of  industry. 

These  sentiments  were  frequently  reiterated  by  A.  R.  Parsons,  who  was 
the  editor  of  the  Alarm  ;  and  in  August  Spies  he  found  an  energetic  ally. 
Among  other  things  Spies  said  concerning  the  movement : 

We  do  not  antagonize  the  eight-hour  movement.  Viewing  it  from  the  standpoint  that 
it  is  a  social  struggle,  we  simply  predict  that  it  is  a  lost  battle,  and  we  will  prove  that,  even 
though  the  eight-hour  system  should  be  established  at  this  late  day,  the  wage-workers  would 
gain  nothing.  They  would  still  remain  the  slaves  of  their  masters. 

Suppose  the  hours  of  labor  should  be  shortened  to  eight,  our  productive  capacity  would 
thersby  not  be  diminished.  The  shortening  of  the  hours  of  labor  in  England  was  imme- 
diately followed  by  a  general  increase  of  labor-saving  machines,  with  a  subsequent  discharge 
of  a  proportionate  number  of  employes.  The  reverse  of  what  had  been  sought  took  place. 
The  exploitation  of  those  at  work  was  intensified.  They  now  performed  more  labor,  and 
produced  more  than  before. 


io6  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

The  movement,  however,  took  a  firm  hold  of  the  laboring  classes.   They 
saw  in  it  a  chance  to  secure  more  leisure,  and,  inspired  by  their  anti-Social- 
istic leaders,  did  all  in  their  power  to  further  it.     There  were  then  in  Chi- 
cago a  great  many  unemployed,  and  under  the  plea  that  a  reduction  in  the 
hours  of    toil  would  not  only  give  more  time  for  self-improvement,  but 
necessitate  the  employment  of  many  of  the  idle  throng,  the  leaders  advo- 
cated its  speedy  introduction.     At  this  time  the  general  sentiment  prevailed 
that  it  was  simply  a  movement  for  a  reduction  in  working-time,   the  ques- 
tion of  wages  not  being  involved.     Some  few  irresponsible  talkers  of  the 
Socialistic  stamp,  it  is  true,  held  out  that  it  was  to  be  a  contention  for  wages 
as  well,  but  the   most  influential  and  conservative  representatives  of  labor 
insisted  that  they  only  wanted  eight  hours'  work  for  eight-hours'  pay.   Grand 
Master  Workman  Powderly  held  to  the  latter  view  and  repeatedly  urged  the 
members  of  the  Knights  of  Labor  not  to  go  beyond  that  demand.      He 
even  intimated  a  doubt  if  it  were  the  part  of  wisdom  and  policy  to  under- 
take at  the  time  a  strike  of  the  kind,  in  view  of  the  complications  then 
growing  out  of  the  Missouri  Pacific  Railway  —  known  as  the  Gould  sys- 
tem—  "tie-up."     Traffic  and  industry  had  been  seriously  affected  through- 
out the  West  by  Martin  Irons'  stubbornness,  and  it  is  evident  that  Powderly 
had  his  misgivings  about  the  outcome  of  an  eight-hour  strike.     However, 
the  leaders  continued  their  agitation,  and  it  was  decided  that  the  resolution 
adopted  in  1884  by  a  number  of  trades   organizations  in  national  session 
for  an  eight-hour  strike  on  May  i,  1886,  should  be  carried  out  in   Chicago, 
as  in  other  large  manufacturing  and  trade  centers.      Had  this  simple  prop- 
osition not  been  "loaded, "  the  result  of  the  movement  might  have  been 
•different,  but,  as  the  time  drew  near,  it  became  quite  apparent  that,  despite 
Powderly's  warnings,  the  question  of  wages  was  to  cut  a  leading  figure.      It 
was  developed  that  the  demand  for  a  reduction  of  hours  was  to  be  accom- 
panied with  a  demand  for  the  same  wages  as  under  the  old  ten-hour  system. 
This  was  the  rock  upon  which  they  subsequently  foundered.     Had  they  been 
•content  to  accept  decreased  wages  and  relied  upon  increased  efficiency  and 
skill  and  the  logic  of  events  to  secure  increased  pay  in   the  future,    they 
might  have  scored  many  victories,  if  not  a  complete  success. 

But  they  were  alike  unmindful  of  Powderly's  advice  and  the  teachings 
of  history.  They  seemingly  forgot  that  the  employers  would  naturally 
resist  any  such  sweeping  concession,  and  that,  as  in  other  instances,  the 
unemployed  would  at  once  be  installed,  whenever  possible,  in  their  places, 
and  that  in  industries  where  there  did  not  exist  an  overproduction,  the 
•capacity  of  machines  would  be  more  heavily  taxed  and  new  machines  would 
be  introduced  to  do  work  hitherto  done  by  hand.  A  London  publication 
has  shown  how,  in  recent  years,  in  the  extremity  of  bitter  strikes,  manu- 
factories have  increased  their  labor-saving  machinery  to  offset  the  absence 
of  their  workmen  and  how  invention  in  the  line  of  new  machines  has  been 


LABOR  AND  MACHINERY.  107 

:-greatly  stimulated  by  a  stubborn  conflict  between  employer  and  employed 
Hon.  David  A.  Wells  has  also  pointed  out  a  similar  result  in  this  country. 
Identically  the  same  thing  happened  in  several  establishments  in  Chicago. 
The  unemployed  and  new  machines  were  called  into  requisition  whenever 
possible. 

But  labor-saving  machinery  need  not  necessarily  be  regarded  as  an 
-enemy  of  labor.  That  doctrine,  which  had  its  origin  at  the  time  when  a 
riot  in  Spain  followed  the  introduction  of  a  machine  to  make  woolens,  and 
which  continued  until  the  invention  of  the  sewing-machine,  has  in  this  day 
come  to  be  regarded  by  all  enlightened  economists  as  a  nightmare  of  the 
musty  past.  The  fact  is  labor  has  been  aided  and  benefited  by  machinery. 
Prof.  Edison,  the  great  inventor,  is  authority  for  the  statement  that  the 
.increase  in  machinery  and  inventions  during  the  last  fifty  years  has  doubled 
the  wages  of  workingmen  and  reduced  the  cost  of  the  necessaries  of  life  50 
jper  cent.  "For  the  first  time  in  the  world's  history,"  he  says,  "a  skilled 
mechanic  can  buy  a  barrel  of  flour  with  a  single  day's  work."  Hon.  David 
A.  Wells,  in  an  article  in  the  Popular  Science  Monthly  for  October,  1887, 
treating  of  the  depression  of  prices  since  1873,  also  demonstrates  the  fact 
that  the  reductions,  which  he  states  to  be  30  per  cent.,  during  the  time 
.under  his  review,  are  due  to  inventions.  Edison  goes  still  further  in 
his  statement  with  reference  to  the  enhancement  of  wages.  He  predicts, 
rather  too  glowingly  perhaps,  that  in  another  generation  even  "the  unskilled 
laborer,  if  sober  and  industrious,  will  have  a  house  of  his  own,  a  library,  a 
piano  and  a  horse  and  carriage,"  with  all  the  comforts  that  these  imply. 

Anarchist  Spies  evidently  took  no  stock  in  such  a  condition  as  the  result 
of  new  and  improved  mechanical  appliances,  for  in  his  early  opposition  to 
the  inauguration  of  the  eight-hour  movement  he  declared  that  "for  a  man 
who  desires  to  remain  a  wage  slave,  the  introduction  of  every  new  improve- 
ment and  machine  is  a  threatening  competitor." 

I  have  thus  pointed  to  some  facts  bearing  on  strikes  and  wages  because 
it  has  since  transpired  that  the  Anarchists  or  Socialists,  intent  on  precipitat- 
ing the  "social  revolution,"  were  the  principal  instigators  of  the  demand 
-for  ten  hours'  pay  for  eight  hours'  work,  thereby  hoping  to  irritate  the  em- 
ployers to  determined  resistance  and  the  workingmen  of  non-Socialistic 
ideas  to  the  point  of  violence.  Past  experience  was  cast  aside  under  their 
clandestine  guidance.  While  the  movement  was  in  its  infancy  the  Socialists, 
as  such,  held  aloof,  but,  the  moment  they  saw  that  it  was  gaining  strength 
and  was  likely  to  involve  all  the  wage-workers  in  the  city,  and  that  eight 
hours  on  a  basis  of  reduced  pay  might  be  secured,  they  perceived  their 
opportunity  to  complicate  matters  by  the  introduction  of  a  demand  for  the 
old  wages  with  reduced  time.  This  at  once  threw  down  the  gauntlet. 
While  before  they  had  opposed  the  movement,  they  now  became  active 
agitators  in  its  behalf  and  appeared  more  solicitous  about  its  certain  inaug- 


io8  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

uration  than  they  were  about  its  successful  ending.  Their  organs  bristled' 
with  incendiary  language.  Their  speakers  could  hardly  find  words  strong 
enough  to  fire  their  auditors  in  the  demand  for  eight  hours.  They  even  got 
up  a  procession  under  the  auspices  of  the  Central  Labor  Union,  and,  on 
Sunday,  April  25,  1886,  paraded  the  streets  with  red  flags  and  red  badges. 

Among  some  of  the  mottoes  displayed  were  :  "  The  Social  Revolution," 
"Workingmen,  Arm  Yourselves,"  "Down  with  Throne,  Altar  and  Money- 
bags," and  "Might  makes  Right,  and  You  are  the  Strongest." 

The  procession  massed  on  the  Lake  Front.  There  the  leading  speakers 
were  loud  in  encouraging  the  strike  for  eight  hours.  Parsons  maintained  that 
"if  the  demands  of  workingmen  were  met  by  a  universal  lock-out,  the  signal 
would  be  taken  as  one  of  'war,  and  war  to  the  knife. '  "  Spies  declared 
that  "the  eight-hour  day  had  been  argued  for  twenty  years.  We  at  last 
can  hope  to  realize  it."  Schwab  and  Fielden  were  alike  emphatic. 

The  Arbeiter-Zeitung  likewise  heartily  indorsed  the  movement.  In  its 
issue  of  April  26,  1886,  appeared  an  editorial  of  which  the  following  is 
the  concluding  paragraph : 

What  a  modest  demand,  the  introduction  of  the  eight-hour  day  !  And  yet  a  corps  of 
madmen  could  not  demean  themselves  worse  than  the  capitalistic  extortioners.  They  con- 
tinually threaten  with  their  disciplined  police  and  their  strong  militia, —  and  these  are  not 
empty  threats.  This  is  proved  by  the  history  of  the  last  few  years.  It  is  a  nice  thing,  this 
patience,  and  the  laborer,  alas  !  has  too  much  of  this  article ;  but  one  must  not  indulge  in  a 
too  frivolous  play  with  it.  If  you  go  further,  his  patience  will  cease ;  then  it  will  be  no. 
longer  a  question  of  the  eight-hour  day,  but  a  question  of  emancipation  from  wage  slavery. 

In  the  same  paper  two  days  later  .the  editor  said  : 

What  will  the  first  of  May  bring  ?  The  workingmen  bold  and  determined.  The  decisive- 
day  has  arrived.  The  workingman,  inspired  by  the  justice  of  his  cause,  demands  an  allevia- 
tion of  his  lot,  a  lessening  of  his  burden.  The  answer,  as  always,  is:  "Insolent  rabble! 
Do  you  mean  to  dictate  to  us  ?  That  you  will  do  to  your  sorrow.  Hunger  will  soon  rid 
you  of  your  desire  for  any  notions  of  liberty.  Police,  executioners  and  militia  will  give 
their  aid." 

Men  of  labor,  so  long  as  you  acknowledge  the  gracious  kicks  of  your  oppressors  with 
words  of  gratitude,  so  long  you  are  faithful  dogs.  Have  your  skulls  been  penetrated  by  a 
ray  of  light,  or  does  hunger  drive  you  to  shake  off  your  servile  nature,  that  you  offend  your 
extortioners  ?  They  are  enraged,  and  will  attempt,  through  hired  murderers,  to  do  away 
with  you  like  mad  dogs. 

When  the  eventful  day  —  May  i — arrived,  the  A  rbeiter-Zeitung  became 
more  menacing  than  ever,  and  the  following  appeared  : 

Bravely  forward !  The  conflict  has  begun.  An  army  of  wage-laborers  are  idle.  Capi- 
talism conceals  its  tiger  claws  behind  the  ramparts  of  order.  Workmen,  let  your  watchword 
be :  No  compromise  !  Cowards  to  the  rear  !  Men  to  the  front ! 

The  die  is  cast.  The  first  of  May  has  come.  For  twenty  years  the  working  people  have 
been  begging  extortioners  to  introduce  the  eight-hour  system,  but  have  been  put  off  with 
promises.  Two  years  ago  they  resolved  that  the  eight-hour  system  should  be  introduced  in 
the  United  States  on  the  first  day  of  May,  1886.  The  reasonableness  of  this  demand  was 
conceded  on  all  hands.  Everybody,  apparently,  was  in  favor  of  shortening  the  hours  ;  but,  as 
the  time  approached,  a  change  became  apparent.  That  which  was  in  theory  modest  and 


4.  "  We  mourn  the  death 
of  a  workingman  more  than 
the  death  of  a  Gen.  Grant." 
6.  "Down  with  Throne, 
Altar  and  Money-bags." 
7.  "  Workingmen,  arm  yourselves."  8.  "Every 
Government  is  a  conspiracy  against  the  People." 


BANNERS  OF  THE  SOCIAL  REVOLUTION  — IV.     FROM  PHOTOGRAPHS. 


1 10  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

reasonable,  became  insolent  and  unreasonable.     It  became  apparent  at  last  that  the  eight- 
hour  hymn  had  only  been  struck  up  to  keep  the  labor  dunces  from  Socialism. 

That  the  laborers  might  energetically  insist  upon  the  eight-hour  movement,  never  occurred 
to  the  employer.  And  it  is  proposed  again  to  put  them  off  with  promises.  We  are  not 
afraid  of  the  masses  of  laborers,  but  of  their  pretended  leaders.  Workmen,  insist  upon  the 
eight-hour  movement.  "To  all  appearances  it  will  not  pass  off  smoothly."  The  extor- 
tioners are  determined  to  bring  their  laborers  back  to  servitude  by  starvation.  It  is  a 
question  whether  the  workmen  will  submit,  or  will  impart  to  their  would-be  murderers  an 
appreciation  of  modern  views.  We  hope  the  latter. 

In  the  same  issue  of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  also  appeared  the  following,  in 
a  conspicuous  place  : 

It  is  said  that  on  the  person  of  one  of  the  arrested  comrades  in  New  York  a  list  of 
membership  has  been  found,  and  that  all  the  comrades  compromised  have  been  arrested. 
Therefore,  away  -with  all  rolls  of  membership,  and  minute-books,  where  such  are  kept.  Clean  your 
guns,  complete  your  ammunition.  The  hired  murderers  of  the  capitalists,  the  police  and  militia, 
are  ready  to  murder.  No  workingman  should  leave  his  house  in  these  days  with  empty  pockets. 

The  consummate  inconsistency  of  the  Socialists  is  thus  no  better  illus- 
trated in  what  has  already  been  shown  than  in  their  record  in  Chicago. 
They  have  always  been  eager  to  jump  on  top  of  the  band  wagon,  to  para- 
phrase a  famous  expression  of  Emery  A.  Storrs,  when  they  thought  that  it 
gave  them  a  chance  to  join  in  the  lead  of  the  procession ;  and,  the  moment 
they  had  a  voice  in  directing  the  music,  they  led  it  beyond  the  mere  senti- 
ments of  a  Marseillaise.  Take  each  formidable  strike  in  the  city,  and 
invariably  they  have  instigated  the  rabble  to  deeds  of  disorder  and  violence. 
What  care  they  for  labor  reforms  accomplished  through  peaceable  agita- 
tion? It  is  only  when  a  pretext  is  presented  for  widening  the  breach 
between  capital  and  labor,  and  hastening  the  time  for  revolution,  that  the 
Socialists  join  in  any  movement  looking  to  the  real  benefit  of  labor.  It  is 
true,  they  have  figured  in  labor  reforms,  such  as  the  agitation  for  national 
and  State  bureaus  of  labor  statistics,  the  abolition  of  convict  labor  in  com- 
petition with  outside  industries,  the  prevention  of  child  labor  in  factories 
and  work-shops,  the  sanitary  inspection  of  tenement-houses  and  factories ; 
but  all  these  have  been  merely  side  issues  to  their  one  and  controlling  pur- 
pose —  Revolution.  For  appearance'  sake  they  have  boasted  of  their  achieve- 
ments in  the  lines  indicated,  but  it  "is  a  fact  of  history  that,  without  the 
efforts  of  non-Socialistic  labor,  none  of  the  reforms  so  far  accomplished 
would  ever  have  been  secured.  The  fact  is  that  Socialists  and  Anarchists 
are  radically  opposed  to  the  whole  wage  system  and  only  join  in  the 
demands  of  law-observing  and  peace-loving  labor  as  a  means  to  one  end  — 
opportunity  for  disturbance.  For  this  purpose  alone  they  have  become 
members  of  the  Knights  of  Labor,  and,  once  in,  they  have  proved  an  ele- 
ment of  disorder  and  contention.  So  pronounced  had  they  become  in 
fomenting  trouble  during  the  eight-hour  agitation  that  Mr.  Powderly 
finally  found  it  necessary  to  issue  a  secret  circular  to  the  order  in  the  spring 
of  1886.  In  that  circular,  among  other  things,  he  said  : 


POWDERLY'S  SECRET  CIRCULAR. 


in 


Men  who  own  capital  are  not  our  enemies.  If  that  theory  held  good,  the  workman  of  to- 
day would  be  the  enemy  of  his  fellow-toiler  on  the  morrow,  for,  after  all,  it  is  how  to  acquire 
capital  and  how  to  use  it  properly  that  we  are  endeavoring  to  learn.  No !  The  man  of  capital 
is  not  necessarily  the  enemy  of  the  laborer  ;  on  the  contrary,  they  must  be  brought  closer 
together.  I  am  well  aware  that  some  extremists  will  say  I  am  advocating  a  weak  plan  and 


INTERIOR  VIEW  OF  NEFF'S  HALL.— From  a  Photograph. 

will  say  that  bloodshed  and  destruction  of  property  alone  will  solve  the  problem.  If  a  man 
speaks  such  sentiments  in  an  assembly  read  for  him  the  charge  which  the  Master  Workman 
repeats  to  the  newly  initiated  who  join  our  "army  of  peace."  If  he  repeats  such  nonsense 
put  him  out. 

Wise  words  and  well  spoken. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

The  Eight-hour  Movement  —  Anarchist  Activity  —  The  Lock-out  at  Mc- 
Cormick's  —  Distorting  the  Facts  —  A  Socialist  Lie  —  The  True  Facts  about  McCor- 
mick's  —  Who  Shall  Run  the  Shops? — Abusing  the  "Scabs"  —  High  Wages  for 
Cheap  Work  —  The  Union  Loses  $3,000  a  Day  —  Preparing  for  Trouble  —  Arming  the 
Anarchists  —  Ammunition  Depots  —  Pistols  and  Dynamite  —  Threatening  the  Police  — 
The  Conspirators  Show  the  White  Feather  —  Capt.  O'Donnell's  Magnificent  Police 
Work  —  The  Revolution  Blocked  —  A  Foreign  Reservation — An  Attempt  to  Mob  the 
Police  —  The  History  of  the  First  Secret  Meeting  —  Lingg's  First  Appearance  in  the 
Conspiracy  —  The  Captured  Documents  —  Bloodshed  at  McCormick's — "The  Battle 
Was  Lost" — Officer  Casey's  Narrow  Escape. 

THE  events  immediately  preceding  the  inauguration  of  the  eight-hour 
strike  were  remarkable  in  the  opportunities  they  afforded  Anarchists 
for  arousing  workingmen  against  capital  and  stirring  up  their  worst 
passions.  The  leaders  had  already  intensified  the  clamor  for  reduced 
working-time,  and  only  the  occasion  was  needed  to  fully  arouse  the  true 
ruffianism  behind  the  Socialistic  rabble.  This  occasion  was  presented  in 
the  troubles  that  grew  out  of  the  "lock-out"  at  McCormick's  Harvester 
Works,  and,  as  the  facts  in  connection  therewith  are  necessary  to  a  clear 
and  comprehensive  understanding  of  the  situation,  I  shall  briefly  review 
them.  Before  doing  so,  however,  it  may  be  well  to  premise  by  saying  that 
the  real  state  of  affairs  in  that  trouble  was  greatly  exaggerated,  and  that, 
instead  of  dividing  responsibility,  the  Socialistic  orators  sought  to  throw  the 
sole  burden  upon  the  owners  and  managers  of  that  establishment,  charging 
them,  in  the  heat  and  excitement  of  the  times,  with  gross  violation  of  pledged 
faith  to  the  men  employed,  and  instigating  even  violent  resistance  to  the 
installation  of  new  men,  or  "scabs,"  as  they  were  opprobriously  termed, 
into  the  vacated  places. 

This  so-called  "lock-out"  occurred  on  February  16,  1886,  and  through 
it  some  twelve  hundred  men  became  idle.  The  Anarchists  proceeded  at 
once  to  distort  every  fact  in  connection  with  it.  The  view  they  presented 
of  the  affair  may  be  best  shown  by  "the  following  extract  from  a  history  of 
the  Chicago  Anarchists  published  by  the  Socialistic  Publishing  Society  : 

The  employes  of  that  establishment  had  been  for  some  time  perfecting  their  organization, 
and  at  last  had  presented  a  petition  for  the  redress  of  certain  grievances  and  a  general  advance 
•of  wages.  The  dispute  arose  over  an  additional  demand  that  a  guarantee  be  given  that  no 
man  in  the  factory  should  be  discharged  for  having  acted  as  a  representative  of  his  comrades. 
This  was  absolutely  refused.  A  strike  in  the  factory  in  the  preceding  April  had  been  adjusted 
on  the  basis  that  none  of  the  men  who  served  on  committees,  etc. ,  and  made  themselves  con- 
spicuous in  behalf  of  their  fellow  workmen,  would  be  discharged  for  so  doing.  This  agreement 
has  been  wantonly  violated,  and  every  man  who  had  incurred  the  displeasure  of  Mr.  McCor- 
mick  was  not  only  discharged,  but  black-listed,  in  many  cases  being  unable  to  obtain  employ- 
ment in  other  shops. 


THE  Me  CORMICK  LOCK-OUT.  113 

It  thus  appears  that  the  Socialist  leaders  not  only  hoped  to  utilize  the 
strike  to  precipitate  their  revolution,  but,  by  purposely  misstating  the  griev- 
ances of  McCormick's  men,  to  engender  a  bitter  and  violent  feeling  against 
that  establishment.  Now,  what  were  the  true  facts  in  the  case  ?  Along  in 
February  the  employes  in  the  works  asked  for  a  uniformity  of  wages,  the 
re-employment,  as  occasion  demanded,  of  all  old  hands,  who  had  been  out 
of  work  since  the  strike  in  April  preceding,  and  the  discharge  of  five  non- 
union men  employed  in  the  foundry.  Mr.  Cyrus  McCormick  generously 
conceded  the  first  two  demands,  but  firmly  declined  to  discharge  the  non- 
union men,  as  he  regarded  this  as  an  interference  with  the  company's  right 
of  employing  whom  they  pleased.  Thereupon  the  employes  held  a  meeting 
and  formulated  an  ultimatum,  in  which  they  insisted  upon  the  discharge  as 
requested,  "not  because,"  as  they  said,  "they  wanted  to  abridge  the  priv- 
ilege of  hiring  and  discharging,  but  because  Foreman  Ward  threatened  to 
pursue  old  hands  with  such  vindictiveness  that  he  would  drive  them  over 
the  'Black  Road,'  or  else  they  would  have  to  walk  in  their  nakedness,"  and  in 
justice  to  the  old  employes  the  non-union  workmen  ought  to  be  "thrown 
out."  Mr.  McCormick  took  the  position  that  this  was  an  attempt  to  dictate 
that  only  union  men  should  be  employed  in  the  works,  and  he  finally- 
declared  that  the  company  had  always  decided  and  always  would  decide 
who  were  best  suited  to  do  its  work,  and  whom  or  how  many  men  it  would 
employ  or  discharge.  If  the  concessions  already  made  were  not  satisfactory, 
he  would  close  the  works. 

During  the  strike  of  the  preceding  spring,  McCormick  had  done  just 
what  other  manufacturers  had  done  in  similar  cases  —  introduced  new  ma- 
chinery to  perform  work  hitherto  done  by  hand.  He  had  put  in  new  mold- 
ing apparatus  and  had  found  that  the  new  machines  in  the  hands  of  ordinary 
laborers,  as  soon  as  they  learned  to  handle  them,  turned  out  daily  far  more 
molds  and  more  reliable  ones  than  the  old  hand  process.  On  the  outbreak 
of  the  trouble  in.  February  there  were  fifteen  men  employed  in  the  foundry, 
—  ten  old  hands  and  five  non-union  men.  The  services  of  all  of  them 
might  thus  have  been  dispensed  with,  since  skilled  labor  was  not  necessary, 
and,  with  the  addition  of  more  machines  and  a  few  raw  hands,  just  as  much 
and  just  as  good  work,  he  claimed,  might  have  been  produced.  But  the 
owners  desired  to  favor  the  employes,  and,  having  granted  a  uniformity  of 
wages  even  to  the  extent  of  advancing  the  pay  of  ordinary  labor  to  $1.50 
per  day,  a  sum  greater  than  that  paid  by  similar  industries  elsewhere,  and 
having  promised  to  give  preference  to  old  employes  when  additional  hands 
were  needed,  they  resolved  not  to  be  dictated  to  by  outside  malcontents  nor 
to  discharge  men  who  had  done  efficient  work  for  the  company.  The  grant 
of  such  a  request  would,  they  held,  be  virtually  placing  the  management  of 
the  concern  in  the  hands  of  outsiders.  When,  therefore,  the  employes, 
instigated  by  the  Anarchists,  resolved  to  strike  for  their  demand,  McCormick 


PLANNING  BLOODSHED. 


took  time  by  the  forelock  and  ordered  the  works  closed  on  and  after  nine 
o'clock  on  the  morning  of  February  16,  to  remain  closed  until  the  strikers 
decided  to  return.  By  this  "lock-out"  the  employes  were  deprived  of 
$3,000  a  day  in  the  shape  of  wages,  that  amount  representing  the  daily  pay- 
roll of  the  concern.  Meanwhile,  pending  the  lock-out,  the  company  can- 
vassed the  possibility  of 
an  early  resumption  of 
business  and  quietly  per- 
fected arrangements  for 
that  step,  which  they  con- 
cluded to  take  on  March  i. 
Of  course,  this  contem- 
plated move  enraged  all 
the  groups  in  the  city. 
The  strikers  in  the  vicin- 
ity of  the  factory  were  es- 
pecially excited.  Ever  since 
the  establishment  had 
closed  its  doors  the  neigh- 
borhood had  been  infested 
with  idlers  and  vicious- 
looking  men.  They  had 
all  felt  confident  that  the 
firm  would  be  finally 
forced  to  submit,  but  when 
it  gradually  dawned  upon 
their  minds  that  arrange- 
ments had  actually  been 
made  for  a  resumption  of 
work  without  reference 
to  the  wishes  of  the  ' '  outs," 
they  determined  to  pre- 
vent it  by  force.  They 
were  the  first  to  decide  on 
violent  measures,  and  they 
presented  their  purpose  to  the  members  of  Carpenters'  Union  No.  i. 
The  result  was  that  two  secret  meetings  of  the  armed  men  of  both 
unions  were  held  between  February  27  and  March  3  at  Greif's  Hall. 
The  first  meeting  called  out  nearly  all  the  "armed  men"  of  the  Metal- 
workers' Union  and  about  one  hundred  and  forty  men  belonging  to  Inter- 
national Carpenters'  Union  No.  i,  some  with  rifles,  revolvers  and  dynamite 
bombs.  They  then  and  there  formulated  a  plan  to  prevent  the  "scabs" 
from  going  to  work.  The  plan  was  that  the  metal-workers  should  gather 


GREIF'S  HALL. 


n6  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

in  the  vicinity  of  the  factory  at  about  five  o'clock  on  the  morning  the  works 
were  to  be  reopened,  well  equipped  with  bombs,  rifles  and  revolvers. 
Those  who  did  not  possess  rifles  were  to  secure  revolvers  and  bombs, 
which  could  be  obtained,  they  were  told,  on  Blue  Island  Avenue,  between 
Twenty-second  Street  and  McCormick's.  At  that  place,  on  giving  the 
pass-word  and  number  of  the  place,  every  member  would  be  supplied.  la- 
the event  of  their  running  short  of  ammunition,  they  were  to  repair  to  that 
place,  and  they  would  find  some  one  there  always  to  wait  on  them.  It  was 
given  out  that  the  place  was  run  by  the  metal-workers,  who  would  see  to 
it  that  all  necessary  bombs  were  on  hand.  Members  having  friends  living 
in  the  vicinity  of  the  factory  were  to  stay  with  them  over  night  so  as  to  be 
up  bright  and  early  in  the  morning,  and  those  living  at  a  distance  were  to 
make  it  a  point  to  get  up  early  enough  to  be  on  hand  at  the  time  indicated. 
A  point  of  rendezvous  was  designated,  and,  when  all  had  arrived,  they  were 
to  surround  the  factory  and  permit  no  one  to  enter  except  on  peril  of  being 
shot.  This  situation  of  affairs,  they  said,  would  necessarily  bring  out  the 
police,  but  the  moment  these  should  arrive  the  "armed  men"  were  to  open 
fire.  The  first  volley  was  to  be  over  the  heads  of  the  "blue-coats,"  and  if; 
that  did  not  put  them  to  flight,  they  were  to  be  shot  down  without  mercy. 
When  they  began  to  throw  bombs  the  "reds"  were  all  to  be  in  line,  so  that 
none  of  their  own  number  would  be  hurt  by  the  explosions,  and  wherever 
the  police  formed  a  company  a  solid  front  was  to  be  presented  and  a 
rattling  fire  maintained.  They  would  also  form  different  lines  along  the 
"Black  Road,"  and  when  patrol  wagons  came  to  the  rescue  of  the  officers,, 
they  were  to  hurl  bombs  at  them. 

It  was  to  be  a  fight  to  the  death.  Every  one  agreed,  as  I  was  told,  "to 
die  game,  give  no  quarter,  and  see  to  it  that  the  green  grass  around 
McCormick's  factory  was  nourished  with  human  blood."  In  accordance 
with  the  plan,  the  members  of  the  Carpenters'  Union  were  to  assemble  with 
rifles  and  ammunition  at  Greif's  Hall  at  an  hour  not  later  than  six  o'clock 
in  the  morning,  and  to  remain  there  until  orders  for  their  services  were 
sent.  The  carpenters  carried  out  their  part  of  the  programme,  and  at  the 
appointed  hour  there  were  no  less  than  two  hundred  of  them  at  the  hall, 
fully  armed  and  apparently  ready  for  any  emergency.  They  scattered 
throughout  the  hall  building  so  as  not  to  attract  attention,  and  impatiently 
awaited  orders  or  information  indicating  the  progress  of  affairs  at  the 
factory.  But  no  orders  were  received.  They  heard  nothing  for  some 
time,  but  when  they  did  they  were  a  happier  lot  of  men.  The  clamor  and 
excitement  of  the  hour  had  stimulated  them  with  a  false  courage,  but 
each  had  nevertheless  entertained  a  secret  hope  that  there  would  be  no  call 
for  a  display  of  their  valor.  And  there  was  none. 

It  appears  that,  on  the  morning  they  were  to  have  created  such  dire 
destruction,  the  brave  metal-workers  overslept  themselves  !  "  There  was 


THE  FIRST  DAY'S  RESULTS.  117 

snow  on  the  ground,"  and  probably  they  did  not  care  to  defile  it  with  the 
blood  of  their  enemies.  None  of  them  appeared  at  the  rendezvous  on  time, 
and  when  they  straggled  around  at  a  later  hour  they  were  full  of  excuses, 
the  one  on  which  they  principally  relied  being  that  their  faithful  spouses 
had  neglected  to  wake  them  in  time.  No  one  for  a  moment  charged  the 
•others  with  cowardice,  and  yet  that  was  the  whole  secret  of  their  failure. 
Each  had  expected  others  to  be  at  the  appointed  place  ready  for  the  fray, 
but  the  unanimity  with  which  all  had  prolonged  their  slumbers  prevented 
what  all  had  expected  to  see — a  brilliant  victory  with  themselves  beyond 
all  danger. 

But  about  the  time  these  braves  should  have  been  around  according  to 
programme,  another  party  occupied  the  field.  It  was  the  brave  and  fear- 
less Capt.  Simon  O'Donnell,  of  'the  Second  Precinct,  with  two  lieutenants 
and  three  companies  of  well  disciplined  officers.  They  took  charge  of  the 
"Black  Road"  and  the  vicinity  of  McCormick's  factory  as  early  as  six 
•o'clock,  and  the  so-called  "scabs"  passed  into  the  works,  "with  none  to 
molest  them  or  make  them  afraid."  When  those  who  had  overslept 
sneaked  around,  one  after  another,  they  were  perfectly  amazed.  Where 
they  had  hoped  to  see  the  ground  strewn  with  the  dead  bodies  of  police- 
men, they  found  order  and  serenity. 

In  the  expectation  of  seeing  some  disturbance,  the  vicinity  became 
•crowded  during  the  forenoon  with  idlers  and  curious  people  drawn  from  all 
parts  of  the  city.  Seeing  this  throng  and  relying  on  the  presence  of  many 
Anarchists,  the  daring  metal-workers  revived  their  spirits  and  hoped  yet  to 
precipitate  a  conflict  by  egging  it  on  at  a  safe  distance  in  the  rear.  They 
accordingly  began  to  utter  loud  threats  and  urge  the  excited  rabble  to  an 
attack  on  the  "blanked  bloodhounds,"  the  police. 

There  were  in  the  crowd  a  lot  of  half-drunken  Polanders  and  Bohem- 
ians who,  living  in  the  neighborhood,  claimed  that  the  presence  of  the 
police  was  a  menace  to  their  personal  rights  and  privileges.  The  police 
were  on  what  these  misguided  people  considered  their  own  reservation, 
and,  with  a  view  to  driving  them  away,  some  began  throwing  stones  and 
clubs  at  the  officers  in  the  patrol  wagons.  Others  picked  out  officers  apart 
from  their  companions  and  made  them  the  targets  for  their  missiles. 
Captain  O'Donnell  learned,  while  this  disconcerted  attack  was  going  on, 
that  many  of  the  crowd  had  revolvers  and  dynamite  in  their  pockets.  He 
speedily  resolved  on  a  plan  for  arresting  and  disarming  such  men  and  gave 
orders  to  his  lieutenants  to  surround  the  crowd  and  search  all  suspected 
persons.  The  result  was  that  the  following  were  found  to  have  arms,  and 
they  were  placed  under  arrest :  Stephen  Reiski,  Adolph  Heuman,  Charles 
Kosh,  Henry  Clasen,  John  Hermann,  George  Hermann,  Ernest  Haker,  Otto 
Sievert,  Emil  Kernser,  Frank  Trokinski  and  Stanifon  Geiner.  Detectives 


u8 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 


from  the  Central  Station  assisted  in  the  search,  and  the  offenders  were 
taken  to  the  Police  Court,  where  they  were  fined  $10  each. 

It  was  thought  that  this  procedure  would  quiet  the  mob,  but  later  in  the 
day  the  Anarchists  again  gathered  around  McCormick's.  The  crowd  was 
again  surrounded,  and  the  following  were  arrested  for  carrying  concealed 
weapons :  Louis  Hartman,  William  Brecker,  Julius  Vimert,  Peter  Pech, 
William  Holden,  Louis  Lingg,  Carl  Jagush,  Samuel  Barn,  William  Meyer, 
Rudolph  Miller,  John  Hoben  and  John  Otto.  These  were  also  fined. 

During  this  trouble  at  the  factory  a  gang  of  Anarchists  had  gathered 
at  the  Workingmen's  Hall  on  West  Twelfth  Street,  and  they  had  just 
formed  a  procession  to  march  out  in  a  body  to  McCormick's,  when  they 
were  surrounded  and  searched.  In  this  "round-up"  the  great  "Little 
August "  Krueger  was  arrested  with  a  full  uniform  of  the  Lehr  und  Wehr 

Verein  under  an 
overcoat,  and 


a 

number  of  his 
comrades  were 
taken  in  charge  at 
the  same  time. 
Many  of  them  had 
dynamite  bombs, 
a,nd  some  one 
shouted  that  "all 
brothers  who  had 
'stuff'  should  get 
away  and  the 
others  should  as- 
sist them." 

But  the  police 
were  not  to  be 
trifled  with,  and 

some  of  the  most  daring  officers  rushed  into  the  thickest  of  the  crowd,  and 
succeeded  in  gathering  in  several  bombs.  There  were  a  number  of  women 
in  the  mob,  and  some  of  these  hid  bombs  under  their  petticoats.  Th5 
officers  were  of  course  too  gallant  to  molest  them.  But  the  search  and 
arrests  served  to  break  up  the  procession  and  prevent  further  outbreaks  at 
the  factory  that  day. 

Such  were  the  results  of  the  plots  of  the  first  secret  meeting.  The 
second  secret  gathering,  a  few  days  later,  was  held,  as  the  former  had  been, 
at  Greif 's  Hall.  It  was  called  by  the  metal-workers  and  carpenters  jointly. 
They  were  more  demonstrative  than  ever.  Gustav  Belz  was  accorded  the 
distinction  of  presiding  over  the  turbulent  members  of  the  Carpenters' 
Union.  All  of  the  carpenters  belonging  to  the  Lehr  und  Wehr  Verein, 
numbering  one  hundred  and  eighty  men,  were  present  with  their  rifles,  and 


A  "ROUND-UP.1 


5  TORMY  PR  O  CE  ED  INGS.  1 1 9 

they  were  loud  for  war.  At  the  same  time  the  metal-workers  had  a  gather- 
ing by  themselves,  and  when  a  delegation  from  them  called  on  the  car- 
penters and  announced  that  they  were  prepared  to  engage  in  battle  that 
day,  the  carpenters'  assemblage  became  delirious  with  excitement.  They 
shouted  and  jumped  about  in  such  a  lively  manner  that  some  of  the  more 
conservative  members  were  obliged  to  warn  them  to  quiet  down  or  they 
would  attract  the  attention  of  the  police.  The  hot-heads,  enraged  at  this 
caution,  retorted  by  accusing  the  conservatives  of  cowardice.  They  refused 
to  be  quieted,  and,  like  Comanche  Indians  about  to  take  to  the  war-path, 
they  examined  their  revolvers  and  brandished  their  guns.  They  even 
inspected  the  fuse  on  their  bombs,  and  insisted  that  they  would  be  ready 
the  moment  the  command  was  given.  In  anticipation  of  blood,  they  screwed 
up  their  courage  by  frequent  libations  ;  and  the  more  they  drank  the  happier 
they  grew  over  the  prospect  of  speedy  acquisition  of  wealth  when  once  their 
revolution  was  started. 

It  was  an  uncomfortable  place  meanwhile  for  the  conservative  members, 
and  these  had  frequent  occasion  during  the  stormy  proceedings  to  regret 
that  they  had  uttered  a  word  of  remonstrance.  But  there  was  one  who  did 
not  allow  his  feelings  to  get  the  better  of  his  judgment.  It  was  Balthasar 
Rau.  He  took  the  floor  and  said  that,  however  much  he  desired  to  fight 
and  sweep  McCormick  and  all  other  capitalists  from  the  face  of  the  earth, 
yet  he  could  plainly  see  that  the  time  had  not  yet  arrived  for  commencing 
the  revolution.  It  would  be  folly,  he  insisted,  to  go  out  on  the  streets  with 
rifles  in  hand  while  all  the  surroundings  were  against  them  and  while  they 
were  not  generally  prepared  to  cope  with  the  police  and  militia.  To  com- 
mence a  general  upheaval  now  would  be  to  destroy  their  prospects  in  the 
immediate  future. 

"Before  you  make  war,"  said  Rau,  "you  must  have  something  to  fall 
back  on  ;  but  now  we  have  nothing.  We  ought  to  have  a  treasury  well 
filled.  If  we  inaugurate  a  fight  we  must  expect  that  some  of  us  will  be 
killed,  others  wounded,  and  others  again  arrested.  Where  is  the  money  to 
help  those  in  distress  ?  What  will  your  families  do  if  you  are  killed  ?  You 
must  take  all  these  things  into  consideration.  It  is  very  easy  for  us  to  go 
<?ut,  shoot  and  kill  somebody,  but  what  can  we  expect  to  gain  by  all  that  ? 
We  must  be  ready  and  prepared  and  protected." 

This  speech  had  a  soothing  effect  upon  some,  but  Belz  wanted  blood, 
and  that  immediately.  He  despised  the  capitalists,  and  the  sooner  their 
blood  was  spilled  the  better  it  would  suit  him.  The  majority  of  the  meeting 
expressed  a  concurrence  in  Rau's  ideas,  and  one  member  emphasized  Rau's 
remarks  by  saying  that  it  would  be  like  a  man  going  out  on  the  streets, 
pounding  another  and  then  running  away  —  nothing  was  gained. 

Belz,  seeing  the  drift  of  sentiment,  grew  very  angry,  and  he  suggested 
that  some  one  move  an  adjournment  to  some  other  day,  when  they  might 


I2O 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 


hope  to  get  together  a  braver  lot  of  men.  Such  a  motion  was  made,  and 
the  gathering  separated,  those  that  were  not  too  drunk  posting  off  at  once 
for  home. 

Belz  grew  quite  demonstrative  over  the  lack  of  results  at  this  meeting, 
and  avowed  that  he  would  have  nothing  more  to  do  with  such  a  crowd  of 


HYNEK  DJENEK. 
SPECIMEN  RIOTERS  — I.     From  Photographs  taken  by  the  Police  Department. 

cowards.  A  few  days  thereafter,  however,  another  meeting  was  held ;  but, 
in  view  of  the  many  arrests  Captain  O'Donnell  had  made  among  their  mem- 
bers, they  were  unable  to  decide  upon  any  business.  Some  of  the  hot- 
heads threw  all  the  blame  on  Rau  and  some  of  his  friends  for  having  pre- 
vented decisive  action  when  they  might  have  hoped  to  come  out  victorious. 
But  all  this  sort  of  talk  was  simply  braggadocio,  and  had  any  of  these  loud- 
mouthed fellows  been  actually  tried,  they  would  have  been  found  skulking 
in  the  rear  of  an  attacking  party.  Prior  and  subsequent  events  proved 
them  all  trembling  cowards  when  their  own  personal  safety  was  at  stake. 

Perhaps  the  most  dangerous,  because  the  most  secret,  figure  in  the 
cabal  at  this  time  was  Louis  Lingg.  He  seems  to  have  been  chosen 
especially  to  direct  the  revolutionary  design  in  the  southwest  part  of  the 
city,  and  his  counsels  permeated  every  Socialistic  circle  in  that  section.  In 
his  trunk,  after  his  arrest,  the  following  letter  was  found  in  his  own  hand- 
writing, evidently  a  copy  or  the  original  of  one  sent : 

Dear  Brother  Union:  On  the  occasion  of  the  last  general  meeting  in  Zepf's  Hall  the 
International  Carpenters'  Union  passed  a  resolution  asking  the  Furniture  Makers'  Union  if 
they  were  satisfied  with  the  doings  of  their  delegates,  especially  with  Mr.  Hausch  and  Mr. 
Mende,  who  had  agreed  to  take  the  leadership  of  the  revolution.  ...  It  is  natural  that 
the  governing  class  would  take  these  —  their  means — as  soon  as  the  workingmen  would  try 


LINGG  AS  AN  AGITATOR. 


121 


to  take  their  rights.  In  consequence  of  these  facts  we  feel  it  our  duty  to  call  the  attention  of 
indifferent  workingmen  to  these  facts  and  suggest  the  adoption  of  force,  power  against  power, 
and  urge  all  to  arm  yourselves.  Therefore,  stand  with  all  your  energy  against  the  system  of 
profit  without  regard  to  the  way  they  prepare  themselves.  We  request  our  brother  union  to 
acquaint  us  with  their  point  of  view,  so  we  can  form  our  plans  accordingly. 
With  greeting  and  the  shaking  of  the  hand. 

INTERNATIONAL  CARPENTERS'  UNION  No.   i. 

Lingg  likewise  issued  a  personal  address,  a  copy  of  which  was  also  found 
in  the  trunk,  urging  the  laborers  of  the  Southwest  Side  to  practice  in  the 
handling  of  arms.  Among  other  things  found  written  over  his  signature,  is 
the  following  : 

Our  authorized  demands  are  replied  to  with  clubs,  powder  and  lead.  In  consequence  of 
these  experiences  it  is  no  more  than  right  that  we  adopt  force  and  arm  ourselves.  The 
opportunity  to  arm  yourselves  cheaply  can  be  ascertained  from  all  well-known  comrades,  as 
well  as  armed  organization,  where  you  can  find  good  places  to  drill.  Don't  let  this  oppor- 
tunity pass.  The  medicine  dynamite,  in  leaden  bomb,  is  more  powerful  than  the  rifle.  Don't 
iorget  the  opportunity. 

Lingg  also  sent  another  circular  to  his  comrades  in  that  section,  of 
which  the  following  is  a  copy  : 

Brothers:  As  you  have  noticed  for  a  long  time  past  that  the  police  are  more  than  ready 
to  break  your  heads  with  their  murderous  clubs  and  do  not  care  whether  they  make  you 
cripples  for  the  balance  of  your  miserable  days,  and  do  not  care  whether  your  wives  and 
•children  have  to  go  begging  for  you  after  you  become  useless  ;  neither  do  they  care  for  the 
loving  young  son  that  supports  his  old  parents,  whether  they  kill  him  or  not :  therefore,  tak- 


JOHN  POTOTSKI.  FRANK  NOVAK. 

SPECIMEN  RIOTERS.— II.    From  Photographs  taken  by  the  Police  Department. 

ing  all  these  things  into  consideration, — that  these  policemen  are  ready,  under  the  instruction 
of  the  capitalists,  to  commit  murder  on  the  working  people, —  I  say  we  must  resist  these 
monsters,  and  the  way  we  must  do  this  is  to  get  ready  and  be  all  like  one  man.  We  must 
fight  them  with  as  good  weapons,  even  better  than  they  possess,  and,  therefore,  I  call  you 
all  to  arms  !  As  we  are  no  capitalists,  we  can  make  arrangements  in  a  gun-factory  outside 


122 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 


of  this  State.  Have  this  matter  treated  very  confidentially.  Have  only  a  committee  of 
three  members  to  buy  arms  as  cheaply  as  possible,  and  see  if  there  can  be  anything  secured 
on  half  credit,  so  that  you  can  also  give  time  to  the  buyer.  In  this  way  you  can  get  all  new 
and  good  arms  and  better  than  the  police  have.  Then  I  call  your  attention  again  and  impress- 
on  your  minds  that  it  is  not  alone  enough  that  you  have  the  arms  ;  you  must  also  understand 


VACLAV  DJENEK.  ANTON  STIMAK. 

SPECIMEN  RIOTERS— III.    From  Photographs  taken  by  the  Police  Department. 

how  to  use  them  so  that  you  can  be  equally  well  drilled  with  them  as  your  opponents.  Then- 
you  can  give  them  successful  resistance.  And  now,  to  make  this  matter  very  easy  and  a 
success  for  all,  the  workingmen  of  this  city,  with  the  third  company  of  the  Lehr  und  Wehr 
Verein  and  some  members  of  the  International  Carpenters'  Union,  held  a  meeting  yesterday, 
and  they  all  agreed  to  give  lessons  in  drill  to  any  one  that  wanted  to  learn  how  to  use  arms. 
All  the  people  so  desiring  should  call  every  Thursday  evening  at  8  o'clock  at  Turner  Hall 
"  Vorwaerts,"  on  West  Twelfth  Street,  and  there  they  will  receive  instructions  free  of  charge. 
I  want  you  Southwest  Side  people  to  be  as  useful  with  arms  as  the  people  on  the  North 
and  Northwest  sides.  We  have  everything  about  as  complete  as  we  wish  it  to  be.  On  the- 
North  Side  we  have  Neff's  or  Thuringia  Hall,  No.  58  Clybourn  Avenue,  and  you  can  come 
and  visit  us  there  and  see  the  boys  drill.  We  have  a  man  named  Hermann,  and  he  is  a  soldier 
from  the  old  home  and  a  first-class  drillmaster,  and  always  pleased  to  see  new  recruits.  Now, 
workingmen  of  the  Southwest  Side,  I  beg  of  you  to  make  use  of  this  opportunity.  Do  not 
let  this  go  by  like  a  dream.  Remember,  we  are  all  one.  It  does  not  matter  whether  you  are- 
on  the  South,  North  or  West  Side  ;  we  must  all  fight  for  a  purpose.  Do  not  stay  at  home 
and  let  your  brothers  be  killed  when  you  can  help  them  and  make  your  cause  a  victory. 
Come  in  large  masses,  come  often,  come  promptly.  If  you  do  this,  everything  will  bean  easy 
matter  for  us  to  undertake.  Our  labor  will  be  rewarded.  .  .  .  The  first  of  May  is  com- 
ing near.  We  will  have  to  kill  the  monster.  We  must  be  ready  to  meet  him.  This  is  our 
only  chance  now.  Probably  we  will  not  have  this  opportunity  to  meet  the  monster  so  that 
we  can  fight  him  with  our  weapons.  You  must  kill  the  pirates.  You  must  kill  the  blood- 
suckers; and  for  the  first  time  in  ages  the  poor  workingmen  will  be  made  happy.  Our  work, 
is  short ;  we  do  not  want  a  thirty  years'  war.  Be  determined.  Do  not  let  your  near  relation, 
if  he  is  an  enemy,  stand  in  your  way.  Doing  all  this,  then,  the  victory  is  ours. 

Louis  LINGG. 


ADVISING   VIOLENCE. 


123 


In  the  work  of  stirring  up  bad  blood,  Lingg  seems  to  have  neglected  no 
point  likely  to  count  with  the  dissatisfied  laborers.  He  knew  that  among  the 
strikers  were  a  great  many  German  Knights  of  Labor,  ,and,  with  an  ingenuity 
worthy  of  a  better  cause,  he  took  occasion  particularly  to  point  out  an  article 
published  in  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  of  April  22,  1886,  giving  Governor 
Oglesby's  views  on  boycotting.  This  paper  was  afterwards  found  in  his 
trunk,  somewhat  soiled  from  frequent  usage,  and  the  article  in  question,  for 
convenience  of  reference,  had  been  heavily  marked  with  a  lead-penciL 
Lingg  no  doubt  figured  that  those  who  believed  in  the  boycott  would  there- 
after array  themselves  solidly  on  the  side  of  those  who  favored  force.  A 
translation  of  the  Governor's  remarks,  as  given  in  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung,  is  as 
follows  : 

The  system  of  boycotting  is  the  most  damnable  proposal  which  was  ever  fabricated.  It 
repudiates  the  Constitution,  the  law  and  everything.  It  is  the  devil's  invention.  Yes  (speak- 
ing to  John  V.  Farwell),  when  it  has  so  far  progressed  that  the  militia  is  obliged  to  interfere, 
you  will  find  that  these  d— d  boycotters  will  come  to  them  (the  merchants  and  business  men)- 
and  say,  ' '  You  must  prohibit  your  employes  joining  the  militia,  and  those  who  persist  in 
belonging  must  be  discharged  from  employment,  or  you  will  be  boycotted."  This  is  a  fine 
arrangement.  It  is  true  that,  meeting  with  opposition  all  over,  it  will  die  out,  but  I  tell  you 
it  is  the  most  damnable  transgression  which  was  ever  concocted. 

Parsons  and  Schwab  also  took  a  hand  in  the  McCormick  "lock-out," 
but  they  used  the  platform  to  arouse  the  people  to  force.  On  the  2d  of 


F'' 

IGNATZ  URBAN.  JOSEPH  SUGAR. 

SPECIMEN  RIOTERS  — IV.    From  Photographs  taken  by  the  Police  Department. 

March  a  mass-meeting  of  Anarchists  and  hot-headed  strikers  was  held  at 
the  West  Twelfth  Street  Turner  Hall.  Parsons  and  Schwab  were  the  chief 
speakers.  They  were  particularly  abusive  of  the  owners  and  the  superin- 
tendent of  the  works,  and  advised  the  use  of  violence  against  the  police- 


J24  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

So  incendiary  were  the  speeches  that  E.  E.  Sanderson,  a  member  of  the 
.strikers'  standing  committee,  took  occasion  to  denounce  the  proceedings. 

"Such  speakers,"  he  declared,  "cause  every  spark  of  sympathy  to  dis- 
appear and  bring  us  into  disrepute."  If  he  had  had  the  power,  he  said,  he 
would  have  stopped  the  gathering.  He  belonged  to  the  true  laboring  class, 
and  to  properly  voice  its  sentiments  he  hired  another  hall  for  the  next  day. 

The  continued  presence  of  the  police  at  the  works  finally  restored  order 
in  the  vicinity,  and  it  seemed  as  if  the  Anarchists  had  abandoned  any  further 
intention  of  violence.  But  they  were  secretly  at  work,  biding  their  time 
and  watching  their  opportunity.  It  came  on  the  afternoon  of  May  3.  At 
this  time  between  40,000  and  50,000  men  in  Chicago  were  out  of  employ- 
ment by  reason  of  the  eight-hour  strike.  Excitement  ran  high  throughout 
the  city.  The  reaper  works  were  now  almost  in  full  operation,  and,  led  by 
the  Anarchists,  some  of  the  hot-headed  strikers,  grown  impatient  over  the 
apparent  failure  of  their  plan,  made  an  assault  upon  the  "scabs"  at  work 
in  the  shops.  The  instigators  of  this  attack  and  the  principal  assailants 
were  Anarchists,  who  exerted  themselves  to  the  utmost  to  bring  on  a  deadly 
•conflict  between  the  police  and  the  unemployed. 

For  the  day  in  question  a  meeting  of  the  Lumber-shovers'  Union  had 
been  called  in  the  vicinity  to  receive  the  report  of  a  committee  who  had 
waited  on  their  employers  with  reference  to  the  eight-hour  question.  The 
Socialists,  learning  of  this,  determined  to  make  use  of  the  opportunity. 
The  union  was  composed  of  over  six  thousand  lumber  workingmen,  three 
thousand  Bohemians  and  over  three  thousand  Germans,  and  had  no  connec- 
tion with  the  McCormick  strike,  but  it  occurred  to  the  Central  Labor  Union 
that,  inasmuch  as  many  of  them  were  adherents  of  Socialism,  it  would  be  no 
difficult  matter  to  incite  them  to  riotous  demonstrations.  On  the  day  pre- 
ceding, Spies  had  been  delegated  by  his  union  to  address  the  gathering. 
The  president  of  the  Lumber  Union,  Frank  Haraster,  had  become  cogni- 
zant of  the  Anarchists'  intentions,  and  had  taken  occasion  to  warn  the  men 
against  either  listening  to  Socialistic  orators  or  participating  in  a  riot.  But 
there  were  mutterings  of  discontent,  and  the  crowd  was  in  a  revengeful 
mood.  There  were  no  less  than  8,600  people  at  the  gathering  —  some  esti- 
"mated  the  number  as  high  as  15,000.  Some  were  intent  on  revolution,  an'd 
•others  had  been  drawn  to  the  scene  through  idle  curiosity. 

It  only  needed  a  spark  to  create  a  tremendous  conflagration.  Anar- 
chists were  busy  among  the  various  groups  that  had  collected.  For  several 
days  they  had  labored  early  and  late  in  the  locality  to  stimulate  revolution- 
ary action.  Their  plans  had  been  carefully  concocted,  and  their  network 
•of  conspiracy  extended  in  every  direction.  They  had  opened  channels  of 
subterranean  communication,  and  so  arranged  their  mines  of  Socialistic 
powder  that  at  the  appointed  time  they  hoped  to  produce  an  explosion  that 
would  reverberate  throughout  the  globe.  That  appointed  time,  they  figured, 


SPIES  PREACHING  RIOT.  125 

had  arrived  with  the  inauguration  of  the  eight-hour  movement,  and  in  the 
lock-out  at  McCormick's  the  first  opportunity  was  presented  for  a  general 
upheaval.  This  was  their  hope  and  the  burden  of  their  care. 

When,  therefore,  a  coterie  of  trained  Anarchists  appeared  on  the  scene 
of  trouble,  —  evidently  by  a  preconcerted  arrangement,  —  with  the  Nation's, 
flag  reversed  and  trailing  in  mud  and  muck,  the  wildest  excitement  was 
aroused,  and  only  a  leader  was  necessary  to  connect  the  electric  currents, 
of  suppressed  hostility  to  start  an  outburst  of  violent  deeds. 

The  occasion  brought  forth  that  leader  in  the  person  of  the  impulsive 
and  impetuous  Spies.  He,  with  some  trusted  lieutenants,  mounted  a  box- 
car in  the  vicinity  of  the  meeting  of  the  lumber-shovers  and  the  McCor- 
mick  works.  He  gathered  about  him  an  immense  crowd,  and,  speaking  in 
German,  called  the  attention  of  his  auditors  to  the  "brutalities  of  capital,, 
its  selfishness  and  its  grinding  oppression"  of  wage-workers,  rendering 
their  condition  worse  than  that  of  slaves.  With  fiery  invective  he  wrought 
up  the  feelings  of  the  mob  to  a  pitch  of  reckless  frenzy.  In  the  climaxes 
of  his  envenomed  utterances,  he  held  the  multitude  with  a  charmed  spell,, 
and  he  evoked  their  highest  plaudits  when  he  counseled  violence  as  a 
means  to  redress  their  grievances. 

Before  the  termination  of  this  lurid  speech,  many  hitherto  apparently- 
apathetic  had  caught  the  infection,  and  when  some  of  the  non-union  men 
emerged  from  the  gate  at  the  McCormick  foundry,  on  the  conclusion  of 
their  day's  labor,  —  the  hour  being  three  o'clock,  —  many  of  the  mob  rushed 
to  the  establishment,  bent  on  wreaking  vengeance.  They  had  hardly 
begun  to  move  when  some  one  on  the  box-car  shouted  :  "  Go  up  and  kill 

the  d d  scabs  !  "  The  identity  of  this  person  has  never  been  disclosed,. 

but  it  is  no  rash  conclusion  to  suppose  that  it  was  a  confidant  of  Spies,  as- 
well  as  of  Lingg,  who  had  secret  charge  of  fomenting  disturbances  in  that 
district.  Lingg  was  present  at  this  gathering,  and,  as  he  subsequently 
claimed  that  he  had  been  clubbed  by  the  police  in  the  riot  that  followed,, 
he  may  possibly  have  raised  the  cry  himself. 

The  mob  reached  the  works  in  short  order,  hurling  stones  and  firing 
shots  into  the  windows  of  the  guard-house,  which  they  finally  demolished. 
The  non-union  men,  seeing  the  approaching  mob,  took  to  flight,  some 
seeking  shelter  in  the  works  and  others  scampering  across  the  prairie 
beyond  reach.  There  were  at  this  time  only  two  policemen  on  duty.  One 
of  them,  J.  A.  West,  endeavored  to  pacify  the  crowd,  but  received  in 
response  bricks  and  mud.  The  other  for  awhile,  as  well  as  he  could,  held 
the  mob  at  bay  at  the  gate.  West  finally  worked  his  way  through  the 
crowd  to  a  patrol  box,  and  turned  in  an  alarm  for  reinforcements.  Mean- 
while the  mob  disported  itself  in  throwing  stones  and  firing  revolvers,  and 
finally  forced  an  entrance  through  the  gate  to  the  yards. 

Presently  a  patrol  wagon  loaded  with  officers  plowed  through  the  tur- 


126 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 


bulent  mass,  and,  securing  the  ground  between  the  mob  and  the  buildings, 
began  driving  out  and  dispersing  the  rioters.  This  only  served  to  infuriate 
the  Anarchists,  who  fired  in  the  direction  of  the  police  and  hurled  a  shower 
of  stones.  The  officers  remonstrated  in  vain,  warning  the  mob  to  keep 
back,  and  finally  made  a  rush  upon  the  rioters  with  revolvers  drawn,  shoot- 
ing right  and  left. 

The  crowd  swayed  to  and  fro,  retreated  slightly,  then  rallied  again,  and, 
diverging  to  either  side  in  a  jumbled  but  compact  body,  seemed  bent  on 


CHARGING  THE   MOB. 

holding  their  ground  and  fighting  for  every  inch  of  it.  But  the  dashing  and 
aggressive  movements  of  the  police,  backed  by  courage  and  discipline,  soon 
demonstrated  to  the  howling  rabble  the  hopelessness  of  the  struggle.  The 
very  air  seemed  charged  with  bullets,  clubs  and  missiles.  Revolvers  clicked 
furiously,  the  exigencies  of  the  moment  necessitating  their  use  on 
the  part  of  the  police,  and  several  revolutionists  bit  the  dust,  maimed  and 
wounded.  What  seems  strange  is  that  none  were  killed  in  this  furious 
onslaught. 

The  mob,  which  numbered  fully  8,000,  was  soon  put  to  precipitate  flight. 
Some  of  the  most  vicious  leaders,  however,  kept  up  a  rattling  fire  of  guns, 


"THE  BATTLE   WAS  LOST." 


127 


revolvers,  brickbats  and  sticks  so  long  as  their  retreat  was  measurably 
covered  by  the  fleeing  mob  surrounding  them.  Several  of  these  leaders, 
with  their  weapons  still  smoking,  were  subsequently  overtaken,  disarmed 
and  locked  up. 

During  all  this  short  affray,  Spies  was  nowhere  to  be  seen,  but,  the 
moment  all  danger  seemed  past,  he  emerged  from  his  seclusion,  breathing 
courage  and  vengeance.  He  bounded  into  the  field  like  one  ready  to 
sacrifice  himself  for  his  cause,  but  cautiously  kept  himself  where  no  stray 
bullets  might  reach  him.  Another  singular  feature  in  connection  with  the 
part  he  played  in  the  affair  was  his  attempt  to  parade  his  own  heroic  virtues, 
by  implication,  in  the  denunciations  and  upbraidings  he  heaped  upon  his 
comrades  in  the  account  published  of  the  riot  on  the  very  afternoon  after 
its  occurrence.  This 
is  what  he  said  in 
the  Arbeiter-Zeitung: 

The  writer  of  this 
hastened  to  the  factory 
as  soon  as  the  first  shots 
were  fired,  and  a  com- 
rade urged  the  assembly 
to  hasten  to  the  rescue 
of  their  brothers,  who 
were  being  murdered, 
but  none  stirred.  .  .  . 
The  writer  ran  back.  He 
implored  the  people  to 
come  along, — those  who 
had  revolvers  in  their 
pockets, — but  it  was  in 
vain.  With  an  exasper- 
ating indifference  they 
put  their  hands  in  their 
pockets  and  marched  home,  babbling  as  if  the  whole  affair  did  not  concern  them  in  the 
least.  The  revolvers  were  still  cracking,  and  fresh  detachments  of  police,  here  and  there 
bombarded  with  stones,  were  hastening  to  the  battle-ground.  The  battle  was  lost ! 

A  riot  on  a  smaller  scale  occurred  shortly  after  this  in  another  locality, 
instigated  by  the  Anarchists  who  had  been  so  severely  repulsed  in  the 
afternoon.  After  the  McCormick  outbreak  one  of  the  wounded  strikers 
was  taken  in  a  patrol  wagon  to  the  Twelfth  Street  Station,  and  thence  to  his 
home  on  Seventeenth  Street.  Officer  Casey  was  one  of  the  men  in  charge 
of  the  wagon,  and  remained  behind  at  the  house  to  take  a  report  of  the 
man's  name,  his  residence  and  the  nature  of  his  injuries.  When  the 
officer  came  out  of  the  wounded  man's  home,  he  was  set  upon  by  a  mob, 
shouting : 

"Hang  him  !     Hang  the  blue-coat ! " 

A  Bohemian,  named  Vaclav  Djenek,  cried  out: 


OFFICER   CASEY'S   PERIL. 


128 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 


"Help  me ;  help  me  to  hang  the  canaille!" 

Two  or  three  came  to  his  side  and  endeavored  to  execute  the  threat. 
Casey  by  a  great  effort  managed  to  get  away,  and  started  on  a  run.  Pistol 
shots  were  fired  after  him  by  the  mob,  but  fortunately  he  escaped  without 
injury. 

A  patrol  wagon  from  the  West  Chicago  Avenue  Station  had  mean- 
while been  telephoned  for  by  some  peace-loving  citizens,  and  it  rapidly 

dashed  up  to  the  scene  of  disturbance. 
The  officers  saw  the  whole  situation, 
dispersed  the  mob,  and  set  about 
arresting  the  parties  who  had  so 
nearly  succeeded  in  hanging  the  offi- 
cer. They  found  that  it  had  been  a 
very  close  call  for  Casey,  that  the  rope 
was  ready,  and  that,  had  it  not  been 
for  his  own  Herculean  efforts,  he 
would  have  dangled  from  a  lamp- 
post in  a  very  few  seconds. 

Djenek,    who  was  afterwards  rec- 
ognized   as    the    principal    actor    in 
this    episode,     was    run    down    and 
placed  under  arrest.     He  was    tried 
and  sentenced   to    one  year    in    the 
penitentiary.     During    the  trial    two 
HfpjglBI?     officers  of  the  West  Chicago  Avenue 
±\\mm  »3  m      Station  happened  to  be  in  the  State's 

Attorney's  office  when  a  lot  of  Bohe- 
FRANZ  MIKOLANDA,  A  POLISH  CONSPIRATOR,   mian   literature  and  Anarchist  uten- 
From  a  Photograph.  s^s  were   being   exhibited.      Among 

other  things,  they  noticed    a   photograph  of    Franz   Mikolanda,  and  they 
at  once  exclaimed  : 

"This  is   the  other  man  who  helped  Djenek  to  hang  Casey!" 
Mikolanda  appeared  at  the  trial  for  the  purpose  of  swearing  to  an  alibi 
for  Djenek,    and  was  promptly  recognized.     He  had  no  sooner  left  the 
witness-stand  than  he  was  arrested  on  a  warrant  and  subsequently  prose- 
cuted.    He  was  found  guilty  and  sentenced  to  six  months  in  the  Bridewell. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

The  Coup  d'etat  a  Miscarriage  —  Effect  of  the  Anarchist  Failure  at 
McCormick's  —  "Revenge"  —  Text  of  the  Famous  Circular  —  The  German  Version  — 
An  Incitement  to  Murder  —  Bringing  on  a  Conflict  —  Engel's  Diabolical  Plan  —  The 
R61e  of  the  Lehr  und  Wehr  Verein  —  The  Gathering  of  the  Armed  Groups  —  Fischer's 
Sanguinary  Talk  —  The  Signal  for  Murder  —  "  Ruhe  "  and  its  Meaning  —  Keeping 
Clear  of  the  Mouse-Trap  —  The  Haymarket  Selected  —  Its  Advantages  for  Revo- 
lutionary War —  The  Call  for  the  Murder  Meeting — "Workingmen,  Arm  Yourselves" 
—  Preparing  the  Dynamite  —  The  Arbeiter-Zeitung  Arsenal — The  Assassins'  Roost  at 
58  Clybourn  Avenue — The  Projected  Attack  on  the  Police  Stations  — -  Bombs  for  All 
who  Wished  Them  —  Waiting  for  the  Word  of  Command  —  Why  it  was  not  Given  — 
The  Leaders'  Courage  Fails. 

NEVER  was  that  old  saying,  "Whom  the  gods  wish  to  destroy  they 
first  make  mad,"  better  illustrated  than  in  the  actions  of  the  Anar- 
chist leaders  after  their  desperate  exploits  at  McCormick's  Works.  That 
riot  was  to  have  been  the  pivotal  point  in  their  social  revolution.  It 
turned  out  a  humiliating  fiasco.  They  had  hoped  to  make  a  coup  d'ttat  for 
the  scarlet  banner  and  had  counted  upon  such  a  victory  as  would  terrorize 
Capital,  appal  the  people  and  paralyze  the  arm  of  constituted  authority. 
When  they  discovered  that  the  police  had  escaped  with  only  slight  bruises, 
that  some  of  their  own  comrades  had  been  seriously  wounded  and  that 
even  the  so-called  "scabs"  had  passed  through  the  onslaught  with  noth- 
ing worse  than  fright,  their  rage  knew  no  bounds.  They  saw  that  "  the 
battle  had  been  lost,"  and  prompt,  energetic  action  seemed  necessary  to 
retrieve  the  situation. 

Spies,  their  recognized  leader,  while  the  perspiration  still  dripped  from 
his  face,  and  his  blood  still  fired  by  his  speech  to  the  strikers  and  his 
"  heroic  efforts "  to  rally  the  routed  and  fleeing  Socialists,  seized  a  pen, 
and,  dipping  it  into  the  gall  of  his  indignation,  wrote  what  subsequently 
became  famous  as  the  "Revenge  Circular."  It  was  printed  in  German 
and  English,  and  an  exact  fac-simile  is  presented  herewith.  The  German 
version  is  somewhat  different  from  the  English,  being  addressed  to  the 
adherents  of  Anarchy  and  Socialism,  the  English  version  seeming  to  have 
been  intended  for  Americans  in  general.  Several  thousand  copies  were 
scattered  throughout  the  city. 

The  wording  of  the  English  portion  of  the  circular  may  be  seen  in  the 
illustration.  The  German  portion,  translated,  reads  as  follows  : 

Revenge  !  Revenge  !  Workmen  to  arms  ! 

Men  of  labor,  this  afternoon  the  bloodhounds  of  your  oppressors  murdered  six  of  your 
brothers  at  McCormick's.  Why  did  they  murder  them  ?  Because  they  dared  to  be  dissatis- 
fied with  the  lot  which  your  oppressors  have  assigned  to  them.  They  demanded  bread,  and 
they  gave  them  lead  for  an  answer,  mindful  of  the  fact  that  thus  people  are  most  effectually 
silenced.  You  have  for  many  years  endured  every  humiliation  without  protest,  have  drudged 

129 


1 3o 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 


REVENGE  I 

Workingmen,  to  Arms!!! 

Your  masters  sent  out  their  bloodhound  «  —  the  'police  -  ;  they  killed  six  of  your 
brothers  at  McCormicka  this  aff  moon.  They  killed  the.  poor  wretches,,  because  they, 
like  you,  had  the  courage  Co  disobey  the  supreme  will  of  your  bosses.  They  kl'led 
them,  because  they  dared  ask  for  the  shortenin  of  [he  hours  of  toil  .  They*  killed  them 
to  show  you,  -  fffti  .American  Citizens".  tbat  you  >miKt  be  satisfied  and 
Contended  with  whatever  your  bosses  condescend  to  allow  you,  or  you  will  get  killed! 
You  have  for  years  endured  the  most  abject  humiliations;  you  have  for  years 
Buffered  unmeasurnbie  iniquities;  you  have  worked  yourself  to  death;  you  have  endured 
the  pangs  of  want  »nd  hunger;  your  Children  you  have  sacrificed  to  the  factory  -lords  — 
in  short:  You  have  been  miserable  and  obedient  slave  all  these  yeara:  Why?  To  satisfy 
the  insatiable  greed,  to  flll  the  coffers  of  your  lazy  thieving  master?  When  you.  ask  them 
glow  to  lessen  your  burden,  he  sends  his  bloodhounds  out  to  shoot  you,  kill  you! 

If  you  ar  men,  if  you  are  the  sons  of  your  grand  sires,  who  have  shed  theiAlood  to  free 
you.  then  you  will  rise  i  your  might.  Hercules,  and  destroy  the  hideous  monster  that 
seeks  to  destroy  you.  To  arms  we  call  you,  to  ermsl 

Brothers. 


from  early  in  the  morning  until  late  at  night,  have  suffered  all  sorts  of  privation,   have  even 
sacrificed  your  children.     You  have  done  everything  to  fill  the  coffers  of  your  masters  — 

everything  for  them  ! 
And  now,  when  you  ap- 
proach them  and  im- 
plore them  to  make  your 
burden  a  little  lighter,  as 
a  reward  for  your  sacri- 
fices, they  send  their 
bloodhounds,  the  police, 
at  you,  in  order  to  cure 
you  with  bullets  of  your 
dissatisfaction.  Slaves, 
we  ask  and  conjure  you, 
by  all  that  is  sacred  and 
dear  to  you,  avenge  the 
atrocious  murder  that 
has  been  committed 
upon  your  brothers  to- 
day and  which  will  likely 
be  committed  upon  you 
to-morrow.  Laboring 
men,  Hercules,  you  have 
arrived  at  the  cross-way. 
Which  way  will  you  de- 
cide ?  For  slavery  and 
hunger  or  for  freedom 
and  bread  ?  If  you  de- 
cide for  the  latter,  then 
do  not  delay  a  mo- 
ment ;  then,  people,  to 
crms !  Annihilation  to 
the  beasts  in  human  form 
who  call  themselves  rul- 
ers !  Uncompromising 
annihilation  to  them  ! 
This  must  be  your  motto. 
Think  of  the  heroes 
whose  blood  has  fertil- 
ized the  road  to  prog- 
ress, liberty  and  hu- 
manity, and  strive  to 
become  worthy  of  them  ! 

YOUR  BROTHERS. 

Not  content  with  this,  Spies  also  wrote  and  published,  in  the  Arbeiter- 
Zeitung  of  May  4,  the  following  : 

BLOOD  !  —  Lead  and  Powder  as  a   Cure  for  Dissatisfied  Workingmen.  —  About  Six  Laborers 

Mortally,  and  Four  Times  that  Number  Slightly,    Wounded. —  Thus  are  the   Eight-hour 

Men   Intimidated! — This  is   Law  and  Order.  —  Brave  Girls   Parading  the  City!-~-The 

Law   and  Order  Beasts  Frighten  Hungry  Children  away  with  Clubs. 

Six  months  ago,  when  the  eight-hour  movement  began,   representatives  of  the  I.  A.  A. 

called  upon  workmen  to  arm  if  they  would  enforce  their  demand.     Would  the  occurrence  of 


9tod)c! 


glclirttcr,  ?it  ttm  Mteffen! 

aibtiftnbil  'J'i'1  r,  btutt  Slain:!!!^  mmtelin  til  SDiulb,unbt  filter  Husbiuttt  0  Gum  SJiiibtr  ttau§tn  tii  ZXiVciuAfl. 
SBnummoibHtn  flr  bii|tit(nY  JUtil  lit  km  SKulb  b>lltn.  ml!  Cim  S'ooS  unjufntU-l  |U  !tin,  ail^ct  l!ui<  Biiibiulit 
1$nm  bi(<$itbtn  babtn.  Sic  foniilin  SDiob,  man  antmottclt.  Ibntn  mil  ffllti,  tingtbtnt  bit.  Ibc!ic$r.  barmen  tamit 
tral  SBoIt  urn  •ltf|amftfn  jinn.  6<$Dtig«i  biinjin  faun!  SBitU.  :ti.Ic  a=b.ti  labl  3bt  oUc  SDrafliblgungin  obnt 
8Btblttp:u6  erltojin.  babl  guioom  fiub>l.TOeio.fiT  bis  jura  (inn  ttbenb  jil^u.nlin.  ball  tfnltibtunatn  llbic,  %it 
«!»(»,  bam  «ut«  Jtlr.bti  (ilbH  8«p[«t  —  ,«nn,  am  Hi  S^ostonmnn  .(Juir  fiittin,  ju  IQOiri.  Jlilij  |Bt 
fitl  Unb  |iti,  ao  3br  not  (It  binltiln,  unt  fit  inuii.  liuii  auibt.  Hats  )u  ii(ild)t».i,  ba  btftn  Re  JUCT  Slant.  (Or 
gun  C»t«  ibri  SBlutbanbi,  bit  Scluil,  au|  IJuit,  urn  @ud)  rail  9Iiitu;tln  Don  tit  Un;ufiitbrnb(lt.  >u  tutltm 
6tlaoin,  nlr  ftagrn  unb  b(|4n)8ten  <iut)  Jel  SlB.m,  mat  If  u  a)  b>ilig  unb  nttib,  ill.  taii!  bifltn  \^i-df.i^in  3S»'b.  it« 
taan  b'uic  on  Suicn  ffliubtin  bijinj.  unb  oiillti^t  motgin  fa)on-an  Quit  bta.ib.tn  miib.  Htbttunbti  Soif,  $tttat<e,  3ju 
IIS  am  eijtlbiciea  anjtlanjt.  SBofSt  mlHtikijl  Du  9Di4?  BUI  Sflaomi.  .unb  Burger,  (ttt  fui  gtiliili.iinb  Stub? 
(Snlliitlbtfl  Du  Di4  fit  Dai  Stbtttl,  bann  (Sume  ftmtn  laqcnblii  ;  bann.  Bolt,  (U  btn  Bitjtn  I  '.Sttniiblunj  btn  mtn[o)< 
JUm  Ctflien.  btc  (Id)  Dime  fctnt^et  nenntn  !  KCifityllofc  JDttniiiiuna  ibntn  —  bo!  mu6  Seine  Veiling  |tip  I  S>«C 
*«i  Ot'bcn,  btttn  8lu'  btn  9Ec(  jum  goi'.l^iill,  jut  gtliS't!  unb  jut.  SDltn!4:ia)'<it  jtbOnjt  —  unb  (lute,  ib,tt 
nUiblgjunnbtn! 

(Sate  «iii&€f. 

THE  FAMOUS  "REVENGE"  CIRCULAR. 
Engraved  from  the  Original  by  direct  Photographic  Process. 


WORKING  FOR  REVENGE.  131 

yesterday  have  been  possible  had  that  advice  been  followed  ?  Yesterday,  at  McCormick's 
factory,  so  far  as  can  now  be  ascertained,  four  workmen  were  killed  and  twenty-five  more  or 
less  seriously  wounded.  If  members  who  defended  themselves  with  stones  (a  few  of  them 
had  little  snappers  in  the  shape  of  revolvers)  had  been  provided  with  good  weapons  and  one 
single  dynamite  bomb,  not  one  of  the  murderers  would  have  escaped  his  well-merited  fate. 
This  massacre  was  to  fill  the  workmen  of  this  city  with  fear.  Will  it  succeed  ? 

A  meeting  of  the  lumber  employes  was  held  yesterday  at  the  Black  Road  to  appoint  a 
committee  to  wait  on  the  committee  of  the  owners  and  present  the  demands  agreed  upon. 
It  was  an  immense  meeting.  Several  speeches  were  made  in  English,  German  and  Polish. 
Finally  Mr.  Spies  was  introduced,  when  a  Pole  cried,  "That  is  a  Socialist,"  and  great  dis- 
approbation was  expressed,  but  the  speaker  continued,  telling  them  that  they  must  realize 
their  strength,  and  must  not  recede  from  their  demands ;  that  the  issue  lay  in  their  hands, 
and  needed  only  resolution  on  their  part. 

At  this  point  some  one  cried,  "On  to  McCormick's!  Let  us  drive  off  the  scabs,"  and 
about  two  hundred  ran  toward  McCormick's.  The  speaker,  not  knowing  what  occurred, 
continued  his  speech,  and  was  appointed  afterwards  a  member  of  the  committee  to  notify 
the  bosses  of  the  action. 

Then  a  Pole  spoke,  when  a  patrol  wagon  rushed  up  to  McCormick's,  and  the  crowd  began 
to  break  up.  Shortly  shots  were  heard  near  McCormick's  factory,  and  about  seventy-five 
well-fed,  large  and  strong  murderers,  under  command  of  a  fat  police  lieutenant,  marched  by, 
followed  by  three  more  patrol  wagons  full  of  law  and  order  beasts.  Two  hundred  police 
were  there  in  less  than  ten  minutes,  firing  on  fleeing  workingmen  and  women.  The  writer 
hastened  to  the  factory,  while  a  comrade  urged  the  assembly  to  rescue  their  brothers, 

unavailingly.  A  young  Irishman  said  to  the  writer:  "What  miserable  ( )  are  those 

who  will  not  turn  a  hand  while  their  brothers  are  being  shot  down  in  cold  blood  !  We  have 
dragged  away  two.  I  think  they  are  dead.  If  you  have  any  influence  with  the  people, 
for  Heaven's  sake,  run  back  and  urge  them  to  follow  you."  The  writer  did  so  in  vain. 
The  revolvers  were  still  cracking ;  fresh  policemen  arriving ;  and  the  battle  was  lost.  It 
was  about  half-past  three  that  the  little  crowd  from  the  meeting  reached  McCormick's 
factory.  Policeman  West  tried  to  hold  them  back  with  his  revolver,  but  was  put  to 
flight  with  a  shower  of  stones  and  roughly  handled.  The  crowd  bombarded  the  factory 
windows  with  stones  and  demolished  the  guard-house.  The  scabs  were  in  mortal  terror, 
when  the  Hinman  Street  patrol  wagon  arrived.  They  were  about  to  attack  the  crowd  with 
their  clubs,  when  a  shower  of  stones  was  thrown,  followed  the  next  minute  by  the  firing  by 
the  police  upon  the  strikers.  It  was  pretended  subsequently  that  they  fired  over  their  heads. 
The  strikers  had  a  few  revolvers  and  returned  the  fire.  Meantime,  more  police  arrived,  and 
then  the  whole  band  opened  fire  on  the  people.  The  people  fought  with  stones,  and  are  said 
to  have  disabled  four  policemen.  The  gang,  as  always,  fired  upon  the  fleeing,  while  women 
and  men  carried  away  the  severely  wounded.  How  many  were  injured  cannot  be  told.  A 
dying  boy,  Joseph  Doebick,  was  brought  home  on  an  express  wagon  by  two  policemen.  Tin 
crowd  threatened  to  lynch  the  officer,  but  were  prevented  by  a  patrol  wagon.  Various 
strikers  were  arrested.  McCormick  said  that  "August  Spies  made  a  speech  to  a  few  thousand 
Anarchists  and  then  put  himself  at  the  head  of  a  crowd  and  attacked  our  works.  Our 
workmen  fled,  and  meantime  the  police  came  and  sent  a  lot  of  Anarchists  away  with  bleeding 
heads." 

Mark  well  the  language,  —  seeking  to  inflame  the  minds  of  the  Socialists 
by  maliciously  stating  that  four  men  had  been  killed,  when  in  fact  not  one 
was  fatally  injured,  —  its  bitter  invective,  its  cunning  phraseology,  its  rude 
eloquence  and  its  passionate  appeal.  All  were  well  calculated  to  stir  up 
revengeful  feelings  at  a  time  when  public  sentiment  ran  high  throughout  the 


1 32 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 


city.  The  events  following  close  upon  the  heels  of  the  eight-hour  strike 
were  critical  in  the  extreme,  and  none  knew  the  exact  situation  better  than 
the  Anarchist  leaders.  Their  course  had  been  shaped  with  special  reference 
to  it.  Their  secret  plottings  were  directed  by  the  events  of  the  hour.  The 
time  had  come,  they  felt,  when  the  Commune  should  be  proclaimed.  It 

would  not  do,  they  urged, 
to  let  the  opportunity  pass. 
The  failure  of  the  McCor- 
mick  riot  at  once  suggested 
retaliation  in  a  manner  best 
known  to  themselves,  and 
the  circular  was  fulminated 
with  a  clear  knowledge  that 
its  import  would  be  readily 
understood  by  all  in  the 


Attention  WerinngmBn! 
MASSMEETfflG 

TO-NIGHT,  at  7.30  o'clock, 


Good  Speakers  will    be  present  to  denounce  the  latest 

atrocious  act  of  the  police,  the  shooting  of  our 

fellow-workmen  yesterday  afternoon. 

Workinpen  Arm  Yourselves  and  Appear  in  Full  Force! 

THE  EXECUTIVE  COMMITTEE. 


dark    secret 
spiracy. 


of 


in 
their 


r  p  $  c 


Ma 

0eute WM ni»,  dalfi  8  tHr,  auf  bem 


But  that  there  might  be 
no  misdirected  effort,  and 
that  all  might  be  properly 
instructed  for  the  emer- 
gency, it  was  deemed  best 
to  hold  a  secret  conference. 
The  hour  seemed  to  have 
arrived  when  their  armed 
sections,  the  various  groups 
of  the  order  trained  in  the 
use  of  guns  and  explosives, 
should  be  brought  into 
requisition,  and  the  police 
in  particular  and  the  public 
in  general  be  made  to  feel 
their  power.  How  best  to 
accomplish  this  purpose  had 
been  uppermost  in  their 
minds  from  the  moment  of  their  disaster  at  the  reaper  works.  A  conflict 
between  the  police  and  the  strikers  had  been  counted  upon  as  a  certainty 
under  their  inspiration,  and  plans  looking  to  the  best  means  of  taking 
advantage  of  this  strike  as  well  as  the  eight-hour  strike  had  been  dis- 
cussed even  before  the  McCormick  riot. 

Only  so  short  a  time  as  the  day  before  that  event,  the  members  of  the 
.second  company  of  the  Lehr  und  Wehr  Verein  and  of  the  Northwest  Side 
•  groups  had  met  in  joint  session  at  Bohemian  Hall,  on  Emma  Street,  and 


SHebner  rocrben  ben  iteucftcn  ©djurfenftreidj 
inbem  fie  gefterirSZadjmittag  unfere  Sriiber  erfdjojj,  geifceltu 

^lr  better,  bcuajfnct  (furl)  unb  rrfdjttnt  mafjcnWt! 


THE  CALL  FOR  THE  HAYMARKET  MEETING.—  I. 
Photographic  Engraving,  direct  from  the  Original. 


EN  GEL'S  BLOODY  PLAN.  133 

considered  the  probabilities  in  view  of  the  eight-hour  movement.  They 
clearly  foresaw  a  conflict,  and,  among  other  things,  discussed  a  plan  to 
meet  that  contingency.  This  plan,  proposed  by  Engel  and  indorsed  by 
Fischer,  and  subsequently  confessed  by  one  of  the  conspirators  present  at 
that  meeting,  was  that  whenever  it  came  to  a  conflict  between  the  police 
and  the  Northwest  groups,  bombs  should  be  thrown  into  the  police  stations. 
The  riflemen  of  the  Lehr  und  Wehr  Verein  should  post  themselves  in  line 
at  a  certain  distance,  and  whoever  came  out  of  the  stations  should  be  shot 
down.  They  would  then  come  into  the  heart  of  the  city,  where  the  fight 
would  commence  in  earnest.  The  members  of  the  Northwest  Side  groups 
were  counseled  to  mutually  assist  each  other  in  making  the  attack  upon 
the -police,  and  "if  any  one  had  anything  with  him,  he  should  use  it."  "As 
the  police  would  endeavor  to  subdue  the  workingmen  by  sending  all  their 
available  force  to  the  place  of  attack,  the  Anarchists  could  easily  blow  up 
the  stations,  and  such  officers  as  might  effect  an  escape  from  the  buildings 
could  be  killed  by  their  riflemen.  Then  they  would  cut  the  telegraph 
wires  so  as  to  prevent  communication  with  other  stations,  after  which  they 
would  proceed  to  the  nearest  station  and  destroy  that.  On  their  way  they 
would  throw  fire  bombs  at  some  of  the  buildings,  and  this  would  call  out  the 
Fire  Department  and  prevent  the  firemen  from  being  called  upon  to  quell 
the  riot.  While  proceeding  thus  they  would  secure  reinforcements,  and,  in 
the  intense  excitement  following,  the  police  as  well  as  militia  would  become 
confused  and  divided  in  counsel  as  to  the  points  where  they  could  do  the 
most  effective  service.  The  attacks  should  be  almost  simultaneous  in  dif- 
ferent parts  of  the  city  at  a  given  signal.  When  they  all  finally  reached 
the  center  of  the  city,  they  would  set  fire  to  the  most  prominent  buildings 
and  attack  the  jail,  open  the  doors  and  set  free  the  inmates  to  join  them  in 
future  movements." 

This  plan,  it  is  almost  needless  to  remark,  was  unanimously  adopted. 
But  concerted  action  was  necessary  among  all  the  groups,  and  in  view  of 
the  "  skull-cracking,"  to  use  their  own  phrase,  on  the  afternoon  of  May  3,  a 
secret  conference  of  all  groups  was  determined  upon  as  a  supplement  to 
Spies'  pronunciamento  and  as  an  incitement  to  future  revolutionary  move- 
ments. A  notice  understood  by  all  in  the  armed  sections — "  Y,  come 
Monday  evening" — was  inserted  in  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung.  The  commander 
of  the  Lehr  und  Wehr  Verein  rented  a  beer  basement  at  No.  54  West 
Lake  Street,  known  to  the  followers  of  Socialism  as  Greif's  Hall,  and  along 
towards  eight  o'clock  representatives  of  all  the  armed  sections  of  the 
Internationale  gathered  there.  In  order  that  the  utmost  privacy  might  be 
maintained,  guards  were  posted  both  at  the  front  and  rear  entrances  with 
instructions  to  permit  no  one  to  stand  on  the  outside  and  to  admit  only 
trusted  adherents.  ' 


1 34  A NAR CHY  AND  ANAR CHISTS. 

When  the  session  opened  there  were  between  seventy  and  eighty  mem- 
bers of  the  various  sections  present.  Their  deliberations  were  presided 
over  by  Gottfried  Waller,  who  subsequently  became  an  important  witness 
for  the  State. 

Spies'  "  Revenge  circular,"  written  late  that  afternoon,  was  distributed 
in  the  meeting,  and  its  sentiments  were  heartily  seconded  by  all  present. 
Engel  finally  submitted  the  plan  already  given,  and  some  discussion  followed, 
participated  in  by  various  members.  Fischer  considered  the  plan  admir- 
able, and,  lest  there  might  be  evidence  of  weakness,  he  stated  that  if  any  man 
acted  the  part  of  a  coward,  his  own  dagger  or  a  bullet  from  his  rifle  should 
pierce  that  man's  heart.  Inquiries  being  made  with  reference  to  a  supply 
of  bombs,  he  suggested  that  the  members  manufacture  them  on  their  own 
account.  The  best  thing,  he  said,  was  to  procure  a  tin  coffee-bottle,  fill  it 
with  benzine,  attach  a  cap  and  fuse,  and  they  would  have  a  most  effective 
bomb. 

Engel's  plan  went  through  with  a  rush.  Having  now  agreed  upon  a 
definite  course,  it  was  necessary  to  adopt  a  signal  to  warn  the  sections  of 
danger  and  summon  them  to  action.  Fischer  was  equal  to  the  occasion. 
He  proposed  the  German  word  "  Ruhe,"  —  signifying  "rest"  or  "peace," — 
and  added  that  whenever  it  should  appear  in  the  "Letterbox"  column  of 
the  Arbeiter-Zeitung,  all  would  know  that  the  moment  for  decisive  action 
had  been  reached,  and  that  all  were  expected  to  repair  promptly  to  their 
appointed  meeting-places,  fully  armed  and  ready  for  duty.  The  suggestion 
was  adopted. 

But  what  are  plans  without  being  fortified  by  enthusiasm  on  the  part  of 
the  mob  expected  to  carry  them  out  ?  The  Socialistic  heart  must  be  fired 
to  a  proper  pitch  of  frenzy.  Every  soul  must  be  made  to  feel  that  the 
cause  of  Socialism  is  his  own.  A  mass-meeting  was  just  the  thing,  and  a 
mass-meeting  it  was  decided  by  this  august  band  of  conspirators  to  call. 
The  time  was  the  only  point  in  controversy.  The  chairman  insisted  on 
holding  it  the  following  morning  on  Market  Square,  which  is  a  widening  of 
Market  Street  between  Madison  and  Randolph  Streets,  but  Fischer  pro- 
tested, because,  as  he  said,  it  was  a.  "  mouse  trap,"  and  insisted  that  the 
meeting  be  held  in  the  evening,  when  they  could  bring  out  a  crowd  of  no 
less  than  25,000  people,  and  that  the  Haymarket  be  the  place.  There,  he 
said,  they  would  have  greater  security  in  case  of  disturbance,  and  more  and 
better  means  of  escape.  His  counsel  finally  prevailed,  and  after  a  call  had 
been  suitably  drafted,  Fischer  was  intrusted  with  its  printing. 

Remembering  that  "what  is  everybody's  business  is  nobody's  business," 
the  meeting  decided  to  appoint  a  committee,  consisting  of  one  or  two 
members  from  each  group.  This  committee  was  to  keep  a  close  watch  on  all 
movements  that  might  be  made  at  Haymarket  Square  and  in  different  parts 
of  the  city,  and,  in  the  event  of  a  conflict,  to  promptly  report  it  to  the 


THE  CALL    TO  ARMS. 


135 


members  of  the  various  armed  sections  by  the  insertion  in  the  Arbeiter- 
Zeitung  of  the  word  "  Ruhe  "  if  there  was  trouble  during  the  day,  or  illum- 
inating the  sky  with  a  red  light  at  night.  If  either  signal  could  not  be 
conveniently  used,  then  they  were  to  notify  the  members  individually. 

Before  the  conclusion  of  this  secret  conclave,  every  one  present  was 
directed  to  notify  absent 
members  of  what  had  been 
done,  and  Rudolph  Schnau- 
belt,  who  has  since  been 
proven  the  thrower  of  the 
bomb  which  scattered  death 
and  devastation  on  the 
following  evening,  wished 
to  go  even  further  and  have 
Socialists  in  other  cities  noti- 
fied so  that  the  proposed  rev- 
olution might  become  gen- 
eral. The  instigators  of  the 
meeting  just  described  were 
Spies,  Parsons,  Fielden  and 
Neebe,  but  for  some  reason 
they  failed  to  put  in  an  ap- 
pearance. 

In  accordance  with  ar- 
rangements, the  call  for  the 
mass-meeting  was  printed 
the  next  morning.  There 
were  two  versions  of  this 
call.  Fac-similes  of  both  are 
given. 

In  the  afternoon  of   May 


Attention  Workingw! 
MASSMEETING 

TO-NIGHT,  at  7.30^o'clock, 

HAYMARKET,  Biflil,¥ijiine!i  anil  HalM 

Good   Speakers  will    be  present  to  denounce  the  latest 

atrocious  act  of  the  police,  the  shooting  of  our 

fellow-workmen  yesterday  afternoon. 


THE  EXECUTIVE  COMMITTEE. 


3Weitet! 


,  (jttlli  8  Ul)r,  mif  item 

9f<tn&oty&s<5tro&e,  jtoifcbeu 


u. 


Stebner  locrben  ben  ncueftrn  ©ctjurfenftreid) 
tnbem  fie  geftern  9>{ad)fmttag  uufere  ^Bciibcr  trfdjofe,  gdjjeln. 


THE  CALL  FOR  THE  HAYMARKET  MEETING.—  II. 
Photographic  Engraving,  direct  from  the  Original. 


4  the  signal  word  "Ruhe" 
appeared  in  the  Arbeiter- 
Zeitung,  and  all  the  armed 
men  proceeded  to  place 
themselves  in  readiness  for  the  conflict.  They  also  devoted  themselves 
energetically  to  cultivating  revengeful  sentiments.  While  making  their  prep- 
arations for  the  projected  riot,  they  communicated  the  plan  decided  upon 
to  every  member  of  the  order,  and  all  were  urged  to  come  fully  armed  with 
such  weapons  as  they  might  possess. 

But  their  greatest  reliance  was  placed  in  the  use  of  dynamite.  This 
highly  explosive  material  was  regarded  as  the  chief  arm  of  their  cause. 
For  many  weeks,  the  leaders  had  experimented  with  it.  Some  six  week? 


i36 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 


before  the  disastrous  Haymarket  riot,  Louis  Lingg  had  brought  a  bomb  to 
the  house  of  William  Seliger,  No.  442  Sedgwick  Street,  where  he  boarded, 
and  announced  his  intention  of  making  other  bombs  like  it.  Before  this 
he  had  provided  himself  with  dynamite,  the  money  for  its  purchase  having 
been  realized  at  a  ball  given  some  time  previously  and  turned  over  to  him 
to  use  in  experiments.  Being  out  of  employment  at  the  time,  he  devoted 
himself  energetically  to  experiments  with  that  material,  and  produced 
large  gas-pipe  bombs.  One  of  these  he  took  out  to  a  grove  north  of  the 

city,  and,  placing 
it  in  the  crotch  of 
a  tree,  exploded 
it,  splitting  the 
tree  to  pieces.  The 
result  of  the  test 
appears  to  have 
been  satisfactory, 
and  he  next  gave 
hisattentiontothe 
manufacture  of 
globular  shells.  In 
the  casting  of 
these  he  used  the 
kitchen  stove  to 
melt  his  metal, 
and  often  receiv- 
ed the  assistance 
of  Seliger,  Thielen 
and  Hermann.  All 
day  Tuesday,  May 
4,  he  worked  most 
persistently  and 
seemed  in  a  great 
hurry  to  make  as 

many  bombs  as  possible.  He  was  helped  on  that  day  by  the  parties  named 
and  two  others,  Hueber  and  Munzenberger.  Before  the  close  of  the  day 
they  had  finished  over  a  hundred  bombs.  While  they  were  at  work  Lehman 
visited  them  and  carried  home  a  satchel  of  dynamite,  which  he  subse- 
quently, after  the  Haymarket  riot,  buried  out  on  the  prairie,  and  which 
was  afterwards  disinterred  by  the  police.  Not  alone  did  he  and  his  friends 
experiment  with  dynamite,  but  it  appears  that  Spies,  Parsons,  Fischer, 
Fielden  and  Schwab  also  tried  their  hands  at  it  and  handled  the  deadly 
stuff  at  the  office  of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung.  They  had  several  bombs  there 
and  made  no  secret  of  the  purpose  for  which  they  intended  them.  The  office 
was  afterwards  discovered  to  be  an  arsenal  of  revolvers  and  dynamite. 


NEFF'S  HALL. 


FORCING   THE  REVOLUTION.  137 

After  the  bombs  had  been  completed  by  Lingg  and  his  assistants,  Lingg 
and  Seliger  put  them  in  a  trunk  or  satchel  and  carried  them  over  towards 
Neff's  Hall,  at  No.  58  Clybourn  Avenue.  On  the  way  they  were  met  by 
Munzenberger,  who  took  the  trunk,  and,  placing  it  on  his  shoulder,  carried  it 
the  rest  of  the  distance.  At  this  time  —  it  being  evening  —  there  was  a  meet- 
ing of  painters  in  a  hall  at  the  rear  of  Neff's  saloon,  and  the  package  was 
placed  at  the  entrance  for  a  moment's  exhibition.  Lingg  asked  the  pro- 
prietor if  any  one  had  called  and  inquired  for  him,  and,  on  being  answered 
in  the  negative,  proceeded  with  Seliger  and  Munzenberger  into  the  hall- 
way connecting  the  saloon  and  the  assembly-room.  Placing  the  trunk  on 
the  floor,  he  opened  it  for  inspection.  Several  parties  examined  the 
bombs  and  took  some  of  them  away.  Seliger  helped  himself  to  two  and 
kept  them  until  after  the  Haymarket  explosion,  when  he  hid  them  under  a 
sidewalk  on  Sigel  Street.  Lingg,  Seliger  and  Munzenberger  then  left  the 
premises.  The  direction  the  last-named  took  is  a  matter  in  doubt.  Neff 
had  never  seen  him  before,- Lehman  did  not  know  him,  and  Seliger  had  not 
even  learned  his  name. 

It  is  clear  that  all  this  work  was  part  of  the  conspiracy  concocted  at 
Greif's  Hall  the  previous  evening.  It  is  also  well  settled  that  Munzen- 
berger was  the  chosen  agent  to  secure  the  bombs  and  see  that  they  were 
placed  in  the  hands  of  trusted  Anarchists  for  use  at  the  proper  moment. 
The  secrecy  surrounding  the  latter's  identity  was  in  complete  accord  with 
the  method  of  procedure  outlined  in  the  instructions  given  to  Socialists : 

In  the  commission  of  a  deed,  a  comrade  who  does  not  live  at  the  place  of  action,  that  is, 
a  comrade  of  some  other  place,  ought,  if  possibility  admits,  to  participate  in  the  action,  or, 
formulated  difficulty,  a  revolutionary  deed  ought  to  be  enacted  where  one  is  not  known. 

Still  further  steps  were  taken  to  precipitate  the  revolution.  In  con- 
formity with  the  Monday  night  plan,  armed  men  were  to  be  stationed,  on 
the  evening  of  Tuesday,  in  the  vicinity  of  the  police  stations.  We  find 
that  Lingg,  Seliger,  Lehman,  Smidke,  Thielen  and  two  large  unknown  men 
were  in  the  vicinity  of  the  North  Avenue  Station.  They  skulked  about  the 
corners  of  the  streets  leading  to  that  station,  between  eight  and  ten  o'clock, 
fully  armed  with  bombs  and  ready  for  desperate  deeds.  Others,  who  had 
secured  bombs  at  Neff's  Hall,  went  further  northward  and  hovered  around 
the  police  station  near  the  corner  of  Webster  and  Lincoln  Avenues. 
Seliger  and  Lingg  also  paid  that  vicinity  a  visit.  There  were  also  armed 
men  at  Deering,  where  a  meeting  of  striking  workingmen  was  held,  and 
which  was  addressed  by  Schwab  after  he  had  left  the  Haymarket.  Anar- 
chists also  posted  themselves  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Chicago  Avenue  Station. 
Men  were  also  near  the  North  Avenue  Station,  and  some  twenty-five  posted 
themselves  at  the  corner  of  Halsted  and  Randolph  Streets,  two  blocks 
from  the  Desplaines  Street  Station.  Spies  and  Schwab  entered  this  group 


138  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

and  held  some  secret  consultation  with  the  leaders.     Fischer  and  Waller 
were  also  close  to  that  station. 

It  furthermore  appears  that  several  men  called  on  Tuesday  evening  at 
Waller's  residence  while  he  was  eating  his  supper  and  desired  him  to 
accompany  them  to  Wicker  Park,  saying  that  they  "wanted  to  be  at  their 
post."  Two  of  these  men  were  Krueger  and  Kraemer,  belonging  to  the 
"armed  sections."  Some  men  also  called  at  Engel's  store,  and  one  of  them 
exhibited  a  revolver.  Another,  a  stranger,  explained  to  a  comrade  that  he 
was  waiting  for  some  "  pills."  He  waited  only  five  minutes,  when  a  young 
girl  about  ten  or  twelve  years  of  age  came  in,  carrying  a  mysterious  package. 
This  she  handed  to  the  stranger,  who  stepped  behind  a  screen  and  then 
hastened  out. 

It  is  thus  manifest  that  the  various  parties  were  bent  on  a  carnival  of 
riot  and  destruction  and  only  awaited  the  proper  signal  from  the  commit- 
tee. The  men  intrusted  with  the  secrets  of  pillage,  murder  and  general 
destruction  belonged  to  what  was  known  in  the  order  as  the  "  Revolution- 
ary Group."  The  plan  was  not  communicated  to  any  one  else.  The  utmost 
secrecy  had  to  be  maintained  for  its  successful  accomplishment,  and  the 
conspiracy  was  only  communicated  to  such  as  had  proved  themselves  in 
the  past,  by  word  and  deed,  in  full  accord  with  revolutionary  methods. 
The  "revolutionary  party  "  consisted  of  the  Lehr  und  Wehr  Verein,  com- 
manded by  Breitenfeld ;  the  Northwest  Side  group,  under  command  of 
Engel,  Fischer  and  Grumm  ;  the  North  Side  group,  commanded  by  Neebe, 
Lingg  and  Hermann  ;  the  American  group,  commanded  by  Spies,  Parsons 
and  Fielden ;  the  Karl  Marx  group,  directed  by  Schilling ;  the  Freiheit 
group  and  the  armed  sections  of  the  International  Carpenters'  Union  and 
Metal-workers'  Union.  These  various  sections,  or  groups,  were  under  the 
management  of  a  general  committee  which  included  among  its  leading 
spirits  Spies,  Schwab,  Parsons,  Neebe,  Rau,  Hirschberger,  Deusch  and  Belz. 
This  committee  met  at  stated  periods  at  the  office  of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung 
and  formulated  orders  for  the  guidance  of  the  groups.  Its  expenses  were 
met  by  monthly  contributions  from  all  the  Socialistic  societies.  It  was 
under  the  inspiration  of  this  committee  that  the  Monday  night  meeting 
was  held.  Why  the  signal  for  a  concerted  raid  on  the  police  stations,  the 
burning  of  buildings  and  the  slaughter  of  capitalists  was  not  given  on  the 
fateful  night  of  the  Haymarket  riot, —  or,  if  given,  as  seems  to  be  believed  in 
many  quarters,  in  Fielden's  declaration,  "We  are  peaceable,"  why  it  was 
not  carried  out  completely, —  is  not  explicable  upon  any  other  hypothesis 
than  that  the  courage  of  the  trusted  leaders  failed  them  at  the  critical 
moinent. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

The  Air  Full  of  Rumors  —  A  Riot  'Feared  —  Police  Preparations  —  Bon- 
field  in  Command — The  Haymarket  —  Strategic.  Value  of  the  Anarchists'  Position  — 
Crane's  Alley  —  The  Theory  of  Street  Warfare  —  Inflaming  the  Mob  —  Schnaubelt  and. 
his  Bomb  —  "Throttle  the  Law"  —  The  Limit  of  Patience  Reached  —  "In  the  Name  of 
the  People,  Disperse"  —  The  Signal  Given — The  Crash  of  Dynamite  First  Heard  on 
an  American  Street  —  Murder  in  the  Air  —  A  Rally  and  a  Charge  —  The  Anarchists 
Swept  Away  —  A  Battle  Worthy  of  Veterans. 

WITH  such  active  work  among  the  conspirators  as  I  have  shown,  it 
was  only  a  question  of  time  when  some  terrible  catastrophe  would 
ensue  through  the  instrumentality  of  the  powerful  bombs  they  had  manu- 
factured. The  public  mind  was  in  a  state  of  fear  and  suspense,  not: 
knowing  the  direction  whence  threatened  devastation  and  destruction  might 
appear.  The  incendiary  speeches  were  enough  to  excite  trepidation,  and 
the  appearance  of  the  "Revenge  circular"  fanned  the  excitement  into- 
general  alarm  and  indignation.  The  McCormick  attack  proved  conclusively 
that  the  Anarchists  meant  to  practice  what  they  preached.  After  their 
rout  and  defeat,  they  were  heard  to  express  regret  that  they  had  not 
taken  forcible  possession  of  the  works  before  the  arrival  of  the  police  and 
then  received  the  officers  with  a  volley  of  fire-arms,  as  had  once  been  con- 
templated in  a  star-chamber  session  of  one  of  their  •'  revolutionary  groups." 
The  air  was  full  of  rumors,  and  the  general  public  was  convinced  that  some: 
great  disaster  would  occur  unless  the  police  promptly  forbade  the  holding 
of  further  revolutionary  meetings.  The  Mayor's  attention  had  been  called 
to  the  possible  results  if  such  meetings  were  permitted  to  continue,  and. 
he,  in  turn,  directed  the  Police  Department  to  keep  close  watch  of  the 
gathering  called  for  the  Haymarket  Square  and  disperse  it  in  case  the 
speakers  used  inflammatory  language.  During  the  day  many  of  the  Spies, 
circulars  had  been  distributed  in  the  vicinity  of  the  McCormick  establish- 
ment, and  it  was  expected  that  many  of  the  enraged  strikers  from  that 
locality  would  attend  the  meeting.  It  was  clear  that,  in  view  of  the  temper 
of  the  Socialists,  only  slight  encouragement  would  be  required  to  produce 
a  disturbance,  and  it  was  of  the  utmost  importance  that  prompt  action 
should  be  taken  at  the  first  sign  of  trouble.  It  subsequently  transpired 
that  the  leaders  had  intended  to  make  the  speeches  threatening  in  order  to- 
invite  a  charge  upon  the  crowd  by  the  police,  and  then,  during  the  con- 
fusion, to  carry  out  the  Monday  night  programme. 

The  city  authorities  fully  comprehended  the  situation,  but  concluded 
not  to  interfere  with  the  meeting  unless  the  discussion  should  be  attended 
with  violent  threats.  In  order  to  be  prepared  for  any  emergency,  however,, 
it  was  deemed  best  to  concentrate  a  large  force  in  the  vicinity  of  the  meet- 

139 


STRA  TE  GIC  ME  THODS.  14 r 

ing  —  at  the  Desplaines  Street  Station.  One  hundred  men  from  Capt, 
Ward's  district,  the  Third  Precinct,  under  command  of  Lieuts.  Bowler, 
Stanton,  Penzen  and  Beard,  twenty-six  men  from  the  Central  Detail  under 
command  of  Lieut.  Hubbard  and  Sergt.  Fitzpatrick,  and  fifty  men  from 
the  Fourth  Precinct,  under  Lieuts.  Steele  and  Quinn,  were  accordingly 
assigned  for  special  service  that  evening.  Inspector  John  Bonfield  was, 
ordered  to  assume  command  of  the  whole  force,  and  his  instructions  were 
to  direct  the  detectives  to  mingle  with  the  crowd,  and,  if  anything  of  an 
incendiary  nature  was  advised  by  the  speakers,  to  direct  the  officers  to  dis- 
perse the  gathering. 

The  meeting  had  been  called  for  7:30  o'clock,  and  at  that  hour  quite  a 
number  had  assembled  in  the  vicinity  of  Haymarket  Square.  This  square: 
is  simply  a  widening  of  Randolph  Street  between  Desplaines  and  Halsted. 
Streets;  and  in  years  past  was  used  by  farmers  for  the  sale  of  hay  and 
produce.  It  was  for  this  place  that  the  call  had  been  issued,  but  for  certain 
reasons  the  meeting  was  held  ninety  feet  north  of  Randolph,  on  Desplaines 
Street,  near  the  intersection  of  an  alley  which  has  since  passed  into  public 
fame  as  "Crane's  alley."  In  sight  almost  of  this  alley  was  Zepf's  Hall,  on 
the  northeast  corner  of  Lake  and  Desplaines  Streets,  and  about  two  blocks, 
further  east  on  Lake  Street  were  Florus'  Hall  and  Greif's  Hall  —  all  notor- 
ious resorts  and  headquarters  for  Anarchists.  On  the  evening  in  question 
these  places  and  surrounding  streets  leading  to  the  meeting-place  were 
crowded  with  strikers  and  Socialist  sympathizers,  some  within  the  saloons, 
regaling  themselves  with  beer  and  some  jostling  each  other  on  the  thorough- 
fares, either  going  for  liquids  or  returning  to  the  meeting  after  having  for  the 
moment  satisfied  the  "inner  man."  Here  was  a  condition  of  things  that 
would  permit  an  easy  mingling  in.  and  ready  escape  through,  the  crowd,  in 
the  event  of  inauguration  of  the  revolutionary  plan  adopted  the  evening 
previous.  The  throngs  would  serve  as  a  cover  for  apparently  safe  opera- 
tions. Another  advantage  gained  by  holding  the  meeting  at  the  point 
indicated  was  that  the  street  was  dimly  lighted,  and,  as  the  building  in  front 
of  which  the  speaking  took  place  was  a  manufacturing  establishment, — 
that  of  Crane  Bros.,  —  not  used  or  lighted  at  night,  and  as  the  alley  con- 
tiguous to  the  speaker's  stand  formed  an  L  with  another  alley  leading  to- 
Randolph  Street,  there  were  points  of  seeming  safety  for  a  conflict  with  the 
police.  Besides,  the  point  was  about  350  feet  north  of  the  Desplaines 
Street  Police  Station,  and  it  was  evidently  calculated  that  when  the  police 
should  attack  the  crowd,  that  part  of  the  Monday  night  programme  about 
blowing  up  the  stations  could  easily  be  carried  into  effect. 

These  were  the  undoubted  reasons  for  effecting  the  change.  The  reader 
will  remember  that  one  of  the  objections  urged  by  Fischer  against  holding 
the  meeting  on  Market  Square  was  that  it  was  a  "mouse  trap,"  and  one  of 
his  potential  arguments  for  the  Haymarket  was  that  it  was  a  safer  place 


THE  HAYMARKET  MEETING. 


for  the  execution  of  their  plot.  There  was  thus  a  "  method  in  their  mad- 
ness." All  the  contingencies  had  evidently  been  very  carefully  considered. 

But,  as  I  have  already  stated,  the  hour  had  arrived  for  calling  the 
meeting  to  order,  and  as  there  appeared  no  one  to  assume  prompt  charge, 
the  crowd  exhibited  some  manifestations  of  impatience.  About  eight 
o'clock  there  were  perhaps  3,000  people  in  the  vicinity  of  the  chosen  place, 
and  some  fifteen  or  twenty  minutes  later  Spies  put  in  an  appearance.  He 
mounted  the  truck  wagon  improvised  as  a  speaker's  stand  and  inquired  for 
Parsons.  Receiving  no  response,  he  got  down,  and,  meeting  Schwab,  the 
two  entered  the  alley,  where  there  was  quite  a  crowd,  and  where  they  were 
overheard  using  the  words  "pis- 
tols" and  '-'police,"  and  Schwab 
was  heard  to  ask,  "  Is  one  enough 
or  had  we  better  go  and  get 
more?"  Both  then  disappeared 
up  the  street,  and  it  is  a  fair 
presumption  —  borne  out  by  the 
fact  that  they  had  entered  a 
group  of  Anarchists  on  the  cor- 
ner of  Halsted  and  Randolph 
Streets,  as  noted  in  the  preced- 
ing chapter,  and  other  circum- 
stances—  that  they  went  to  se- 
cure bombs.  Spies  shortly  re- 
turned, and,  meeting  Schnaubelt, 
held  a  short  conversation  with 
him,  at  the  same  time  handing 
him  something,  which  Schnau- 
belt put  carefully  in  a  side- 
pocket.  Spies  again  mounted 
the  wagon  (the  hour  being  about  INSPECTOR  JOHN  BONFIELD. 

8:40 — •  Schnaubelt  standing  near  him),  and  began  a  speech  in  English.  It 
is  needless,  at  this  point,  to  reproduce  the  speech,  as  its  substance  appears 
later  on,  both  as  given  by  the  reporters  and  as  written  out  subsequently 
by  Spies.  But  both  reports  fail  to  give  a  proper  conception  of  its  insidi- 
ous effect  on  the  audience.  It  bore  mainly  on  the  grievances  of  labor, 
the  treatment  of  the  strikers  by  McCormick,  and  an  explanation  of  his 
(Spies')  connection  with  the  disturbances  of  the  day  previous.  The  lesson 
he  drew  from  the  occurrence  at  McCormick's  was  "that  workingmen  must 
arm  themselves  for  defense,  so  that  they  may  be  able  to  cope  with  the 
Government  hirelings  of  their  masters." 

Parsons  had  meanwhile  been  sent  for,  and   on  the  conclusion  of  Spies' 
harangue  was  introduced.     He  reviewed  the  labor  discontent  in  the  coun  • 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 


try,  the  troubles  growing  out  of  it,  touched  on  monopoly,  criticised  the  so- 
called  "capitalistic  press,"  scored  the  banks,  explained  Socialism,  ex- 
coriated the  system  of  elections,  and  terminated  his  remarks  by  appealing 
to  his  hearers  to  defend  themselves  and  asserting  that,  if  the  demands  of 
the  working  classes  were  refused,  it  meant  war.  His  speech,  like  that  of 
Spies,  was  mild  as  compared  with  what  would  be  expected  on  such  an 
occasion.  Perhaps  this  is  accounted  for  by  the  fact  that  during  their 
harangues  Mayor  Harrison  mingled  in  the  throng  and  paid  close  attention 
to  the  sentiments  of  the  speakers.  He  afterwards  characterized  Parsons' 
effort  as  "a  good  political  speech,"  and,  being  apparently  satisfied  that 
there  would  be  no  trouble,  left  for  the  Desplaines  Street  Police  Station, 
giving  his  impressions  of  the  gathering  to  the  Captain  in  charge  and  telling 
Bonfield  that  there  seemed  to  be  no  further  use  for  holding  the  force  in 
reserve. 

No  sooner  had  Harrison  left  for  the  station  and  thence  for  his  own 
house,  than  the  next  speaker,  Fielden,  grew  bolder  in  his  remarks  and  sent 
the  words  rolling  hot  and  fast  over  an  oily,  voluble  and  vindictive  tongue. 
He  opened  with  a  reference  to  the  insecurity  of  the  working  classes  under 
the  present  social  system,  drifted  to  the  McCormick  strike,  in  which  men, 
he  said,  were  "  shot  down  by  the  law  in  cold  blood,  in  the  city  of  Chicago, 
in  the  protection  of  property,"  and  held  that  the  strikers  had  "  nothing 
more  to  do  with  the  law  except  to  lay  hands  on  it,  and  throttle  it  until  it 
makes  its  last  kick.  Throttle  it  !  Kill  it !  Stab  it  !  Can  we  do  any- 
thing," he  asked,  "except  by  the  strong  arm  of  resistance?  The  skirmish 

lines  have  met.  The  people  have 
been  shot.  Men,  women  and  chil- 
dren have  not  been  spared  by  the  cap- 
italists and  the  minions  of  private 
capital.  It  had  no  mercy  —  neither 
ought  you.  You  are  called  upon  to 
defend  yourselves,  your  lives,  your 
future.  I  have  some  resistance  in 
me.  I  know  that  you  have,  too." 

At  this  juncture  the  police  made 
their  appearance.  During  the  re- 
marks of  Spies  and  Parsons,  detect- 
ives had  frequently  reported  to  the 
station  that  only  moderate,  temperate 
sentiments  were  being  uttered,  but 
after  Fielden  had  got  fairly  worked 
up  to  his  subject,  this  was  changed. 
The  crowd  was  being  wrought  up  to 
a  high  point  of  excitement,  and  there 


CAPT.  WILLIAM  WARD. 


FIELDEN' S  HARANGUE. 


were  frequent  interjections  of  approval  and  shouts  of  indignation.  Fielden's 
was.  just  such  a  speech  as  they  had  expected  to  hear.  Very  little  was 
required  to  incite  them  to  the  perpetration  of  desperate  deeds.  Like  a 
sculptor  with  his  plastic  model,  Fielden  had  molded  his  audience  to  suit 
the  purpose  of  the  occasion.  With  his  rough  and  ready  eloquence  he 
stirred  up  their  innermost  pas- 
sions. His  biting  allusions  to 
capitalists  caught  the  hearts  of 
the  uncouth  mob  as  with  grap- 
pling-hooks,  and  his  appeals  for 
the  destruction  of  existing  laws 
shook  them  as  a  whirlwind. 

It  would  be  as  well,  he  said, 
for  workmen  to  die  fighting  as 
to  starve  to  death.  "Exter- 
minate the  capitalists,  and  do  it 
to-night !  "  The  officers  detailed 
to  watch  the  proceedings  saw 
that  the  speech  portended  no 
good,  and  they  communicated 
the  facts  to  Inspector  Bonfield. 
Even  then  the  Inspector  hesi- 
tated. To  use  his  own  language, 
in  the  report  he  sent  to  Super- 
intendent Ebersold  :  "Wanting 
to  be  clearly  within  the  law,  and 
wishing  to  leave  no  room  for  doubt  as  to  the  propriety  of  our  actions,  I  did 
not  act  on  the  first  reports,  but  sent  the  officers  back  to  make  further  obser- 
vations. A  few  minutes  after  ten  o'clock,  the  officers  returned  and  reported 
that  the  crowd  were  getting  excited  and  the  speaker  growing  more  incen- 
diary in  his  language.  I  then  felt  that  to  hesitate  any  longer  would  be 
criminal,  and  gave  the  order  to  fall  in  and  move  our  force  forward  on  Waldo 
Place,"  —  a  short  street  south  of  the  Desplaines  Street  Station. 

The  force  formed  into  four  divisions.  The  companies  of  Lieuts.  Steele 
and  Quinn  formed  the  first  ;  those  of  Lieuts.  Stanton  and  Bowler,  the  sec- 
ond ;  those  of  Lieut.  Hubbard  and  Sergt.  Fitzpatrick,  the  third  ;  and  two 
companies  commanded  by  Lieuts.  Beard  and  Penzen  constituted  the 
fourth,  forming  the  rear  guard,  which  had  orders  to  form  right  and  left  on 
Randolph  Street,  to  guard  the  rear  from  any  attack  from  the  Haymar- 
ket.  These  various  divisions  thus  covered  the  street  from  curb  to  curb. 
Inspector  Bonfield  and  Capt.  Ward  led  the  forces,  in  front  of  the  first  divis- 
ion. On  seeing  them  advancing  in  the  distance,  Fielden  exclaimed : 

"Here  come  the  bloodhounds.     You  do  your  duty,  and  I'll  do  mine  !  " 


LIEUT.  (NOW  CHIEF)  G.  W.  HUBBARD. 


146 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 


Arriving  on  the  ground,  they  found  the  agitator  right  in  the  midst  of  his 
incendiary  exhortations,  that  point  where  he  was  telling  his  Anarchist  zeal- 
ots that  he  had  some  resistance  in  him,  and  assuring  them  that  he  knew 
they  had  too.  At  that  moment  the  police  were  ordered  to  halt  within  a 
few  feet  of  the  truck  wagon,  and  Capt.  Ward,  advancing  to  within  three  feet 
of  the  speaker,  said  : 

"  I  command  you,  in  the  name  of  the  people  of  the  State,  to  immediately 
and  peaceably  disperse." 

Turning  to  the  crowd,  he  continued  :  "  I  command  you  and  you  to 
assist." 

Fielden  had   meanwhile  jumped  off  the  wagon,  and,  as  he  reached  the 
sidewalk,  declared  in  a  clear,  loud  tone  of  voice  : 
"We   are  peaceable." 

This  must  have  been  the  secret  signal, —  it  has  about  it  suggestions  of 
the  word  "  Ruhe,"  —  and  no  sooner  had  it  been  uttered  than  a  spark  flashed 
through  the  air.  It  looked  like  the  lighted  remnant  of  a  cigar,  but  hissed 
like  a  miniature  skyrocket.  It  fell  in  the  ranks  of  the  second  division  and 
near  the  dividing-line  between  the  companies  of  Lieuts.  Stanton  and  Bow- 
ler, just  south  of  where  the  speaking  had  taken  place. 

A  terrific  explosion  followed  —  the  detonation  was  heard  for  blocks 
around.  The  direction  in  which  the  bomb  —  for  such  it  was  —  had  been 
thrown  was  by  way  of  the  east  sidewalk  from  the  alley.  It  had  been  hurled 
by  a  person  in  the  shadow  of  that  narrow  yet  crowded  passageway  on  the 
same  side  of,  and  only  a  few  feet  from,  the  speaker's  stand. 

The  explosion  created  frightful  havoc  and  terrible  dismay.  It  was 
instantly  followed  by  a  volley  of  small  fire-arms  from  the  mob  on  the  side- 
walk and  in  the  street  in  front  of  the 
police  force,  all  directed  against  the  offi- 
cers. They  were  for  the  moment  stunned 
and  terror-stricken.  In  the  immediate 
vicinity  of  the  explosion,  the  entire  col- 
.umn  under  Stanton  and  Bowler  and 
many  of  the  first  and  third  divisions  were 
hurled  to  the  ground,  some  killed,  and 
many  in  the  agonies  of  death. 

As  soon  as  the  first  flash  of  the  tragic 
shock  had  passed,  and  even  on  the  in- 
stant the  mob  began  firing,  Inspector 
Bonfield  rallied  the  policemen  who  re- 
mained unscathed,  and  ordered  a  run- 
ning fire  of  revolvers  on  the  desperate 
Anarchists.  Lieuts.  Steele  and  Quinn 
SERGT.  (NOW  CAPT.)  j.  E.  FiTZPATRicK.  charged  the  crowd  on  the  street  from 


A  BATTLE  FOR  THE  LAW. 


H7 


LIEUT.  JAMES  P.  STANTON. 


curb  to  curb,  and  Lieuts.  Hubbard  and  Fitzpatrick,  with  such  men  as 
were  left  them  of  the  Special  Detail,  swept  both  sidewalks  with  a  brisk 
and  rattling  fire. 

The  rush  of  the  officers  was  like  that  of  a  mighty  torrent  in  a  narrow 
channel  —  they  carried  everything  before 
them  and  swept  down  all  hapless  enough 
to  fall  under  their  fire  or  batons.  The 
masterly  courage  and  brilliant  dash  of 
the  men  soon  sent  the  Anarchists  flying 
in  every  direction,  and  a  more  desperate 
scramble  for  life  and  safety  was  never 
witnessed.  Even  the  most  defiant  con- 
spirators lost  their  wits  and  hunted  nooks 
and  recesses  of  buildings  to  seclude  them- 
selves till  they  could  effect  an  escape 
without  imminent  danger  of  bullets  or  of 
being  crushed  by  the  precipitate  mob. 

Fielden,  so  brave  and  fearless  on  the 
appearance  of  the  police,  pulled  a  revol- 
ver while  crouching  beneath  the  pro- 
tection of  the  truck  wheels,  fired  at  the 
officers,  and  then  took  to  his  heels  and  disappeared.  Spies  had  friendly 
assistance  in  getting  off  the  truck,  and  hastened  pell-mell  through  the 
crowd  in  a  frantic  endeavor  to  get  under  cover.  He  finally  reached  safety, 
while  his  brother,  who  was  with  him  on  the  wagon,  got  away  with  a  slight 
Avound.  Parsons  seems  to  have  taken  time  by  the  forelock  and  nervously 

awaited  developments  in  the  bar-room  of 
Zepf's  Hall.  Fischer  had  been  among  the 
crowd  while  Spies  and  Parsons  spoke,  but 
he  was  in  the  company  of  Parsons  at  Zepf's 
when  the  explosion  occurred.  Schnaubelt, 
who  had  sat  on  the  wagon  with  his  hands 
in  his  pockets  until  Fielden  began  his 
speech,  hurried  through  the  mob,  after 
sending  the  missile  on  its  deadly  mission, 
and  got  away  without  a  scratch.  Other 
lesser  yet  influential  lights  in  the  Anarchist 
combination  found  friendly  refuge,  and,  as 
subsequently  developed,  lost  no  time  in 
reaching  home  as  soon  as  possible.  How 
any  of  these  leaders  who  were  in  the  midst 
of  the  awful  carnage  managed  to  escape, 
while  other  of  their  comrades  suffered,  is 


LIEUT.  BOWLER. 


148  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

not  clear,  unless  they  dodged  from  one  secluded  spot  to  another,  while  the 
storm  raged  at  its  height  —  and  there  are  many  circumstances  showing  that 
this  was  the  case.  At  any  rate  the  point  is  immaterial :  the  fact  remains 
that  they  were  all  found  lacking  in  courage  at  the  critical  moment,  and 
each  seemed  more  concerned  about  his  own  safety  than  that  of  his  fellow 
revolutionists. 

Owing  to  the  masterly  charge  of  the  police,  the  conflict  was  of  short 
duration,  but,  while  it  lasted,  it  produced  a  scene  of  confusion,  death  and 
bloodshed  not  equaled  in  the  annals  of  American  riots  in  its  extent  and  far- 
reaching  results.  The  hissing  of  bullets,  the  groans  of  the  dying,  the  cries 
of  the  wounded  and  the  imprecations  of  the  fleeing  made  a  combination 
of  horrors  which  those  present  will  never  forget. 

No  sooner  had  the  field  been  cleared  of  the  mob  than  Inspector  Bon- 
field  set  to  work  caring  for  the  dead  and  wounded.  They  were  found  scat- 
tered in  every  direction.  Many  of  'the  officers  lay  prostrate  where  they 
had  fallen,  and  to  the  north,  where  the  mob  had  disputed  the  ground  with 
the  police,  lay  many  an  Anarchist.  On  door-steps  and  in  th^e  recesses  of 
buildings  were  found  wounded  and  maimed.  The  police  looked  after  all 
and  rendered  assistance  alike  to  friend  and  foe.  The  dead,  dying  and 
wounded  were  conveyed  to  the  Desplaines  Street  Station,  where  numerous 
physicians  were  called  into  service. 

In  subsequently  speaking  of  the  bravery  of  his  men  on  this  occasion,  in 
his  report  to  the  Chief  of  Police,  Inspector  Bonfield  very  truly  said  : 

It  has  been  asserted  that  regular  troops  have  become  panic-stricken  from  less  cause.  I 
see  no  way  to  account  for  it  except  this.  The  soldier  acts  as  part  of  a  machine.  Rarely,  if 
ever,  when  on  duty,  is  he  allowed  to  act  as  an  individual  or  to  use  his  personal  judgment.  A 
police  officer's  training  teaches  him  to  be  self-reliant.  .  Day  after  day  and  night  after  night 
he  goes  on  duty  alone,  and,  when  in  conflict  with  the  thief  and  burglar,  he  has  to  depend 
upon  his  own  individual  exertions.  The  soldier  being  a  part  of  a  machine,  it  follows  that, 
when  a  part  of  it  gives  out,  the  rest  is  useless  until  the  injury  is  repaired.  The  policeman, 
being  a  machine  in  himself,  rarely,  if  ever,  gives  up  until  he  is  laid  on  the  ground  and  unable 
to  rise  again.  In  conclusion,  I  beg  leave  to  report  that  the  conduct  of  the  men  and  officers, 
with  few  exceptions,  was  admirable  —  as  a- military  man  said  to  me  the  next  day,  "worthy 
the  heroes  of  a  hundred  battles." 


CHAPTER    IX. 

The  Dead  and  the  Wounded  —  Moans  of  Anguish  in  the  Police  Station  — 
Caring  for  Friend  and  Foe  —  Counting  the  Cost  —  A  City's  Sympathy  —  The  Death 
List  —  Sketches  of  the  Men  —  The  Doctors'  Work  —  Dynamite  Havoc  —  Veterans  of 
the  Haymarket  —  A  Roll  of  Honor  —  The  Anarchist  Loss  —  Guesses  at  their  Dead 
—  Concealing  Wounded  Rioters  —  The  Explosion  a  Failure  —  Disappointment  of  the 
Terrorists. 

THE  scene  at  the  Desplaines  Street  Station  was  one  which  would  appal 
the  stoutest  heart.  Every  available  place  in  the  building  was  utilized, 
and  one  could  scarcely  move  about  the  various  rooms  without  fear  of  acci- 
dentally touching  a  wound  or  jarring  a  fractured  limb.  In  many  instances 
mangled  Anarchists  were  placed  side  by  side  with  injured  officers.  The 
floors  literally  ran  with  blood  dripping  and  flowing  from  the  lacerated  bodies 
of  the  victims  of  the  riot.  The  air  was  filled  with  moans  from  the  dying 
and  groans  of  anguish  from  the  wounded.  As  the  news  had  spread  through- 
out the  city  of  the  terrible  slaughter,  wives,  daughters,  relatives  and  friends 
of  officers  as  well  as  of  Anarchists,  who  had  failed  to  report  at  home  or  to 
send  tidings  of  their  whereabouts,  hastened  to  the  station  and  sought 
admission.  Being  refused,  these  set  up  wailing  and  lamentations  about  the 
doors  of  the  station,  and  the  doleful  sounds  made  the  situation  all  the  more 
sorrowful  within. 

Everything  in  the  power  of  man  was  done  to  alleviate  the  suffering  and  to 
make  the  patients  as  comfortable  as  possible.  Drs.  Murphy,  Lee  and  Hen- 
rotin,  department  physicians,  were  energetically  at  work,  and,  with  every 
appliance  possible,  administered  comparative  relief  and  ease  from  the 
excruciating  pains  of  the  suffering.  The  more  seriously  wounded,  when 
possible,  were  taken  to  the  Cook  County  Hospital.  Throughout  the  night 
following  the  riot,  the  early  morning  and  the  day  succeeding,  the  utmost 
care  was  given  the  patients,  and  throughout  the  city  for  days  and  weeks 
the  one  inquiry,  the  one  great  sympathy,  was  with  reference  to  the  wounded 
officers  and  their  condition.  The  whole  heart  of  the  city  was  centered  in 
their  recovery.  Everywhere  the  living  'as  well  as  the  dead  heroes  were 
accorded  the  highest  praise.  The  culprits  who  had  sought  to  subvert  law 
and  order  in  murder  and  pillage  were  execrated  on  all  hands.  For  days 
and  weeks,  the  city  never  for  a  moment  relaxed  its  interest.  From  the  time 
the  men  had  been  brought  into  the  station,  it  was  long  a  question  as  to  how 
many  would  succumb  to  their  wounds.  Care  and  attention  without 
ceasing  served  to  rescue  many  from  an  untimely  grave  ;  but  even  those 
who  were  finally  restored  to  their  families  and  friends,  crippled  and  maimed 
as  they  were,  hovered  between  life  and  death  on  a  very  slender  thread 
through  many  a  restless  night  and  weary  day  and  through  long  weeks  and 


150  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

agonizing  months.  The  devotion  of  friends  and  the  skill  of  physicians 
nerved  the  men  to  strength  and  patience.  That  only  eight  should  have 
died  out  of  so  great  a  number  as  were  mangled,  lacerated  and  shattered  by 
the  powerful  bomb  and  pierced  by  bullets,  attests  the  merits  of  the  treat- 
ment. 

The  only  one  who  was  almost  instantly  killed  was  Officer  Mathias  J. 
Degan.  The  following  list  will  serve  to  show  the  names  of  the  officers 
killed  and  wounded,  the  stations  they  belonged  to,  their  residences,  the 
nature  of  their  wounds,  their  condition  and  other  circumstances  : 

MATHIAS  J.  BEGAN  —  Third  Precinct,  West  Lake  Street  Station ;  residence,  No.  626 
South  Canal  Street.  Almost  instantly  killed.  He  was  born  October  29,  1851,  and  joined  the 
police  force  December  15,  1884.  He  was  a  widower,  having  lost  his  wife  just  before  joining 
the  force,  and  left  a  young  son.  He  was  a  brave  officer,  efficient  in  all  his  duties,  and  highly 
esteemed. 

MICHAEL  SHEEHAN — Third  Precinct;  residence,  No.  163  Barber  Street.  Wounded  in 
the  back  just  below  the  ninth  rib.  The  bullet  lay  in  the  abdomen,  and,  after  its  removal  by 
the  surgeon,  he  collapsed  and  died  on  the  gth  of  May.  He  was  twenty-nine  years  of  age, 
born  in  Ireland,  and  came  to  America  in  1879.  He  joined  the  force  December  15,  1884,  and 
had  only  one  relative  in  America,  a  brother,  his  parents  still  living  in  the  old  country.  He 
was  a  very  bright,  prompt  and  efficient  officer,  and  had  excellent  prospects  before  him.  He 
was  unmarried. 

GEORGE  MULLER — Third  Precinct;  residence,  No.  836  West  Madison  Street;  was  shot  in 
the  left  side,  the  bullet  passing  down  through  the  body  and  lodging  on  the  right  side  above 
the  hip  bone.  He  suffered  more  than  any  of  the  others  and  was  in  terrible  agony.  He 
would  not  consent  to  an  operation,  and  finally  his  right  lung  collapsed,  making  his  breathing 
very  difficult.  He  expired  on  the  6th  of  May.  He  was  twenty-eight  years  of  age.  Born  in 
Oswego,  N.  Y.,  where  his  parents  lived,  and  to  which  place  his  remains  were  sent.  Muller, 
on  coming  to  Chicago,  began  as  a  teamster,  and  became  connected  with  the  Police  Depart- 
ment December  15,  1884,  being  assigned  for  duty  at  the  Desplaines  Street  Station.  He  was 
a  finely  built,  muscular  young  man,  and  became  quite  a  favorite  with  his  associates  because 
of  his  quiet  habits  and  genial  manners.  At  the'  time  of  his  death  he  was  engaged  to  Miss 
Mary  McAvoy. 

JOHN  J.  BARRETT — Third  Precinct;  residence,  No.  99  East  Erie  Street;  was  shot  in  the 
liver,  from  which  a  piece  of  shell  was  removed,  and  he  had  a  bad  fracture  of  the  elbow. 
The  heel  bone  of  one  leg  was  carried  away.  With  so  many  serious  wounds,  he  lay  in  the 
hospital  almost  unconscious  until  the  day  of  his  death,  May  6.  He  was  born  in  Waukegan, 
111.,  in  1860,  and  came  to  Chicago  with  his  parents  when  only  four  years  of  age.  Here  he 
attended  the  public  schools,  and  then  learned  the  molder's  trade,  which  he  abandoned  on 
January  15,  1885,  to  join  the  police  force,  being  assigned  to  duty  at  the  Desplaines  Street 
Station.  He  was  a  brave  and  efficient  officer  and  always  ready  to  do  his  part  in  any  emer- 
gency. He  had  been  married  only  a  few  months  preceding  his  death,  and  left  a  wife,  a 
widowed  mother,  three  sisters  and  a  younger  brother. 

THOMAS  REDDEN  — Third  Precinct ;  residence,  No.  109  Walnut  Street ;  received  a  bad 
fracture  of  the  left  leg  three  inches  below  the  knee,  from  which  a  large  portion  of  the  bone  was 
entirely  carried  away.  He  also  had  bullet  wounds  in  the  left  cheek  and  right  elbow,  and 
some  wounds  in  the  back.  Pieces  of  shell  were  found  in  the  leg  and  elbow.  He  died  May 
16.  He  was  fifty  years  of  age,  and  had  been  connected  with  the  police  force  for  twelve 
years,  joining  it  on  April  i,  1874.  He  was  attached  to  the  West  Lake  Street  Station,  and  was 
looked  upon  as  an  exemplary  and  trusted  officer.  He  left  a  wife  and  two  young  children. 


A  ROLL   OF  HONOR. 


TIMOTHY  FLAVIN — Fourth  Precinct;  residence,  No.  504  North  Ashland  Avenue;  was 
struck  with  a  piece  of  shell  four  inches  above  the  ankle  joint,  tearing  away  a  portion  of  the 
large  bone  and  fracturing  the  small  bone.  He  also  had  two  wounds  just  below  the  shoulder 
joint  in  the  right  arm,  caused  by  a  shell,  and  there  were  two  shell  wounds  in  the  back,  one 
passing  into  the  abdomen  and  the  other  into  the  lung.  His  leg  was  amputated  above  the 
knee,  the  second  day  after  the  explosion,  and  he  had  besides  a  large  piece  torn  out  of  his 
right  hip.  He  died  on  May  8.  He  was  born  in  Listowel,  Ireland,  and  came  to  America  in 
1880  with  a  young  wife,  whom  he  had  married  on  the  day  of  his  departure.  He  had  worked 
as  a  teamster,  and  joined  the  police  force  on  December  15,  1884,  being  assigned  to  duty  at 
the  Rawson  Street  Station.  He  left  a  wife  and  three  small  children. 

NELS  HANSEN  —  Fourth  Precinct ;  residence,  No.  28  Fowler  Street ;  received  shell  wounds 
in  body,  arms  and  legs,  and  one  of  his  limbs  had  to  be  amputated.  He  lost  considerable 


THE  DESPLAINES  STREET  STATION. 
From  a  Photograph. 

blood,  but  lingered  along  in  intense  agony  until  May  14,  when  he  died.  He  was  a  native  of 
Sweden,  having  came  to  Chicago  a  great  number  of  years  ago,  joining  the  force  December 
15,  1884,  and  was  about  fifty  years  of  age.  He  left  a  wife  and  two  children. 

TIMOTHY  SULLIVAN,  of  the  Third  Precinct,  was  the  last  to  die  from  the  effects  of  the 
Haymarket  riot ;  this  brave  officer  lingered  until  June  13,  1888.  He  resided  at  No.  123 
Hickory  Street,  and  was  a  widower,  four  children  mourning  his  loss.  The  illness  from 
which  he  died  was  the  direct  result  of  a  bullet  wound  just  above  the  left  knee. 

The  following  is  a  list  of  the  wounded  officers  belonging  to  the  Third 
Precinct : 

August  C.  Keller  ;  residence,  No.  36  Greenwich  Street  ;  shell  wound  in  right  side  and  ball 
wound  in  left  side ;  wife  and  five  children. 

Thomas  McHenry  ;  residence,  376  W.  Polk  Street ;  shell  wound  in  left  knee  and  three  shell 
wounds  in  left  hip  ;  single ;  had  a  sister  and  blind  mother  to  support. 


152  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

John  E.  Doyle,  142^  W.  Jackson  Street ;  bullet  wounds  in  back  and  calf  of  each  leg ; 
serious;  wife  and  one  child. 

John  A.  King,  1411  Wabash  Avenue;  jawbone  fractured  by  shell  and  two  bullet  wounds 
in  right  leg  below  the  knee ;  serious  ;  single. 

Nicholas  Shannon,  Jr.,  No.  24  Miller  Street;  thirteen  shell  wounds  on  right  side  and  five 
shell  wounds  on  left  side  ;  serious  ;  wife  and  three  children. 

James  Conway,  No.  185  Morgan  Street ;  bullet  wound  in  right  leg ;  single. 

Patrick  Hartford,  No.  228  Noble  Street ;  shell  wound  in  right  ankle,  two  toes  on  left  foot 
amputated,  bullet  wound  in  left  side  ;  wife  and  four  children. 

Patrick  Nash,  Desplaines  Street  Station ;  bruises  on  left  shoulder,  inflicted  by  a  stick ; 
single. 

Arthur  Connolly,  No.  318  West  Huron  Street ;  two  shell  wounds  in  left  leg ;  bone  slightly 
fractured ;  wife.  , 

Louis  Johnson,  No.  40  West  Erie  Street;  shell  wound  in  left  leg;  wife  and  four  children. 

M.  M.  Cardin,  No.  18  North  Peoria  Street;  bullet  wound  in  calf  of  each  leg;  wife  and 
two  children. 

Adam  Barber,  No.  321  West  Jackson  Street;  shell  wound  left  leg,  bullet  wound  in  right 
breast ;  bullet  not  extracted  ;  wife  and  one  child. 

Henry  F.  Smith,  bullet  wound  in  right  shoulder  ;  quite  serious ,  wife  and  two  children  in 
California. 

Frank  Tyrell,  No.  228  Lincoln  Street ;  bullet  in  right  hip  near  spine  ;  wife  and  two  chil- 
dren ;  wife  sick  in  County  Hospital  at  the  time  of  the  riot. 

James  A.  Brady,  No.  146  West  Van  Buren  Street;  shell  wound  in  left  leg,  slight  injury  to 
toes  of  left  foot  and  shell  wound  in  left  thigh  ;  single. 

John  Reed,  No.  237  South  Halsted  Street ;  shell  wound  in  left  leg  and  bullet  wound  in 
right  knee  ;  bullet  not  removed  ;  single. 

Patrick  McLaughlin,  No.  965  Thirty-seventh  Court;  bruised  on  right  side,  leg  and  hip, 
injuries  slight ;  wife  and  two  children. 

Frank  Murphy,  No.  980  Walnut  Street ;  trampled  on,  three  ribs  broken  ;  wife  and  three 
children. 

Lawrence  Murphy,  No.  317^  Fulton  Street;  shell  wounds  on  left  side  of  neck  and  left 
knee,  part  of  left  foot  amputated ;  wife. 

Michael  Madden,  No.  119  South  Green  Street ;  shot  in  left  lung  on  May  5th,  after  which 
he  shot  and  killed  his  Anarchist  assailant ;  wife  and  seven  children. 

The  following  belonged  to  the  West  Lake  Street  Station  of  the  Third 
Precinct : 

Lieut.  James  P.  Stanton,  residence  No.  584  Carroll  Avenue  ;  shell  wound  in  right  side, 
bullet  wound  in  right  hip,  bullet  wound  in~calf  of  leg  ;  wife  and  three  children. 

Thomas  Brophy,  No.  25  Nixon  Street ;  slight  injury  to  left  leg  ;  reported  for  duty  ;  wife. 

Bernard  Murphy,  No  325  East  Twenty-second  Street ;  bullet  wound  in  left  thigh,  shell 
wound  on  right  side  of  head  and  chin  ;  not  dangerous ;  wife. 

Charles  H.  Fink,  No.  154  South  Sangamon  Street ;  three  shell  wounds  in  laf.  leg  and  two- 
wounds  in  right  leg  ;  not  dangerous  ;  wife. 

Joseph  Norman,  No.  612  Walnut  Street ;  bullet  passed  through  right  foot  and  slight 
injury  to  finger  on  left  hand  ;  wife  and  two  children. 

Peter  Butterly,  No.  436  West  Twelfth  Street ;  bullet  wound  in  right  arm  and  small  wound 
on  each  leg  near  knee  ;  wife  and  one  child. 

Alexander  Jamison,  No.  129  Gurley  Street  ;  bullet  wound  in  left  leg  ;  serious  ;  wife  and 
seven  children. 

Michael  Horan,  bullet  wound  in  left  thigh,  not  removed ;  slight  shell  wound  on  left  arm  ; 
single. 


THE  WOUNDED  AND  MAIMED.  153 

Thomas  Hennessy,  No.  287  Fulton  Street  ;  shell  wound  on  left  thigh,  slight ;  has  mother, 
who  is  crippled,  and  two  sisters  to  support. 

William  Burns,  No.  602  West  Van  Buren  Street ;  slight  shell  wound  on  left  ankle ;  single. 

James  Plunkett,  No.  15^  Depuyster  Street ;  struck  with  club  aud  trampled  upon  ;  wife. 

Charles  W.  Whitney,  No.  453  South  Robey  Street ;  shell  wound  in  left  breast ;  shell  not 
removed  ;  single. 

Jacob  Hansen,  No.  137  North  Morgan  Street ;  right  leg  amputated  over  the  knee,  three 
shell  wounds  in  left  leg  ;  wife  and  one  child. 

Martin  Cullen,  No.  236  Washtenaw  Avenue  ;  right  collar  bone  fractured  and  slight  injury 
to  left  knee  ;  wife  and  five  children. 

Simon  Klidzis,  No.  158  Carroll  Street ;  shot  in  calf  of  left  leg  ;  serious  ;  wife  and  three 
children. 

Julius  L.  Simonson,  No.  241  West  Huron  Street  ;  shot  in  arm  near  shoulder  ;  very  serious  ; 
wife  and  two  children. 

John  K.  McMahon,  No.  118  North  Green  Street ;  shell  wound  in  calf  of  left  leg,  shell  not 
found  ;  ball  wound  left  leg  near  knee,  very  serious ;  wife  and  two  children. 

Simon  McMahon,  No.  913  North  Ashland  Avenue  ;  shot  in  right  arm  and  two  wounds  in 
right  leg  ;  wife  and  five  children. 

Edward  W.  Ruel,  No.  136  North  Peoria  Street  ;  shot  in  right  ankle,  bullet  not  removed  ; 
serious  ;  single. 

Alexander  Halvorson,  No.  850  North  Oakley  Avenue  ;  shot  in  both  legs,  ball  not  extracted  ; 
single. 

Carl  E.  Johnson,  No.  339  West  Erie  Street  ;  shot  in  left  elbow  ;  wife  and  two  children. 

Peter  McCormick,  No.  473  West  Erie  Street ;  slight  shot  wound  in  left  arm  ;  wife. 

Christopher  Gaynor,  No.  45  Fay  Street  ;  slight  bruise  on  left  arm  ;  wi-fe. 

The  following  belonged  to  the  Fourth  Precinct  : 

S.  J.  Werneke,  No.  73  West  Division  Street;  shot  in  left  side  of  head,  ball  not  found; 
serious  ;  wife  and  two  children. 

Patrick  McNulty,  No.  691  North  Leavitt  Street ;  shot  in  right  leg  and  both  hips ;  danger- 
ous ;  wife  and  three  children. 

Samuel  Hilgo,  No.  452  Milwaukee  Avenue  ;  shot  in  right  leg  ;  not  serious  ;  single 

Herman  Krueger,  No.  184  Ramsey  Street ;  shot  in  right  knee ;  not  serious  ;  wife  and  two 
children. 

Joseph  A.  Gilso,  No.  8  Emma  Street ;  slightly  injured  in  back  and  leg ;  not  serious  ;  wife 
and  six  children. 

Edward  Barrell,  No.  297  West  Ohio  Street ;  shot  in  right  leg  ;  quite  serious  ;  wife  and  six 
children. 

Freeman  Steele,  No.  30  Rice  Street ;  slightly  wounded  in  back  ;  not  serious  ;  single. 

•James  P.  Johnson,  No.  740  Dixon  Street ;  right  knee  sprained  ;  not  serious  ;  wife  and  three 
children. 

Benjamin  F.  Snell,  No.  138  Mozart  Street ;  shot  in  right  leg  ;  not  serious  ;  single. 

The  following  belonged  to  the  Central  Detail : 

James  H.  Wilson,  No.  810  Austin  Avenue  ;  seriously  injured  in  abdomen  by  shell ;  wife 
and  five  children. 

Daniel  Hogan,  No.  526  Austin  Avenue  ;  shot  in  calf  of  right  leg  and  hand  ;  very  serious ; 
wife  and  daughter. 

M.  O'Brien,  No.  495  Fifth  Avenue ;  shell  wound  in  left  thigh  ;  very  serious  ;  wife  and  two 
children. 

Fred  A:  Andrew,  No.    1018  North  Halsted  Street;  wounded  in    leg,   not  serious;  wife. 


154 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 


Jacob  Ebinger,  No.  235  Thirty-seventh  Street ;  shell  wound  in  back  of  left  hand  ;  not 
serious  ;  wife  and  three  children. 

John  J.  Kelley,  No.  194  Sheffield  Avenue;  shell  wound  on  left  hand;  not  serious;  wife 
and  three  children. 

Patrick  Lavin,  No.  42  Sholto  Street ;  finger  hurt  by  shell ;  married. 


THE   HAYMARKET   MARTYRS. 

i.     John  J.  Barrett.        2.     Michael  Sheehan.        3.     Timothy  Flavin.        4.     Timothy  Sullivan. 
5.     Thomas  Redden.        6.     Mathias  J.  Degan.        7.     Nels  Hansen-        8.     George  Muller. 

Officer  Terrehll  had  a  shell  wound  in  the  right  thigh. 

Patrick  Hartford  had  an  opening  in  the  ankle  joint.  The  shell  was  removed.  A  portion 
of  his  left  foot,  with  the  toes,  was  carried  away. 

Arthur  Conelly  had  a  compound  fracture  of  the  tibia.  The  shell  struck  him  about  two 
inches  below  the  knee,  tore  away  a  piece  of  bone  of  the  fibula,  perforated  the  tibia  and 


SECRET  FUNERALS.  155 

lodged  about  the  middle  of  the  large  bone  of  the  leg,  a  short  distance  below  the  knee  A 
piece  of  shell  was  removed. 

Lawrence  Murphy  had  fifteen  shell  wounds,  one  in  the  neck,  three  or  four  in  the  arms, 
and  one  in  his  left  foot ;  the  last,  weighing  almost  an  ounce  and  a  half,  lodged  at  the  base  of 
the  great  toe  and  left  his  foot  hanging  by  a  piece  of  skin.  The  foot  had  to  be  amputated 
about  two  inches  farther  back.  He  had  a  piece  two  inches  square  taken  out  of  the 
anterior  surface  of  his  leg.  He  had  two  perforating  wounds  in  the  left  thigh  and  a  num- 
ber in  the  right. 

Edward  Barrett  had  two  shell  wounds  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  knee  joint,  turning  out 
large  pieces  of  flesh  and  leaving  ragged  wounds  on  the  surface. 

J.  H.  King  was  struck  in  the  chin  by  a  piece  of  shell  which  went  through  his  upper  lip  ; 
another  piece  carried  away  about  an  inch  of  his  lower  jaw-bone. 

J.  H.  Grady  had  severe  flesh  wounds,  both  in  the  thigh  and  legs.  Some  pieces  of  shell 
were  taken  out  of  them. 

John  Doyle  had  several  wounds  about  the  legs,  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  knee  joint. 

The  list  shows  the  character  of  the  wounds  and  the  condition  of  the 
officers  just  after  the  eventful  night.  Some  of  those  who  died  lingered  along 
for  some  time  after,  but  the  name  of  Timothy  Sullivan  was  the  last  to  add  to 
the  death-list.  Some  of  the  sixty-eight  wounded  men  have  since  returned 
to  active  duty,  but  many  are  maimed  for  life  and  incapacitated  for  work. 

It  is  impossible  to  say  how  many  of  the  Anarchists  were  killed  or 
wounded.  As  soon  as  they  were  in  a  condition  to  be  moved,  those  in  the 
Desplaines  Street  Station  were  turned  over  to  their  relatives  and  friends. 
The  Anarchists  have  never  attempted  to  give  a  correct  list,  or  even  an 
approximate  estimate,  of  the  men  wounded  or  killed  on  their  side.  The 
number,  however,  was  largely  in  excess  of  that  on  the  side  of  the  police. 
After  the  moment's  bewilderment,  the  officers  dashed  on  the  enemy  and  fired 
round  after  round.  Being  good  marksmen,  they  fired  to  kill,  and  many 
revolutionists  must  have  gone  home,  either  assisted  by  comrades  or  unas- 
sisted, with  wounds  that  resulted  fatally  or  maimed  them  for  life.  Some  of 
those  in  the  station  had  dangerous  wounds,  and  they  were  for  the  most  part 
men  who  had  become  separated,  in  the  confusion,  from  their  companions,  or 
trampled  upon  so  that  they  could  not  get  up  and  limp  to  a  safe  place.  It  is 
known  that  many  secret  funerals  were  held  from  Anarchist  localities  in  the 
dead  hour  of  night.  For  many  months  previous  to  the  Haymarket  explosion 
the  Anarchists  had  descanted  loudly  on  the  destructive  potency  of  dynamite. 
One  bomb,  they  maintained,  was  equivalent  to  a  regiment  of  militia.  A 
little  dynamite,  properly  put  up,  could  be  carried  in  a  vest  pocket  and  used 
to  destroy  a  large  body  of  police.  They  probably  reasoned  that  if  it  was 
known  that  many  more  of  their  number  had  fallen  than  on  the  side  of  the 
police,  it  would  not  only  tend  to  diminish  the  faith  of  their  adherents  in  the 
real  virtues  of  dynamite,  but  would  prove  that  the  police  were  more  than 
able  to  cope  with  the  Social  Revolution,  even  though  the  revolutionists 
depended  on  that  powerful  agency.  The  public  is  not,  therefore,  likely  ever 
to  know  how  many  of  their  number  suffered. 


CHAPTER  X. 

The  Core  of  the  Conspiracy  —  Search  of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  Office  —  The 
Captured  Manuscript — Jealousies  in  the  Police  Department — The  Case  Threatened 
with  Failure  —  Stupidity  at  the  Central  Office  —  Fischer  Brought  In  —  Rotten  Detective 
Work  —  The  Arrest  of  Spies  —  His  Egregious  Vanity  —  An  Anarchist  ' '  Ladies'  Man" 
—  Wine  Suppers  with  the  Actresses  —  Nina  Van  Zandt's  Antecedents  —  Her  Romantic 
Connection  with  the  Case  —  Fashionable  Toilets  —  Did  Spies  Really  Love  Her  ?  —  His 
Curious  Conduct — The  Proxy  Marriage  —  The  End  of  the  Romance  —  The  Other  Con- 
spirators —  Mrs.  Parsons'  Origin  —  The  Bomb-Thrower  in  Custody  —  The  Assassin 
Kicked  Out  of  the  Chief's  Office  —  Schnaubelt  and  the  Detectives  —  Suspicious  Con- 
duct at  Headquarters  —  Schnaubelt  Ordered  to  Keep  Away  From  the  City  Hall  —  An 
Amazing  Incident  —  A  Friendly  Tip  to  a  Murderer  —  My  Impressions  of  the  Schnau- 
belt Episode  —  Balthasar  Rau  and  Mr.  Furthmann  —  Phantom  Shackles  in  a  Pullman  — 
Experiments  with  Dynamite  —  An  Explosive  Dangerous  to  Friend  and  Foe — Testing 
the  Bombs  —  Fielden  and  the  Chief. 

IT  was  not  difficult  to  locate  the  moral  responsibility  for  the  bold  and  bloody 
attack  on  law  and  authority.  The  seditious  utterances  of  such  men  as 
Spies,  Parsons,  Fielden,  Schwab  and  other  leaders  at  public  gatherings 
for  weeks  and  months  preceding  the  eight-hour  strike,  and  the  defiant  dec- 
larations of  such  papers  as  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  and  the  Alarm,  clearly 
pointed  to  the  sources  from  which  came  the  inspiration  for  the  crowning 
crime  of  Anarchy.  It  was  likewise  a  strongly  settled  conviction  that  the 
thrower  of  the  bomb  was  not  simply  a  Guiteau-like  crank,  but  that  there 
must  have  been  a  deliberate,  organized  conspiracy,  of  which  he  was  a  duly 
constituted  agent.  In  the  work,  therefore,  of  getting  at  the  inside  facts, 
the  points  sought  were  :  What  was  the  exact  nature  of  that  conspiracy,  and 
who  constituted  the  chief  conspirators  ?  The  possession  of  every  detail  in 
connection  with  these  two  points  was  absolutely  necessary  in  order  to  fix 
the  criminal  responsibility,  and  to  the  solution  of  this  problem  the  officers 
bent  all  their  energies. 

The  detectives  were  well  aware  that  the  office  of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  had 
been  the  headquarters  for  the  "central,  controlling  body  of  the  Anarchist 
organizations  in  Chicago,  and  on  the  morning  following  the  explosion 
Inspector  Bonfield  determined  to  raid  the  establishment  and  bring  in  such 
of  the  leaders  as  might  be  found  there.  Several  detectives  were  assigned 
to  this  duty,  and  they  soon  returned,  having  under  arrest  August  Spies,  his 
brother  Chris,  Michael  Schwab  and  Adolph  Fischer,  These  were  locked 
up  at  the  Central  Station.  Shortly  thereafter  fifteen  or  sixteen  compositors 
of  the  paper  were  arrested  and  brought  to  the  same  place.  They  were  a 
meek-looking  set,  and  were  visibly  moved  with  fear. 

Immediately  after  12  o'clock,  State's  Attorney  Grinnell,  Assistant  State's 
Attorney  Furthmann,  Lieut.  Joseph  Kipley,  Lieut.  John  D.  Shea,  Detect- 

156 


IMP  OR  TANT  E  VIDENCE. 


157 


ives  James  Bonfield,  Slayton,  Baer,  Palmer,  Thehorn  and  several  other  offi- 
cers repaired  to  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  building  and  made  a  most  thorough 
search  of  every  room  in  the  premises.  A  lot  of  manuscript  was  found  on 
hooks  attached  to  the  printers'  cases,  and  this  was  carefully  wrapped  up  and 
taken  away.  The  files  of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  and  Alarm  were  also  piled 
into  a  wagon  and  carted  to  the  Central  Station. 

Subsequent  investigation  by  Mr.  Furthmann  of  all  the  scraps  of  paper 
brought  over  by  the  police  revealed  Spies'  manuscript  with  the  signal  word 
"Ruhe,"  the  manuscript  of  the  "Revenge  Circular,"  issued  on  the  afternoon 
of  May  4,  the  manuscript  for  the  "Y,  come  Monday  night"  notice,  Spies' 
copy  of  the  article  headed 
"  Blood,"  published  in  the  Ar- 
beiter-Zeitung of  May  4,  and  a 
number  of  other  documents 
damaging  in  their  character. 
This  discovery  was  regar-ded 
as  highly  important,  and  in  the 
trial  it  proved  extremely  serv- 
iceable to  the  State.  It  like- 
wise served,  as  will  be  shown, 
in  furnishing  a  point  by  which, 
when  I  came  to  take  up  the  case 
I  was  enabled  to  finally  lay  bare 
the  whole  conspiracy  from  its 
inception  to  its  conclusion. 

With  the  clues  obtained 
from  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  office, 
the  officers  were  enabled  to  put 
some  pointed  questions  to  the 
prisoners,  but  they  failed  to  ADOLPH  FISCHER. 

properly  utilize  even  the  meager  From  a  Photograph  taken  by  the  Police, 

information  they  had  managed  to  extract.  At  this  time  the  Police  Depart- 
ment, from  the  Chief  to  the  detective  branch,  was  rent  with  rivalries, 
dissensions  and  jealousies,  and  it  did  not  require  much  frowning  or  many 
innuendoes  from  the  one  to  destroy  in  the  other  any  special  interest  in 
pursuing  a  clue  to  its  legitimate  results.  At  the  start  all  the  officers  were 
on  a  keen  scent,  and  while  outwardly  all  seemed  working  like  Trojans  in 
order  to  meet  public  expectations,  which  was  keyed  up  to  its  highest  pitch, 
not  alone  in  Chicago  but  throughout  the  country,  still  the  fear  that  one  might 
get  the  credit  for  the  work  done  by  another  operated  to  destroy  discipline 
and  deaden  personal  enthusiasm.  Outside  events  alone  prevented  a  com- 
plete failure  in  the  prosecution. 

The  arrested  Anarchists,   however,   knew  nothing  of  these  dissensions. 


i58 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 


All  they  knew  was  that  public  indignation  was  strong  against  them,   and 
they  realized  that  they  were  in  a  very  embarrassing  situation. 

FISCHER  seemed  to  feel  his  position  at  the  station  more  keenly  than  the 
others.  On  his  arrest  he  was  found  to  have  in  his  possession  a  44-caliber 
revolver,  a  file  sharpened  so  as  to  make  it  serviceable  as  a  dagger,  and  a 
detonation  cap,  and,  as  he  was  the  foreman  of  the  compositors  in  the  office, 
his  trepidation  may  have  been  caused  by  a  suspicion  that  possibly  the  officers 
took  him  to  be  the  leader  of  an  armed  gang  among  them.  Before  the  raid 


THE  FISCHER  FAMILY.     From  a  Photograph. 

on  the  office  it  appears  that  he  had  endeavored  to  hide  these  weapons,  but 
he  had  been  unable  to  unload  himself,  as  the  others  in  the  office  would  not 
consent  to  concealment  in  their  vicinity,  lest  discovery  in  the  event  of  an 
investigation  might  criminate  them  in  the  conspiracy.  Fischer  was  on  his 
way  down  stairs  to  find  a  hiding-place  for  his  weapons  at  the  very  moment 
when  he  was  overtaken  by  the  police  and  relieved  of  all  further  trouble. 
The  dagger  was  a  peculiar  instrument,  and  it  was  the  general  opinion  of 
those  who  examined  it  that  it  had  been  dipped  in  some  deadly  poison  from 


FISCHER'S  CAREER. 


159 


which,  through  a  slight  scratch  or  through  a  deep  plunge  of  the  weapon, 
death  would  be  speedy. 

Fischer  always  seemed  thoroughly  unscrupulous  as  to  the  means  to  be 
used  to  bring  about  the  death  of  capitalists,  and  he  never  tired  of  uttering 
dire  threats  against  the  foes  of  Socialism.  He  was  a  tall,  lithe  and  muscular- 
looking  man,  and,  with  a  resolute  purpose,  he  impressed  his  comrades  as  one 
who  would  not  easily  be  balked.  It  is  difficult  to  determine  just  how  Fischer 
came  to  imbibe  his  bloodthirsty  principles,  as  little  is  known  of  his  ante- 
cedents. At  the  time  of  his  arrest  he  was  twenty-seven  years  old  and  married. 
He  had  been  in  the  United  States  thirteen  or  fourteen  years.  He  had 
learned  the  printer's  trade  in  Nashville,  Tenn.,  working  for  a  brother  who 
conducted  there  a  German  paper.  Subsequently  he  acquired  an  interest  in 
a  German  publication  at  Little  Rock,  Ark.,  and  in  1881  he  moved  to  St. 
Louis,  where  he  worked  at  the  case  and  where  he  became  known  for  his 
extreme  ideas  on  Socialism.  He  soon  found  his  way  to  Chicago,  where  he 
felt  satisfied  he  would  find  more  congenial  spirits  in  the  work  upon  which  he 
had  set  his  heart.  Here  he  became  associated  with  Engel  and  Fehling  in 
the  publication  of  a  German  paper,  the  Anarchist,  but  as  this  did  not  live  long, 
he  became  a  compositor  on  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung.  Wherever  he  was,  he 
always  talked  Anarchy  and  showed  a  most  implacable  hatred  of  existing 
society. 

When  brought  to  the  station,  Fischer  weakened  perceptibly,  but  after- 
wards braced  up  and  yielded  no  information  except  as  to  his  whereabouts 
for  several  days  prior  to  the  Haymarket  meeting.  He  had  no  love  for  the 
police,  and  he  did  everything  in  his  power  to  trip  us  up  in  our  subsequent 
investigations.  From  the  moment  of  his  arrest  to  the  day  of  his  execution 
he  adopted  a  most  secretive  policy. 

SPIES  also  weakened  at  first  when   brought  into  the 
station,  almost  trembling  with  fear,   but,  after  the   first 
flush  of  excitement  had  passed,  he  took  on  an  air  of  bra- 
vado, and  exhibited   a   bold  front  in   spite  of  the  docu- 
mentary disclosures   against  him.      He  became   glib  of 
tongue,    but    stoutly   denied  any  knowledge    of   a   con- 
spiracy to  precipitate  a  riot  at  the  Haymarket.     He  was 
savagely  denounced   by  Superintendent    Ebersold,  but 
he     stood    his     ground    and 
resolved  to   act  the  part    of 
the     innocent    victim.       His 
active  '  participation     in     all 
large     demonstrations,     not- 
ably those  at  the  McCormick 
factory  and  the  Haymarket, 
made  him  a  splendid  mark 


FISCHER'S  BELT  AND  POISONED  DAGGERS. 
From  a  Photograph. 


i6o 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 


for  critical  examination,  but  every  effort  to  extract  definite  information 
proved  futile. 

Spies  was  a  young  man  of  considerable  ability,  having  enjoyed  more 
than  a  common  school  education  in  Germany,  and  in  all  his  talks  he 
demonstrated  that  he  had  been  a  diligent  reader  of  history  and  an  enthu- 
siastic student  of  Socialism  and  Anarchy.  With  all  his  reading,  however,  it 
was  apparent  that  he  had  not  carefully  digested  his  information.  He 
always  acted  as  if  self-conscious  of  great  knowledge.  He  was  a  strong 

and  effective  speaker,  but  in  all 
his  harangues  there  seemed  to  be 
lacking  the  element  of  sincerity. 
For  a  long  time  some  of  his  asso- 
ciates doubted  if  he  really  meant 
what  he  said,  and  there  are  Anar- 
chists to-day  who  do  not  believe 
that  he  was  at  any  time  really  in 
earnest  in  his  public  utterances. 
They  think  that  he  exerted  himself 
simply  for  the  purpose  of  being 
looked  upon  as  a  popular  leader 
and  hero,  and  that  he  worked  for 
the  cause  only  as  a  means  of  ob- 
taining an  easy  living.  He  was 
exceedingly  vain  and  pompous, 
and  courted  public  notoriety. 

Spies  had  received  a  very  good 
salary  as  editor  of  the  Arbciter- 
Zeitung  and  enjoyed  nothing  better 
than  to  write  a  fiery  editorial  or 
deliver  an  incendiary  speech.  It 
AUGUST  SPIES.  all  served  to  rivet  attention  on  him- 

From  a  Photograph  taken  by  the  Police,  seif ,     The  more  attention,  the  more 

it  pleased  his  vanity.  His  constant  desire  was  to  place  himself  on  dress 
parade,  so  to  speak,  and. he  generally  sought  out,  when  he  lunched  down 
town  at  noon,  some  fashionable  or  crowded  restaurant.  He  would  strut  to 
a  table  which  could  only  be  reached  by  passing  other  crowded  tables,  and 
enjoy  the  sotto  voce  remarks  as  he  passed  or  as  he  sat  at  the  table  he 
had  selected — "There  is  Spies,  the  noted  Anarchist."  No  common  An- 
archist, lager-beer-and-pretzel  lunch-houses  suited  him. 

It  was  at  a  large  restaurant,  on  the  3d  of  May,  at  noon,  that  he  met  a 
well-known  attorney,  to  whom  he  was  introduced  and  with  whom  he  had 
some  conversation  of  a  joking,  bantering  nature.  The  attorney  testified 
before  the  grand  jury  subsequently  as  to  this  conversation,  and  the  sub- 


A  STRANGE  INFATUATION.  161 

stance  of  it  will  be  found  in  the  chapter  devoted  to  a  review  of  its  proceed- 
ings. But  it  transpires  that  there  was  some  further  conversation  that  does 
not  appear  in  the  report  of  the  grand  jury  investigation,  but  which  has 
since  been  brought  out  through  the  recollection  of  another  party,  and, 
which,  while  it  was  given  in  an  off-hand  way,  fully  showed  that  Spies  desired 
to  make  a  great  impression  on  the  mind  of  his  casual  acquaintance  as  well 
as  to  intimate  the  existence  of  some  secret  understanding  for  bringing  on 
bloodshed.  On  that  occasion  Spies,  after  being  assured  that  the  attorney 
was  not  an  Anarchist,  remarked  : 

"  You  had  better  be  one,  for  in  less  than  twenty-four  hours  a  Socialist,  well 
armed,  with  a  market  on  his  shoulder,  will  appear  out  of  every  door,  and 
whoever  has  not  got  the  sign  or  pass-word  will  be  shot  down  in  his  tracks. 
I  am  about  going  out  now  to  McCormick's  factory,  west  of  here,  for  the 

purpose  of  addressing  a  multitude  ot  workingmen,  and  I  will  raise  h 1 

before  I  get  through." 

Besides  his  fancy  for  popular  restaurants,  there  was  another  pecu- 
liarity about  Spies.  He  frequently  attended  the  German  theaters,  osten- 
sibly for  the  recreation  he  might  find  in  the  plays,  but  the  principal  motive 
was  the  cultivation  of  the  actresses'  acquaintance.  Introductions,  which  he 
sought  eagerly,  were  followed  by  invitations  to  wine  suppers.  He  was  good 
company,  and  his  lady  acquaintances  were  not  averse  to  accepting  his  invi- 
tations even  though  he  was  an  Anarchist.  Possibly  they  doubted  the  sin- 
cerity of  his  convictions  —  although  they  entertained  no  question  about  the 
reality  of  his  cash.  None  of  them,  however,  seem  to  have  visited  him  during 
his  incarceration,  save  one,  a  tall  woman  who  now  lives  on  Wells  Street 
near  Chicago  Avenue. 

During  his  troubles  Spies  made  the  acquaintance  of  a  woman  in  another 
station  of  life.  It  was  during  his  trial  that  Miss  Nina  Van  Zandt  became 
interested  in  him  and  espoused  his  cause.  She  had  read  of  his  case,  and 
there  seemed  to  be  a  charm  about  his  conduct  as  described  in  the  news- 
papers that  prompted  her  to  seek  his  acquaintance.  She  was  a  young  girl 
of  rare  beauty  and  considerable  mental  endowment,  and  she  had  moved  in 
the  best  society,  but,  notwithstanding  her  social  position  and  culture,  she 
sought  an  introduction  and  soon  fell  desperately  in  love  with  the  Anarchist. 
She  was  an  only  child  and  the  petted  daughter  of  parents  of  high  social  con- 
nections, and  her  immediate  relatives  were  wealthy  people  in  Pittsburg. 
Her  parents  threw  no  obstacles  in  the  way  of  her  attachment,  and  she 
espoused  Spies'  cause  with  her  whole  impetuous  nature,  and  cast  her  lot 
with  the  conspirator  and  his  rabble  of  low-browed  followers.  It  may  have 
been  love,  but  it  was  love  which  could  only  have  been  the  product  of  a 
disordered  mind. 

During  the  later  stages  of  Spies'  trial  she  was  a  constant  visitor  at  the 
County  Jail,  frequently  accompanied  by  her  mother  and  sometimes  by  her 


l62 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 


father,  and  on  each  occasion  she  would  bring  him  some  delicacy  or  token  of 
her  esteem.  Rare  flowers  and  bouquets  she  either  brought  or  sent  daily, 
and  the  affection  she  evinced  seemed  a  growth  of  months  instead  of  days. 
She  had  great  confidence  in  the  jury  and  implicitly  believed  that  acquittal 
would  result  at  their  hands.  Her  presence  invariably  graced  the  court-room, 
whenever  possible,  and  the  defendants  themselves  could  not  have  been  more 
eager  listeners  to  the  proceedings.  When  her  love  for  Spies  became  pub- 
licly known,  she  attracted  great  attention,  but  her  demeanor  would  have  led 
one  to  believe  that  she  was  entirely  unconscious  of  the  notoriety  she  had 

achieved.  This  was  not  the  case. 
It  rather  pleased  her,  and,  to 
still  further  intensify  public  at- 
tention and  curiosity,  she  made 
it  a  point  to  display  a  most  varied 
wardrobe  during  the  progress  of 
the  trial.  At  the  forenoon  ses- 
sion she  would  appear  in  court 
with  one  fashionable  outfit,  and 
this  she  would  change  for  an 
equally  stunning  attire  in  the 
afternoon.  She  had  a  striking 
figure,  was  stately  in  appear- 
ance, dignified  in  manner,  and 
with  a  fine,  handsome  face,  it 
was  no  wonder  that  she  became 
an  object  of  marked  attention,  in 
the  Court-house  as  well  as  upon 
the  streets. 

But  withal  she  never  lost 
sight  of  her  lover  nor  of  the  court 
proceedings.  Spies  was  in  her  mind  constantly,  and  every  movement  in 
the.  trial  excited  her  closest  attention.  It  was  indeed  a  strange  infatuation 
:she  displayed  for  the  Anarchist,  and  it  was  the  more  strange  since  Spies 
seemed  indifferent  to  her  attentions.  The  public  gradually  began  to  learn 
>of  this  state  of  affairs  through  rumors  and  newspaper  reports,  but  the  gen- 
eral opinion  was  that,  if  such  was  the  case,  Spies  had  accepted  her  atten- 
tions simply  as  a  matter  either  of  expediency  or  from  an  innate  desire 
for  notoriety  on  his  part.  The  public  was  right.  Spies  was  playing  for 
points,  as  billiardists  would  say.  To  be  sure,  he  received  her  kindly  and 
very  courteously,  and  indulged  in  the  expressions  which  lovers  are  wont 
to  exchange,  but  those  who  watched  him  closely  and  long  could  never 
discover  that  his  love  came  from  the  heart.  He  simply  saw  in  her 
devotion  and  in  her  standing  in  society  a  possible  chance  for  favor- 


Miss  NINA  VAN  ZANDT. 
From  a  Photograph. 


A  MARRIAGE  BY  PROXY. 


163 


ably  influencing  the  minds  of  the  jury,  and  thus,  through  her,  he  hoped 
to  secure  a  release  from  the  troubles  surrounding  him.  When  this 
failed  and  death  stared  him  in  the  face,  he  still  figured  that  she  could 
prove  serviceable  to  him  in  influencing  her  wealthy  relatives  to  aid  him 
financially  in  further  conducting  his  case,  or  help  him  in  some  manner 
in  effecting  a  change  in  public  sentiment.  Such  were  undoubtedly  his 
motives  —  at  least  close  observers  of  his  actions  hold  that  theory.  When, 
later  on,  things  did  not  move  exactly  in  the  line  he  had  hoped  for,  he 
willingly  assented  to  a  marriage,  and  entered  into  the  arrangements  for  its 
celebration  with  apparent  eagerness. 

This  course,  Spies  no  doubt  supposed,  would  demonstrate  to  the  unfeeling 
world  that  there  existed  a  devout  mutual  attachment,  and  his  claims  for 
interested  consideration  at  the  hands  of  her  relatives  would  become  greatly 
strengthened.  But  it  only  proved  his  desperate  situation.  His  love  had 
been  questioned  by  the  public,  and  mar- 
riage was  calculated  to  settle  the  doubt. 
The  public  did  not  take  kindly  to  the  pro- 
posed ceremony.  The  moment  the  news- 
papers had  announced  such  a  contemplated 
step,  the  utmost  indignation  was  aroused, 
and  protest  upon  protest  poured  in  upon 
Sheriff  Matson.  Mr.  Matson  promptly  de- 
clared that  no  marriage  should  take  place 
between  the  two  while  Spies  was  in  his 
custody,  and  thereafter  Miss  Van  Zandt 
was  placed  under  the  strictest  surveillance 
whenever  she  visited  her  affianced. 

But  all  this  unexpected  interference 
in  what  he  regarded  as  his  own  business 
only  tended  to  make  Spies  desperate,  and,  spurred  on  by  his  outside  An- 
archist friends,  who  had  likewise  become  indignant  over  a  public  inter- 
meddling in  a  love  affair,  he  dropped  his  diplomacy  and  resolved  that  the 
wishes  of  his  ardent  lady  love  should  not  be  baffled  either  by  officials  or  by 
the  public.  Miss  Nina  in  her  unreasoning  infatuation  readily  acquiesced  in 
the  suggestion  of  a  proxy  marriage,  and  Justice  Engelhardt  was  consulted. 
This  gentleman  claimed  that  under  the  statutes  such  a  marriage  would  be 
valid,  and  he  consented  to  a  performance  of  the  ceremony.  Accordingly, 
on  the  2gth  of  January,  1887,  a  proxy  marriage  was  performed  between 
Miss  Nina  and  Chris  Spies,  a  brother  of  the  doomed  man.  The  attorneys 
of  Chicago  regarded  the  ceremony  as  illegal,  but  the  Anarchists  considered 
it  as  binding  as  if  directly  contracted. 

Miss  Nina  continued  her  visits  to  the  jail  after  this  mock   proceeding, 
but  lynx-eyed  officials  saw  to  it  that  there  was  no  one  present  during  her 


CHRIS  SPIES. 

From  a  Photograph  taken  by  the  Police 


164 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 


interviews  with  Spies  to  secretly  and  legally  splice  them  together.  She  was 
devoted  to  him  at  all  times  and  all  the  time,  and  whenever  she  was  not  well 
enough  to  visit  him  for  some  days  or  was  kept  away  by  other  circumstances, 
she  would  write  him  tender  missives  of  love  and  encouragement.  She  clung 
to  him  to  the  last,  and  in  their  final  interview,  two  days  preceding 
his  execution,  she  wept  most  bitterly. 

Her  love  was  remarkable,  but  throughout  it  all  Spies  proved  himself 
wholly  unworthy.  He  was  a  reprobate  cunningly  playing  upon  her  feelings, 
caring  very  little  for  her,  and  he  must  have  known  that  her  station  in  life  at 

that  time  made  her  an  unsuitable 
companion.  For  him,  however, 
she  renounced  friends  and  all. 
After  his  death  she  went  into  deep 
mourning,  hung  a  cabinet  photo- 
graph of  him  in  the  parlor  window 
of  her  father's  fashionable  resi- 
dence on  Huron  Street,  and  locked 
herself  in  against  the  outer  world 
for  a  number  of  days.  She  still 
cherishes  Spies'  memory  and  keeps 
in  her  parlor  a  marble  bust  of  the 
executed  Anarchist.  Recently  she 
has  been  extending  her  acquaint- 
anceship among  Anarchists  out- 
side of  Chicago,  and  she  has  lately 
visited  some  of  the  most  rabid  and 
demonstrative  Socialists  at  Ottawa, 
Illinois. 

Spies  was  born  in  Friedewald, 
in  the  province  of  Hesse,  Ger- 
many, in  1855.  He  came  to  Am- 
erica in  1872,  and  one  year  later 
arrived  in  Chicago,  where  he  engaged  in  various  occupations  until  he 
relieved  Paul  Grottkau  as  editor  of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  in  1876.  His 
identification  with  Socialism  began  in  Chicago  in  1875.  He  was  unmarried 
and  supported  his  mother  and  a  sister,  Miss  Gretchen  Spies.  He  has  two 
brothers  in  Chicago,  Chris  and  Henry. 

MTCHAEL  SCHWAB,  when  confronted  by  the  officers,  looked  like  an  excla- 
mation point,  and  had  his  long,  bushy  hairs  been  porcupine  quills,  each  would 
have  stood  straight  on  end.  He  was  bewildered,  dumbfounded,  and  there 
was  a  distant,  far-off  expression  in  his  eye.  He  realized  that  he  was  in 
trouble,  and  to  the  many  questions  put  to  him  by  the  officers  he  stammered 
apologetic  but  non-committal  answers.  It  was  clearly  to  be  seen  that  he 


MISS  GRETCHEN    SPIES. 
From  a  Photograph. 


SCHWAB  AND  HIS  CAREER. 


165 


had  been  like  clay  in  the  potter's  hand,  a  mere  dupe  of  his  associates.  He 
was  far  less  talented  and  less  active  than  the  other  leaders,  but  still  in  his 
own  way  he  had  played  quite  a  conspicuous  part  in  the  Anarchist  drama. 
He  had  seen  something  of  the  world  as  a  peripatetic  book-binder.  Through 
his  varied  experience,  his  nature  had  grown  irritable  and  crusty,  and  Anarchy 
seemed  the  only  thing  suited  to  right  the  wrongs  of  mankind.  He  fell  in 
with  the  ideas  of  the  cranks  in  Chicago,  and  soon  wormed  himself  into  an 
assistant  editorial  position  of  $18  a  week  on  the  Ar better- Zeitung.  In 
appearance  Schwab  was  ungainly  and  ferocious,  but  when  put  to  the  test  he 
was  calm  and  mild  as  a  lamb.  The  only  thing  really  vicious  about  him  was  in 
his  incendiary  writings  and 
speeches.  He  aimed  with  his 
limited  capacity  to  be  a  great 
leader,  but  the  moment  he  got 
into  the  clutches  of  the  law  and 
found  himself  in  peril  of  his  life 
he  retracted  everything  which 
he  had  so  persistently  and  stub- 
bornly advocated.  His  new  trou- 
bles brought  out  the  fact  that 
he  had  written  and  spoken  simply 
for  the  money  that  was  in  the 
business,  and  not  because  he  sin- 
cerely believed  in  the  theories  he 
preached.  He  was  at  all  times 
a  supple  tool  in  the  hands  of 
Spies  and  Parsons,  and  during 
the  remainder  of  his  days  in 
the  penitentiary  he  will  have 
ample  opportunities  to  repent  of 
his  past  misdeeds. 

Schwab  was  born  in  the  village  of  Kibringen-on-the-Main,  near  Mann- 
heim, in  Bavaria,  in  1853,  and  emigrated  to  the  United  States  in  1879, 
reaching  Chicago  in  the  year  following.  He  afterwards  traveled  from  point 
to  point  in  the  West,  roughed  it  a  little,  and  three  or  four  years  later 
drifted  back  to  Chicago.  He  is  a  brother  of  the  notorious  Anarchist  of  New 
York,  Justus  Schwab,  and  has  a  wife  and  two  children,  who  are  now  being 
supported  by  friends. 

ALBERT  R.  PARSONS  was  another  leader  wanted  by  the  police,  and  the 
search  for  him  was  immediately  instituted.  Officers  went  to  his  house 
only  to  discover  that  he  had  escaped,  and  for  some  time  it  was  believed  that 
he  was  in  hiding  among  his  friends  in  the  city.  Every  effort,  however,  to 
find  him  failed,  and  there  were  all  sorts  of  speculations  as  to  his  where- 


MICHAEL   SCHWAB. 
From  a  Photograph  taken  by  the  Police. 


1 66 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 


abouts.  It  was  found  out  afterwards  that  he  had  become  alarmed  ovet 
the  aspect  of  affairs  resulting  from  the  Haymarket  meeting,  and,  thinking 
"discretion  the  better  part  of  valor,"  he  had  gathered  a  few  dollars  together, 
boarded  an  outgoing  train,  and  landed  at  Geneva,  111.,  thoroughly  dis- 
guised. He  sought  out  the  home  of  a  friend  named  Holmes,  who  cherished 
Anarchist  sentiments,  and  remained  with  him  three  or  four  days  in  conceal- 
ment. With  a  dilapidated  outfit,  he  concluded  to  shift  his  abiding-place, 
and  accordingly  he  went  to  Elgin,  111.,  where  he  was  taken  care  of.  From 
this  point,  in  the  course  of  a  few  days,  he  went  to  Waukesha,  Wis.,  and 
there  hunted  around  for  work  as  a  tramp  carpenter.  Waukesha  is  a  great 

resort  for  Chicago  people,  but  no 
one  recognized  him  in  his  changed 
appearance.  He  succeeded  in  find- 
ing employment,  and  for  some 
time  worked  as  a  carpenter,  un- 
known and  undetected.  The  labor 
proving  too  arduous  for  his  unde- 
veloped muscles  and  contrary  to 
his  principles  as  an  Anarchist,  he 
began  to  look  out  for  easier  work, 
and  this  he  managed  to  secure  as 
a  painter.  For  seven  weeks  he 
remained  at  Waukesha,  commu- 
nicating with  his  wife  under  an 
assumed  name  and  through  a  third 
party  living  out  of  Chicago. 

When  the  trial  opened,  the 
counsel  for  the  Anarchists  were 
confident  that  the  State  had  not 
sufficient  evidence  to  convict,  and 
upon  assurances  from  Capt.  Black 
that  an  acquittal  was  certain,  Parsons  decided  to  surrender  himself  to 
the  authorities.  He  boarded  a  train,  reached  the  city,  and,  securing  a 
hack,  drove  to  his  home,  on  Milwaukee  Avenue,  where  he  met  his  wife. 
After  remaining  there  for  three  or  four  hours,  he  got  into  a  hack,  in 
company  with  Mrs.  Parsons,  and  drove  down  to  the  Criminal  Court  build- 
ing. It  was  on  the  2ist  of  June,  after  Judge  Gary  had  overruled  a 
motion  for  separate  trials,  that  Parsons  reached  the  building.  He  alighted, 
tripped  up  the  stairs,  and  entered  the  court-room.  If  a  bomb  had  exploded 
on  the  outside,  it  would  scarcely  have  created  a  greater  surprise  than  the 
appearance  of  Parsons  as  he  stalked  in  and  took  his  seat  with  the  prisoners. 
Parsons  was  born  in  Montgomery,  Ala.,  June  20,  1848,  and  after  he  had 
reached  the  age  of  five,  his  brother,  Gen.  W.  H.  Parsons,  of  the  Confeder- 


ALBERT   R.   PARSONS. 
From  a  Photograph. 


ALBERT  R.  PARSONS. 


167 


ate  army,  took  his  education  in  charge  at  the  latter's  home  in  Tyler,  Texas. 
When  young  Parsons  was  eleven  years  of  age,  he  learned  the  printer's 
trade,  and  finally  drifted  into  the  service  of  the  Confederate  army.  After 
the  "unpleasantness,"  he  branched  out  as  editor  of  a  paper  at  Waco,  Texas, 
and  then  connected  himself  with  the  Houston  Telegraph.  He  identified 
himself  about  this  time  with  the  Republican  party,  and,  taking  an  active 
part  in  politics,  he  became  Secretary  of  the  State  Senate  under  the  Federal 
Government.  In  1872  he  married  a  mulatto  at  Houston,  and,  being  dis- 
carded by  his  brother  and 
friends,  he  emigrated  with 
her  to  Chicago  in  1873.  No 
sooner  had  he  reached  Chi- 
cago than  he  joined  the  So- 
cialists. He  worked  for  a 
time  as  a  newspaper  com- 
positor, but  his  radical  ideas 
and  obtrusive  arguments  pre- 
vented him  from  holding  any 
position  permanently.  He 
eventually  became  editor  of 
the  Alarm  and  depended  on 
his  Anarchist  friends  for  a 
livelihood.  He  was  always 
active  at  their  meetings,  both 
secret  and  public,  and  paraded 
himself  as  a  labor  agitator. 
He  managed  to  become  a 
member  of  the  Knights  of 
Labor,  but  that  body  as  a 
whole,  after  seeing  how  ex- 
tremely radical  were  his  theo- 
ries, repudiated  him. 

When  his  troubles  over- 
took him  in  connection  with  the  trial,  Parsons'  brother  came  to  his 
defense  and  took  a  keen  interest  in  his  case,  working  for  him  until 
the  very  last.  Mrs.  Parsons  had  early  identified  herself  with  her  husband's 
views,  and  was  one  among  several  others  to  organize  a  women's  branch 
of  the  Anarchists.  She  can  make  an  effective  address,  and  she  always 
took  a  leading  part  in  extending  the  membership  of  her  union.  On  the 
question  of  her  birth,  she  maintains  that  she  is  of  Mexican  extraction, 
with  no  negro  blood  in  her  veins,  but  her  swarthy  complexion  and  distinct- 
ively negro  features  do  not  bear  out  her  assertions.  Since  her  husband's 
execution  she  has  appeared  on  the  stump  in  various  parts  of  the  United 
States,  and  she  is  now  even  more  violent  than  ever. 


MRS.   LUCY   PARSONS. 
From  a  Photograph. 


1 68 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 


OSCAR  W.  NKEBE  was  fortunate  in  the  failure  of  the  prosecution  to 
show  his  direct  complicity  in  the  Haymarket  murder.  There  was  no  doubt 
as  to  his  active  participation  in  all  the  plots  of  the  Anarchist  leaders,  and, 
had  it  not  been  for  the  loss  of  some  important  papers,  he  would  now  be 
serving  a  life  sentence  instead  of  a  fifteen  years'  term  in  the  penitentiary. 
He  took  an  active  part  in  stirring  up  the  members  of  the  Brewers'  Union 
after  the  McCormick  riot,  and  he  contributed  no  little  towards  sending 
many  of  those  members  to  the  Haymarket  meeting,  ready  for  violence  and 
desperate  deeds.  Immediately  following  the  Haymarket  slaughter,  he  was 

placed  under  arrest  and  taken  to  the 
Central  Station  at  the  City  Hall.  He 
was  there  questioned  in  a  general  way, 
but  the  near-sighted  officials  then  in 
charge  of  that  important  department 
were  unable  to  see  any  reason  for  his 
detention  and  permitted  him  to  depart 
with  his  friend  Schnaubelt,  who  had 
been  gathered  in  about  the  same  time. 
This  led  him  to  believe  that  he  had 
friends  at  the  Central  Headquarters. 
His  belief  in  his  "influence"  was  some- 
what shaken,  however,  when  I  ordered 
a  search  of  his  house  on  the  8th  of 
May.  The  officers  on  that  occasion 
found  one  Springfield  rifle,  one  Colt's 
38-caliber  revolver,  one  sword  and  belt 
of  the  Lehr  und  Wehr  Verein,  a  red 
flag,  a  transparency,  a  lot  of  circulars 
calling  different  meetings,  including 
the  one  calling  for  "revenge,"  and 
several  cards  of  Anarchist  groups,  and 
with  all  these  and  other  evidence  of  his  connection  with  the  great  con- 
spiracy, I  went  before  the  grand  jury  and  had  him  indicted  for  conspiracy 
to  murder.  On  the  2yth  of  May,  about  6  o'clock,  Deputy  Sheriff 
Alexander  Reed  called  at  the  Chicago  Avenue  Station  and  asked  me  for 
assistance  to  arrest  Neebe  under  the  indictment.  I  detailed  Officer  Whalen 
for  this  duty,  and  the  two  called  at  the  man's  house,  No.  307  Sedgwick 
Street.  The  deputy  sheriff  informed  Neebe  that  he  was  under  arrest,  and 
the  officer  explained  the  nature  of  the  charge  against  him.  They  told  him 
that  they  would  be  obliged  to  take  him  to  the  County  Jail. 

Neebe  smiled  when  notified  of  the  charge,  and  remarked  in  a  most  care- 
less manner : 

"  Is  that  all?     That's  nothing.      I  will  get  out  on  bail  right  away.1' 


OSCAR   W.  NEEBE. 
From  a  Photograph. 


OSCAR    W.  NEEBE.  169 

But  he  did  not ;  he  had  to  linger  for  a  long  time. 

Neebe  was  born  in  the  State  of  New  York,  in  1850,  of  German  parents, 
and  since  his  location  in  Chicago  he  had  succeeded  in  establishing  a  pros- 
perous business  in  the  sale  of  yeast  to  grocers  and  traders.  He  was  ambi- 
tious to  distinguish  himself  in  other  directions,  however,  and  he  chose 
Anarchy  as  a  basis  for  building  up  a  reputation  as  a  leader  among  men. 
He  achieved  considerable  notoriety,  as  he  was  active,  energetic  and  push- 
ing, and  at  the  time  of  the  Board  of  Trade  demonstration  he  acted  as  chief 
marshal  of  the  procession. 

Neebe  was  in  the  habit  of.  taking  members  of  the  North  Side  group  to 
Sheffield,  Ind.,  for  the  purpose  of  practicing  and  experimenting  with 
dynamite  bombs.  It  was  on  one  of  these  experimenting  excursions  that  he 
lost  the  joints  of  all  the  fingers  of  his  right  hand  by  a  premature  explosion. 
When  questioned  about  it,  he  told  all  his  friends  and  even  his  own  family 
that  he  had  lost  his  fingers  in  assisting  a  friend  to  lift  a  sharp  building-stone 
on  the  South  Side.  His  family  physician  was  asked  with  reference  to  the 
matter,  and,  after  some  hesitation,  finally  stated  that  Neebe  had  admitted 
that  he  had  lost  his  fingers  through  the  explosion  of  a  bomb.  In  the  expla- 
nation Neebe  gave  to  his  friends  he  overlooked  the  fact  that  if  a  sharp 
building-stone  had  taken  off  his  fingers  it  would  not  have  taken  his  thumb, 
because  that  member  of  the  hand  is  never  in  a  position  to  be  crushed  when 
one  lifts  a  heavy  stone. 

After  his  trial  and  conviction,  Neebe's  wife  and  little  children  often  visited 
him  at  the  jail,  and  Mrs.  Neebe  sought  as  well  as  she  could  to  raise  his 
drooping  spirits.  But  she  subsequently  took  sick,  and  after  a  short  illness 
died.  A  most  demonstrative  funeral  was  arranged  by  the  Anarchists.  The 
hall  in  which  the  ceremonies  were  conducted  was  profusely  decorated  with 
flowers  and  emblems  of  mourning.  Under  most  binding  pledges  on  the  part 
of  the  Anarchists,  Sheriff  Matson  permitted  Neebe,  under  proper  official 
escort,  to  take  a  last  look  at  the  remains  of  his  wife  at  the  residence,  and 
the  scene  was  a  most  impressive  one.  Mrs.  Neebe  had  been  a  firm  believer 
in  the  doctrines  advocated  by  her  husband,  but  his  friends  claimed  that  the 
unexpected  troubles  of  the  family  had  precipitated  sickness  and  brought  on 
death.  At  one  time  it  was  thought  that  some  serious  disturbance  might  grow 
out  of  the  demonstration,  and  that,  with  Neebe  back  at  his  home,  an  attempt 
at  his  rescue  from  the  hands  of  the  county  officials  might  be  made.  But  the 
police  were  present  to  see  that  order  was  maintained.  The  only  thing  bor- 
dering on  disorder  was  the  fiery  speeches  of  the  orators  at  the  hall  to  which 
the  remains  were  first  taken,  and  from  which  an  immense  procession  started 
to  the  place  of  burial. 

The  death  of  his  wife  was  a  severe  blow  to  Neebe.  Verily,  the  way  of 
the  transgressor  is  hard.  He  was  subsequently  removed  to  the  penitentiary, 
and  possibly  by  the  time  his  sentence  expires  he  may  be  able  to  see  life  in  a 
different  light  than  through  Anarchist  spectacles. 


170 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 


RUDOLPH  SCHNAUBELT  is  indeed  a  fortunate  man,  and,  wherever  he  is  at 
present,  he  must  be  felicitating  himself  on  his  escape  from  a  felon's  death. 
On  the  morning  of  May  5,  after  all  the  help  in  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  had  been 
arrested,  Schnaubelt  was  gathered  in  and  taken  to  the  Central  Station.  He 
was  suspected  of  complicity  in  the  conspiracy,  but  there  seemed  to  be  so 
"little  against  the  young  man,"  that  he  was  promptly  released  without  the 
slightest  pains  being  taken  to  inquire  into  his  antecedents.  Under  the  free 

and  easy  system  then 
prevailing  in  the  depart- 
ment, there  seemed  to 
be  no  idea  that  officers 
were  employed  for  other 
purposes  than  simply 
drawing  salaries.  I  look- 
ed carefully  into  the  re- 
lease of  Schnaubelt,  and 
the  more  I  saw  of  it,  the 
more  I  was  convinced 
that  the  examination  of 
this  most  important  pris- 
oner was  the  same  kind 
of  investigation  as  those 
one  could  have  seen  at 
some  of  the  primaries 
three  or  four  years  ago, 
when,  if  a  man  happen- 

§ed  to  be  of  a  certain  po- 
j-psi 


litical  faith,  he  would  be 
passed  along  with  the 
remark,  "  He's  all  right," 
and  permitted  to  vote. 

Schnaubelt    was     simply 

asked  two  or  three  ques- 


RUDOLPH   SCHNAUBELT,  THE  BOMB-THROWER. 

From  a  Photograph. 

tions  and  then  allowed  to  go.  The  stupid  detectives  knew  he  was  a  close 
friend  of  Spies  and  Fielden,  who  were  already  locked  up,  and  to  prove  that 
friendship  now  that  they  were  in  trouble,  Schnaubelt  frequently  dropped 
in  at  the  City  Hall  to  inquire  after  them.  He  continued  to  hang  around 
under  the  tolerance  of  the  officials,  and  I  have  always  believed  that  the 
only  thing  that  saved  him  from  being  locked  up  was  the  fortunate  circum- 
stance that  no  one  put  a  sign  on  his  back  reading  that  he  was  the  bomb- 
thrower. 

Officers  Palmer  and  Cosgrove  had  managed  to  get  a  slight  clue   against 
this  man,  and  they  arrested  him  again  on  the  6th  of  May.     They  stated  their 


SCHNA  UBEL  T'S  L  UCK.  1 7 1 

case  to  Lieut.  John  D.  Shea,  and  by  him  the  arrest  was  reported  to  his  superior 
officer.  What  was  the  result  ?  Shea  did  not  care  to  be  bothered  with  the 
case.  The  head  of  the  department  likewise  did  not  care  to  be  troubled. 
They  accordingly  saved  themselves  all  further  annoyance  by  telling  Schnau- 
belt  to  go  away.  The  prisoner,  with  singular  stolidity,  did  not  seem  to  care 
particularly,  and  had  to  be  told  again  that  he  was  at  liberty  to  go  where  he 
pleased.  It  is  a  wonder  that  the  officials  did  not  offer  him  a  cigar  in 
acknowledgment  of  their  kindly  feelings.  When  Schnaubelt  was  released, 
Officer  Palmer  remonstrated  with  the  Lieutenant,  but  he  was  told  to  let  the 
man  alone  and  not  bring  him  there  any  more.  That  ended  the  matter  with 
the  officer.  Several  other  detectives  had  meanwhile  learned  of  Schnaubelt's 
close  friendship  with  Spies  and  other  Anarchists,  but  when  they  learned  of 
the  instructions  Officers  Palmer  and  Cosgrove  had  received  they  likewise 
dropped  all  investigations  when  they  reached  Schnaubelt.  The  man  natur- 
ally felt  pleased  at  such  friendly  favor  and  remained  in  the  city  until  about 
the  1 3th  of  May. 

It  was  on  the  I4th  of  May  that  I  first  received  information  about  the 
part  Schnaubelt  had  played  in  all  the  Anarchist  meetings  and  that  I  learned 
something  of  his  special  intimacy  with  Fischer  and  Balthasar  Rau. 

"You  get  him,"  said  my  informant,  "and  I  will  tell  you  something  inter- 
esting that  will  surprise  everybody." 

At  this  time  the  man  was  called  Schnabel,  and  the  information  was  that 
he  was  working  in  a  store  on  the  South  Side.  I  at  once  sent  Officers  Whalen 
and  Stift  to  hunt  him  up.  While  engaged  in  the  search  they  met  Officers 
Palmer  and  Cosgrove.  Whalen  explained  their  mission,  and  then  Palmer 
asked  : 

"  Are  you  not  afraid  to  arrest  him  ?" 

Whalen  wanted  to  know  why  there  should  be  any  fear  in  the  case, 
and  Palmer  remarked : 

"Well,  you  are  running  a  chance  of  getting  yourselves  in  trouble.  We 
wanted  to  arrest  Schnaubelt  in  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  office,  and  we  were  not 
allowed  to  do  so.  We  found  him,  Neebe,  Fischer,  Mrs.  Parsons,  Mrs. 
Schwab  and  Mrs.  Holmes  in  the  editor's  room.  Shea  told  us  not  to  arrest 
him,  that  he  was  a  '  big  stiff,'  and  then  and  there  he  told  Schnaubelt  to  get 
away  from  there  or  he  would  kick  him  out.  All  the  others  were  arrested, 
but  he  was  let  go.  I  was  detailed  to  remain  around  the  building.  Schnau- 
belt came  around  there  again  afterwards,  and  I  arrested  him  and  took  him  to 
the  Central  Station.  There  the  man  was  told  to  go  and  get  out.  On  the 
next  day  he  came  around  there  again.  I  had  in  the  meantime  obtained  a 
little  information  about  him,  and  I  arrested  him  and  took  him  to  the  Central 
Station.  I  was  again  asked  if  I  had  not  been  told  to  let  him  alone  and  was 
curtly  informed  that  I  was  altogether  too  officious.  Schnaubelt  was  again 
released.  I  explained  that  he  was  a  partner  of  Fischer,  that  he  had  the  big 
revolver  and  dagger  ;  but  it  was  no  use  —  he  was  permitted  to  leave." 


1 7 2  ANAR CHY  AND  ANAR CHISTS. 

Officer  Whalen  replied  :  "  We  work  for  a  different  man,  and  I  would 
like  to  see  Schnaubelt  if  he  is  in  the  city." 

Officer  Gosgrove  remarked  that  he  knew  where  the  man  was  working, 
and  the  two  officers  proffered  their  services  to  pilot  Whalen  and  Stift  to  the 
place.  They  went  to  No.  224  Washington  Street,  third  floor,  but  on  reach- 
ing there  they  learned  that  "the  bird  had  flown."  He  had  not  even  drawn 
the  wages  due  him,  having  sent  his  sister  after  the  money.  It  subsequently 
transpired  that  Schnaubelt  was  the  very  man  who  had  thrown  the  bomb  at 
the  Haymarket,  but  he  had  "  taken  time  by  the  forelock  "  and  skipped  for 
parts  unknown.  Possibly  he  had  got  tired  of  being  kicked  out  of  the  office 
of  the  Chief  of  Police  and  left  Chicago  in  disgust,  or  possibly  his  friends  at 
the  Central  Station  may  have  given  him  a  "tip  "  to  save  himself  from  serious 
trouble. 

Some  two  weeks  thereafter  I  received  information  as  to  where  Schnau- 
belt could  be  found. 

I  told  Mr.  Grinnell  what  I  had  learned,  and  he  asked  me  to  send  a  few  men 
at  once  and  get  him.  I  informed  Mr.  Grinnell  that  I  could  not  detail  officers 
outside  of  the  city  limits  without  the  consent  of  the  Chief.  Mr.  Grinnell 
thought  I  had  better  do  so  anyway.  I  insisted  that  I  must  see  the  Chief 
first,  and  Mr.  Grinnell  remarked : 

"  If  you  do,  that  will  be  the  end  of  that  matter." 

I  went,  however,  to  the  Chief's  office,  and  stated  my  business.  I  was 
there  told  that  they  would  get  the  man.  The  Chief  said  that  he  would  go 
out  to  California  and  thus  head  him  off.  I  reported  back  to  Mr.  Grinnell  the 
result  of  my  interview,  and  he  remarked  : 

"Well,  that  is  just  what  I  expected  — jealousy,  and  that  is  all." 

Schnaubelt  thus  had  a  good  friend  at  the  City  Hall,  and  he  cannot  thank 
the  officers  there  too  much  for  having  saved  him  the  painful  necessity  of 
going  down  to  death  on  the  nth  of  November,  1887,  with  the  other  con- 
spirators. 

BALTHASAR  RAU  was  another  man  who  did  not  tarry  in  Chicago.  He  had 
been  a  faithful  lieutenant  of  Spies  and  had  earned  a  living  as  solicitor  for 
the  Arbeiter-Zeitung.  He  took  a  keen  interest  in  all  of  Spies'  plans,  and  on 
Saturday  afternoon  preceding  the  day  of  the  riot  visited  the  vicinity  of 
McCormick's  factory  to  secure  points  about  the  strike  for  his  friend's  infor- 
mation. He  reported  that  ten  thousand  striking  lumber-shovers  had  met 
on  that  day  and  had  appointed  a  committee  to  wait  upon  the  lumber  bosses 
to  induce  them  to  inaugurate  the  eight-hour  system  in  the  various  yards. 
Rau  had  seen  the  gathering,  and,  as  the  committee  appointed  by  it  were  to 
report  to  another  meeting  the  following  Monday,  he  knew  that  it  would 
bring  together  just  such  a  throng,  if  not  a  larger  one  than  the  previous 
assemblage.  He  so  posted  Spies,  and  in  turn  was  advised  by  his  friend  to 
insert  in  the  Fackel  of  Sunday,  May  2,  the  notice  "  Y,  come  Monday  night," 


BALTHASAR  RAU. 


173 


which  was  the  signal  for  the  armed  groups  to  meet  that  night  at  No.  54 
West  Lake  Street.  The  bandits  did  meet,  and  matured  the  conspiracy 
which  was  carried  out  the  following  night  at  the  Haymarket.  On  Monday 
Rau  went  with  Spies  to  McCormick's  factory,  aided  in  inciting  the  people  to 
a  riot,  and  then  accompanied  his  friend  to  the  strikers'  headquarters  on  Lake 
Street,  where  they  informed  the  people  that  ten  or  twelve  of  their  brother 
workmen  had  been  brutally  shot  down  by  the  "bloodhounds" — the  police  — 
that  afternoon. 

In  consequence  of  his  intimacy  with  Spies,  Rau  was  at  once  —  and  the 
only  one  at  first  —  suspected  of 
being  the  thrower  of  the  fatal  bomb. 
He  seemed  to  realize  that  he  was 
under  suspicion,  for  he  speedily 
left  the  city  after  the  explosion. 
Assistant  State's  Attorney  Furth- 
mann  learned  that  he  had  fled  to 
Omaha  and  promptly  repaired  to 
that  city.  By  instructions,  James 
Bonfield  was  to  secure  the  neces- 
sary requisition  papers  for  Rau's 
extradition  from  the  State  of  Ne- 
braska and  was  to  follow  Furth- 
mann  to  Omaha.  The  Assistant 
State's  Attorney  found  Rau  willing 
to  talk,  and  asked  him  to  write  as 
he  had  been  dictated,  to  the  text 
of  the  signal,  "Y,  come  Monday 
night."  Rau  promptly  discovered 
that  Furthmann  knew  some  of  the 
inside  facts  in  the  conspiracy,  and 
tremblingly  asked  what  he  could 
do  to  save  his  neck  from  the  rope. 
He  was  informed  that  nothing  short  of  "unconditional  surrender"  would 
help  him  out  of  his  scrape,  and  that  he  must  not  keep  back  any  informa- 
tion. He  then  unbosomed  himself  and  told  everything  he  knew. 

While  these  things  were  taking  place  the  leaders  of  the  Anarchist  group 
in  Omaha  were  collecting  money  to  take  Rau  away  from  Mr.  Furthmann  by 
habeas  corpus  proceedings.  Rau  had  meanwhile  been  locked  up  in  a  cell 
where  he  could  not  easily  be  reached  by  his  friends,  and,  as  he  did  not  like 
his  surroundings,  he  was  anxious  to  return  to  Chicago  even  without  extra- 
dition papers.  It  was  on  a  Monday  before  daylight  that  he  agreed  to  go, 
and  Mr.  Furthmann  promptly  took  him  across  the  river  to  Council  Bluffs, 
in  the  State  of  Iowa,  to  avoid  litigation,  as  he  had  learned  that  the  Omaha 


BALTHASAR   RAU. 
From  a  Photograph  taken  by  the  Police. 


174 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 


judge  was  ready  and  willing  to  assist  the  Anarchists  of  that  section  in  effect- 
ing Rau's  release.  At  this  time  the  extradition  papers  had  not  arrived.  On 
taking  up  the  trip  to  Chicago  Rau  became  more  communicative  than  ever 
and  entered  into  details  quite  interestingly. 

Some  one  in  the  parlor  car  which  conveyed  them  to  Chicago  recognized 
Mr.  Furthmann,  and  it  was  whispered  around : 

"There's  Furthmann  with  the  bomb-thrower!" 

A  flutter  of  excitement  speedily  developed,  and  soon  a  demand  was  made 
on  Furthmann  that  unless  he  handcuffed  Rau  the  passengers  would  object 
to  his  sitting  in  the  parlor  car,  and  they  certainly  would  not  allow  Rau  to 
sleep  in  the  same  car  unless  shackles  were  placed  about  his  limbs.  A 
great  deal  of  parleying  ensued.  Finally  Mr.  Furthmann  consented  to 
appease  the  now  thoroughly  frightened  passengers.  Only  one  condition 
was  imposed  by  Mr.  Furthmann,  and  that  was  that  the  handcuffs  and 
shackles  should  be  furnished,  as  he  had  none  in  his  possession.  The 
implements  were  immediately  telegraphed  for,  and  were  on  hand  when 
Cedar  Rapids  was  reached.  But  the  idea  of  handcuffing  and  shackling  a 
man  who  was  willingly  returning  without  extradition  papers  was  repulsive 
to  Mr.  Furthmann. 

A  novel  thought  flashed  through  the  Assistant  State's  Attorney's  mind. 
He  informed  Rau  of  everything  that  had  transpired,  and  told  him  that  he 
did  not  desire  to  shackle  him  in  any  way.  But  for  the  purpose  of  quieting 
the  passengers  he  would  rattle  the  iron  bracelets  around  in  good  shape  if 
Rau  would  give  up  his  coat,  vest,  pantaloons,  shirt,  drawers,  stockings  and 
shoes  and  hat  during  the  night.  This  was  done,  and  the  passengers,  hear- 
ing the  rattling  of  the  chains  at  intervals  during  the  night,  rested  in  the 
sweet  confidence  that  a  violent  outburst  on  the  part  of  a  wild  Anarchist  had 
been  averted. 

The  prisoner  was  safely  landed  in  Chicago,  and  not  a  handcuff  or 
shackle  had  been  placed  about  him.  He  was  taken  to  the  Chicago  Avenue 
Station,  and  there  put  through  an  examination  by  State's  Attorney  Grin- 
nell. 

In  the  statement  he  made  to  Mr.  Grinnell  and  myself  Rau  gave  his  age 
as  thirty,  his  occupation  as  that  of  a  printer,  and  his  residence  as  No.  418 
Larrabee  Street. 

"We  had,"  he  said,  "an  excursion  to  Sheffield,  Indiana,  and  there  were 
present  August  Spies,  Schwab,  Neebe,  Engel  and  Schnaubelt.  Those  are 
the  only  ones  I  can  now  remember.  Engel  and  Schnaubelt  were  the  ones 
to  set  dynamite  bombs  for  experiments." 

"Why  do  you  good  people  use  dynamite  bombs,  and  what  do  you  intend 
to  do  with  them?"  asked  Mr.  Grinnell. 

Rau  hesitated,  but  finally  replied  :  "The  time  we  shot  off  the  dynamite 
bombs  at  Sheffield,  at  the  time  of  the  explosion  there  were  only  a  few  of  us 


MR.  RAWS  DEPOSITION.  175 

present.  They  were  the  parties  whose  names  I  have  given  and  a  man  who 
came  with  Engel.  We  exploded  only  two  bombs,  and  they  were  made  of 
iron  and  were  round." 

"What  is  the  meaning  and  for  what  purpose  does  that  letter  'Y'  appear 
in  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  ?"  asked  Mr.  Furthmann. 

"  The  last  time  I  saw  it  was  on  Sunday,  May  2,  1886.  The  Sunday  issue 
of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  is  called  the  Packet.  Lorenz  Hermann  was  requested 
to  have  the  letter  '  Y '  inserted  in  the  paper,  and  it  was  printed  in  the  issue 
mentioned.  He  brought  the  notice  to  the  office.  We  did  not  charge  any- 
thing for  notices  brought  in  by  the  members  of  the  armed  section.  And 
that  letter  '  Y '  was  intended  to  signify  that  there  would  be  a  meeting  at  No. 
54  West  Lake  Street,  May  3,  for  the  armed  men.  I  was  at  Zepf's  Hall  at 
a  meeting  held  Monday,  May  3.  I  had  with  me  a  lot  of  'Revenge'  cir- 
culars, calling  people  to  arms.  I  gave  the  circulars  to  the  boys  who  were 
present  at  the  meeting.  It  was  after  nine  o'clock.  One  meeting  had  been 
called  by  the  carpenters  for  that  night.  August  Belz  is  the  man  who  told 
me  the  meaning  of  the  word.  He  asked  me  at  Greif's  Hall  if  I  knew  the 
meaning  of  the  word  'Ruhe, '  and  if  I  knew  what  effect  its  publication 
would  have.  He  then  told  me  that  they  had  agreed  that  the  word  '  Ruhe  ' 
should  apply  to  a  meeting  at  the  Haymarket.  If  it  appeared  in  the  Arbeiter- 
Zeitung,  he  said,  then  there  would  be  trouble.  The  trouble  would  be  fight- 
ing the  police,  storming  buildings  and  throwing  dynamite  bombs.  When  I 
saw  that  word  in  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung,  I  was  working  in  the  office  of  that 
paper.  I  remarked  to  August  Spies  that  that  would  make  trouble  in  the 
city,  and  his  answer  was  that  Fischer  did  it,  meaning  that  Fischer  was 
responsible  for  it.  Spies,  after  I  had  told  him  what  trouble  it  would  make, 
got  excited  and  called  Schnaubelt.  Spies  asked  him,  '  How  is  this  ? '  refer- 
ring to  the  word  '  Ruhe. '  Schnaubelt  replied,  '  Well,  they  want  to  throw 
dynamite  bombs.'  He  also  said  that  if  the  police  interfered,  then  there 
would  be  trouble  at  the  Haymarket.  He  further  said  that  the  people 
stationed  on  the  outskirts  of  the  city,  east,  west,  south  and  north,  should  be 
informed  as  to  when  the  riot  commenced  and  when  their  time  had  arrived 
for  storming  the  city.  When  Fischer  was  asked  about  this  word  '  Ruhe ' 
he  was  close-mouthed.  He  would  not  say  anything  to  us.  I  heard  Spies 
say  in  his  office,  '  If  that  word  "  Ruhe  "is  in  the  paper,  there  will  be  trouble, 
and  I  don't  want  that.  That  will  break  up  our  organization.'  Spies  said  : 
'I  will  print  hand-bills  to  stop  the  meeting  at  the  Haymarket  May  4.'  He 
said  he  would  attend  to  that  himself.  I  said  that  we  had  better  put  up  signs 
on  the  corners  to  notify  the  people  that  there  would  be  no  meeting  at  the 
Haymarket  that  night.  Spies  said  that  if  there  was  a  meeting,  then  there 
would  be  trouble.  Schnaubelt  was  to  go  to  the  North  Side  that  afternoon, 
May  4,  and  tell  the  people  that  there  would  be  no  meeting  at  the  Haymarket 
that  night.  On  May  4,  in  the  evening,  some  one  called  at  the  office  and 


176  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

wanted  Spies  to  speak  at  the  meeting  at  Deering  Station  ;  but  he  could  not 
be  found,  and  consequently  we  sent  Schwab.  Afterwards  I  went  over  to 
the  West  Side  meeting  at  the  Haymarket.  I  saw  Spies  standing  on  a  wagon, 
making  a  speech  to  the  people  present.  When  he  saw  me  he  called  me  and 
asked  me  to  go  and  find  Parsons.  Spies  said,  '  1  want  help  here,  and  he 
must  help  me  out.'  I  went  to  look  for  Parsons,  and  I  found  him.  Parsons 
and  Fielden  were  together.  I  told  them  what  Spies  had  said  and  I  asked 
them  to  go  and  help  him.  They  did  go  —  I  went  along.  Wre  got  there 
speedily.  I  asked  Fischer  for  an  explanation  as  to  the  publication  in  our 
paper  of  the  notice  calling  the  people  to  arms,  but  he  would  give  me  no 
satisfaction." 

"Why  did  you  not  give  me  this  statement  first  when  I  asked  you  for  this 
information  ?  "  asked  Mr.  Grinnell. 

"Because  I  was  afraid  it  would  hurt  myself,  or  it  might  convict  me. 
That  is  the  reason  why  I  did  not  tell  you  at  first.  I  saw  dynamite  in  the 
Arbeiter-Zeitung  building.  I  saw  dynamite  lying  on  a  shelf  in  the  back  room 
from  the  office.  I  know  George  Engel  and  Fehling.  They  printed  the 
Anarchist.  It  was  a  small  paper.  They  only  published  six  numbers. " 

EDMUND  DEUSS  was  also  sought  for  with  some  interest.  He  had  been 
city  editor  of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  under  Spies.  The  first  week  after  the 
bomb  had  been  thrown  the  authorities  at  police  headquarters  were  informed 
that  Paul  Grottkau  and  Deuss,  both  ex-employe's  of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung, 
were  then  living  in  Milwaukee.  Mr.  Furthmann  thought  some  points  might 
be  gathered  from  them,  and  accordingly  went  to  that  city.  He  found  them 
both.  Grottkau,  who  has  since  tasted  the  bitterness  of  prison  life  for  his 
preachments  of  violence  in  the  "  Cream  City,"  expressed  himself  as  pleased 
that  Spies  had  been  placed  under  arrest  and  charged  with  responsibility  for 
the  murder  at  the  Haymarket. 

"  I  knew  long  ago,"  said  Grottkau,  "that  August  Spies  would  thus  end 
his  crazy  and  ambitious  career." 

Grottkau  and  Spies  had  not  been  on  very  friendly  terms  since  the  latter 
had  succeeded  in  displacing  the  former  from  the  editorship  of  the  Arbeiter- 
Zeitung.  But,  however  strong  his  enmity,  Grottkau  would  not  give  us  any 
information  regarding  Spies,  or  dynamite  practices,  or  anything  else  that 
would  tend  to  put  a  rope  around  Spies'  neck  or  hurt  any  of  his  companions. 
He  referred  Mr.  Furthmann  to  Deuss,  who  was  then  depending  upon 
Grottkau  for  a  livelihood  and  who  received  a  dollar  now  and  then  for  writ- 
ing a  firebrand  article  for  a  paper  Grottkau  was  editing  in  Milwaukee. 

Deuss  was  found  in  a  neighboring  saloon  without  a  cent  in  his  pocket. 
He  stood  wistfully  eyeing  the  saloon  patrons,  hoping  to  fall  in  with  some  one 
willing  to  buy  him  a  glass  of  beer  or  a  cigar.  Mr.  Furthmann  at  once  opened 
a  conversation  about  the  Chicago  Anarchists.  Deuss  promised  to  tell  every- 
thing he  knew  in  regard  to  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung,  the  dynamite  brought 


IMPORTANT  CLUES. 


177 


there,  the  men  in  the  building  of  that  paper  and  the  nefarious  things  prac- 
ticed by  them,  on  condition  that  Mr.  Furthmann  would  first  buy  him  a 
good  cigar,  several  sandwiches  and  the  necessary  beer.  The  conditions 
were  complied  with,  and  Deuss  rattled  away  a  long  story.  He  proved  to 
be  the  first  man  to  inform  Mr.  Furthmann  as  to  when  the  dynamite  that 
was  afterwards  found  in  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  had  been  brought  there,  and 
where  it  had  been  placed.  A  grease-spot  caused  by  dynamite  was  after- 
wards found  exactly  where  Deuss  said  the  explosive  material  had  been 
placed,  which  was  right  next  to  the  desk  used  by  Malkoff,  a  reporter  for  the 
paper  and  an  exiled  Russian  Anarchist.  Rau  at  that  time,  it  appears,  did 
not  know  the  properties  of  dynamite,  for  on  one  occasion  a  stray  match  was 
thrown  upon  the  dynamite  sack  in  the  office  and  he  was  nearly  frightened 
out  of  his  wits. 

"  Don't  you  know  what  you  are  doing  ?  "  he  exclaimed. 

"  You  greenhorn,"  was  the  answer,  "  Malkoff  has  handled  this  stuff  for 
years  and  knows  by  this  time,  as  you  ought  to  know,  that  dynamite  cannot 
be  exploded  by  contact  with  fire  in  such  a  form." 

This  information,  though  unimportant  on  its  face,  assisted  Mr.  Furth- 
mann greatly  in  making  Deuss  talk,  and  served  also  as  a  straw  showing  that 
the  man  had  given  up  all  the  information  he  possessed. 

So  FAR  Mr.  Furthmann  had  managed  to  secure  many  valuable  clues,  and 
we  studied  at  once  the  best  method  of  following 
them  up.  In  running  down  the  pointers,  one  day 
Mr.  Furthmann  sought  Dr.  Newman,  one  of  the 
surgeons  who  had  rendered  heroic  service  in  attend- 
ing the  wounded  on  the  night  after  the  explosion. 
The  doctor  was  asked  with  reference  to  the  metal 
and  pieces  of  lead  which  he  had  taken  from  the 
bodies  of  some  of  the  men  wounded  at  the  Hay- 
market.  He  informed  Mr.  Furthmann  that  a  young 
man  named  Hahn,  a  shoemaker  on  the  West  Side, 
had  come  to  the  hospital  wounded  by  the  explosion, 
and  that  upon  examination  a  wound  had  been  found 
in  the  fleshy  part  of  his  thigh,  from  which  a  piece  of 
iron  had  been  removed.  This  piece  was  nothing 
less  than  the  nut  which  had  been  used  to  assist  in 
holding  together  the  two  halves  of  the  composition  bomb  which  had  been 
exploded  at  the  Haymarket.  This  discovery  was  a  most  important  one. 
It  proved  at  the  trial  the  best  piece  of  evidence  used  by  the  prosecution, 
as  it  demonstrated  that  the  bomb  exploded  at  the  Haymarket  was  one  of 
the  bombs  manufactured  by  Louis  Lingg,  since  fifty  bolts  and  nuts  of  the 
same  size  and  description  were  subsequently  found  in  Lingg's  possession. 


LINGG'S    CANDLESTICK. 
From  a  Photograph. 


178  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

The  metal  removed  from  the  person  of  the  wounded  officers  was  placed 
in  the  hands  of  Professors  Haines  and  Delafontaine,  expert  chemists,  for 
analysis,  and  they  found  that  it  contained  the  same  quantity  of  lead,  zinc, 
tin  and  other  ingredients,  and  the  same  proportion  of  impurities  as  the  bombs 
found  in  Lingg's  possession.  Even  a  trace  of  the  copper  discovered  in  the 
bomb  exploded  at  the  Haymarket  was  shown  to  have  come  from  the  candle- 
stick used  by  Lingg.  A  small  fragment  was  missing  from  the  candlestick, 
and  it  was  clearly  shown  that  it  had  found  its  way  into  that  deadly  bomb. 

During  this  period  I  also  learned  that  Lingg  had  not  been  the  first  and 
only  one  to  experiment  with  dynamite  in  Chicago.  I  learned  that  as  far 
back  as  1881  there  had  been  some  desperate  men  among  the  Socialists,  but 
by  keeping  their  secrets  to  themselves  they  had  managed  to  keep  the 
general  body  of  the  party  and  the  public  at  large  in  ignorance  of  their 
clandestine  operations.  They  had  even  experimented  with  dynamite,  hop- 
ing to  perfect  it  so  that  it  could  be  handled  with  safety;  but  somehow  they 
had  failed  to  discover  means  for  making  its  use  practicable.  They  had 
adopted  various  expedients  to  test  its  strength  when  confined  in  a  small 
implement,  and  in  their  labors  several  had' received  serious  injuries.  Four 
or  five  men  are  living  to-day  who  were  crippled  by  the  rash  and  ineffectual 
experiments.  One  Communist  was  particularly  active  in  studying  the  prop- 
erties of  the  explosive  and  devising  a  plan  to  make  it  serviceable  in  a  com- 
bat with  the  police.  This  man  had  fled  from  France  after  the  downfall  of 
the  Paris  Commune,  a-nd  thought  himself  quite  capable  of  getting  dynamite 
down  to  such  a  fine  point  that  when  his  new-found  brethren  in  Anarchy 
started  their  revolution  they  would  be  more  successful  than  his  French  asso- 
ciates had  been.  He  finally  succeeded  in  making  an  explosive  similar  to 
dynamite,  but  which  was  found  very  unsafe  to  handle.  After  some  of  the 
Anarchists  had  tried  it  and  got  hurt,  they  refrained  from  further  meddling, 
and  dropped  both  the  Frenchman  and  his  explosive.  For  a  long  time  there- 
after dynamite  was  not  heard  of. 

A  man  living  on  West  Lake  Street,  however,  still  entertained  hopes,  and 
finally  supplied  some  of  the  Anarchists  with  a  dynamite  prescription  by 
which  they  could  use  it  with  great  effect.  In  imparting  his  knowledge  he 
told  them  to  keep  the  "stuff"  hermetically  sealed,  for  if  the  air  reached  it 
an  explosion  would  surely  follow.  Some  found  this  true,  to  their  sorrow. 

Then  a  man  residing  on  West  Twelfth  Street  stepped  to  the  front  and 
supplied  what  he  claimed  could  be  successfully  used.  One  Sunday  some 
half  dozen  Anarchists  went  out  to  Riverside  to  test  the  new  compound  by 
putting  some  of  it  under  a  lot  of  stone  near  the  Desplaines  River,  but,  to 
their  surprise  and  mortification,  they  found  that  it  was  so  weak  that  it 
scarcely  made  a  noise. 

Subsequently  the  Southwest  Side  group  took  up  the  dynamite  problem 
and  experimented  with  the  "stuff."  The  members  of  this  group,  known  at 


EXPERIMENTING   WITH  DYNAMITE.  179 

the  time  familiarly  as  "  the  Bridgeport  group,"  were  the  craziest  lot  of  Anar- 
chists in  the  city,  and,  judging  from  their  talk,  were  always  ready  to  partici- 
pate in  a  riot  or  a  revolution.  They  were  great  readers  of  books  on 
Socialism,  Communism,  Anarchy  and  Nihilism,  and  they  had  drilled  them- 
selves thoroughly  in  arms  for  the  coming  uprising.  But  they  wanted  some- 
thing more  potent  and  effective  than  simple  guns  and  revolvers,  and,  as  they 
possessed  a  work  on  "The  Wonders  of  Chemistry,"  they  saw  no  reason 
why  they  could  not  carry  out  its  instructions  with  reference  to  dynamite  and 
find  some  means  for  putting  them  to  practical  use.  They  accordingly  experi- 
mented. They  had  a  friend  in  a  drug-store  on  State  Street,  near  Van 
Buren,  and  from  him  they  obtained  their  supplies  by  paying  a  good  round 
price.  This  store  finally  became  known  to  all  the  Socialists  in  the  city,  but, 
as  the  owner  became  frightened  at  the  publicity  obtained,  he  declined  to 
furnish  any  more  material  for  experiments.  The  Anarchists,  however,  had 
met  with  some  small  success,  and  they  were  not  discouraged.  They  found 
another  friend  on  West  Twelfth  Street,  and  this  party  sold  them  dynamite 
cartridges  such  as  are  used  by  miners. 

There  were  in  the  city  at  the  time  the  Bridgeport  group,  the  Town  of 
Lake  group,  the  South  Side  group,  the  Southwest  Side  group,  the  Frei- 
heit  group,  the  Northwest  Side  group,  the  North  Side  group,  the  Karl 
Marx  group,  the  English  group,  the  Lake  View  group  (near  Clybourn 
Avenue),  and  another  group  which  existed  only  a  short  time,  all  together 
having  a  membership  list  of  about  1,500  men,  who  hailed  with  great  delight 
the  report  that  with  some  further  experiments  the  dynamite  cartridges  could 
be  made  serviceable  not  only  for  blowing  up  buildings,  but  also  for  use  in 
a  hand-to-hand  conflict  in  a  crowd. 

The  members  of  the  Lehr  und  Wehr  Verein  were  not  then  interested 
in  this  branch  of  Socialism.  They  drilled  with  arms  and  believed  in  meeting 
the  enemy  with  guns.  It  was  about  this  time  —  October,  1883  —  that  the 
national  convention  of  Socialists  was  held  at  Pittsburg  to  formulate  plans  and 
principles,  and  there  was  a  division  of  sentiment  on  the  use  of  dynamite. 
The  radical  delegates  from  Chicago,  as  stated  in  a  preceding  chapter,  were 
numerous,  and  insisted  on  employing  the  most  effective  weapon  they  could 
find  to  exterminate  capitalists.  The  result  of  the  conflict  was  that  on  their 
return  home  they  made  it  a  point  to  bring  over  the  members  of  the  Lehr 
und  Wehr  Verein,  some  of  whom  had  opposed  them  at  Pittsburg,  to  their 
ideas,  and  some  time  thereafter  they  succeeded  in  having  the  superiority  of 
dynamite  over  guns  almost  generally  conceded.  Not  only  that,  but  some  of 
the  members  became  enthusiastic  in  the  experiments  being  made.  One 
member  had  even  reached  a  point  beyond  his  competitors  in  making  round 
cast-iron  bombs,  and  succeeded  in  turning  out  fifty  pieces.  A  few  were 
tried,  with  what  success  is  not  known,  but  one  night  two  friends  of  the  man 
went  to  him,  told  him  that  they  had  heard  of  his  having  bombs  and  that  his 


i8o  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

arrest  would  be  made  the  next  day.  In  fact,  they  assured  him  that 
he  had  been  spotted  for  some  time  by  detectives.  This  frightened  the  man, 
and  he  begged  his  friends  to  assist  him  in  carrying  the  bombs  away  and  thus 
help  him  out  of  his  troubles.  The  three  then  went  to  work,  removed  the 
bombs,  and,  to  effectually  destroy  all  evidence,  threw  them  into  the  lake. 

This  procedure  gave  the  great  man  of  the  Lehr  und  Wehr  Verein  a 
chance  to  breathe  a  little  easier,  the  air  seemed  to  be  more  bracing,  and  he 
could  look  into  the  eye  of  a  policeman,  when  he  passed  one,  with  more 
assurance  and  confidence.  But  one  of  those  bombs  got  astray  while  being 
removed,  just  before  the  others  were  submerged,  and  it  afterwards  came 
into  the  possession  of  the  police.  It  has  had  its  picture  taken  and  looks 
quite  innocent  on  paper.  *• 

An  engraving  of  it  is  herewith  presented.  This  sort  of  iron  bomb  was 
afterwards  adopted  as  a  model,  and  became  quite  popular  with  the  brave 
dynamite  experimenters  until  some  one  manufactured  a-  smaller  one  that 
could  be  carried  handily  in  a  coat  pocket. 

They  next  adopted  the  long  iron  gas-pipe  bomb,  six  inches  in  length, 
which  could  be  carried  in  the  inside  vest  pocket. 
Every  one  fell  in  love  with  the  new  invention,  espe- 
cially Fischer,  and  he  kept  a  large  soap-box  full  of 
the  bombs  at  his  home,  carefully  concealed  under  his 
bed. 

But  the  Anarchists  were  bent  on  still  greater 
improvements.  They  continued  their  experiments, 
and  the  next  new  invention  was  the  round  lead 
bomb,  called  by  them  the  "Czar  bomb."  This  was  the  kind  brought 
to  August  Spies'  office  by  "the  man  from  Cleveland,"  or  rather  by 
Louis  Lingg.  One  of  these  bombs  is  shown  in  a  full-page  engraving  pre- 
sented elsewhere.  They  had  been  designated  as  the  "Czar  bomb"  until 
bombs  began  to  fill  my  office,  and  then  they  were  referred  to  as  "the 
round  lead  bombs."  The  police  knew  them  as  Lingg's  bombs. 

Some  of  Fischer's  bombs  were  scattered  among  trusted  Anarchists  in 
the  Board  of  Trade  procession,  and  their  effectiveness  would  have  been 
tried  on  that  occasion  had  it  not  been  for  police  interference.  The  char- 
acter and  explosiveness  of  the  "Lingg bomb "  are  described  in  the  testimony 
of  the  officers  and  expert  chemists  during  the  trial. 

SAMUEL  FIELDEN  was  found  at  his  home  during  the  day  of  May  5th,  and 
placed  under  arrest.  He  accepted  the  situation  calmly,  and,  without  a 
remonstrance,  accompanied  the  officers  to  the  Central  Station.  Officer 
Slayton,  who  had  him  in  care,  introduced  him  to  the  Lieutenant  in  charge  of 
the  detective  department,  and,  in  view  of  the  conspicuous  part  the  prisoner 
had  played  at  the  Haymarket,  one  would  suppose  that  he  would  have  been 
subjected  to  a  very  rigorous  examination  as  to  his  movements  for  several 


SAMUEL  FIELDEN. 


181 


days  preceding  the  evening  of  May  4.  But  nothing  of  the  kind  occurred. 
The  Lieutenant  proceeded  to  denounce  him  in  English  more  vigorous  than 
elegant,  and  delivered  himself  of  an  opinion  about  the  man  and  the  work 
of  the  Anarchists  at  the  Haymarket.  Fielden  stood  it  all  without  a  mur- 
mur, and  probably  would  have  said  nothing  had  not  the  Lieutenant  called  him 
a  Dutchman.  That  allusion  was  the  "last  straw."  Fielden  remonstrated 
and  emphatically  declared  that  he  was  an  Englishman.  He  was  subse- 
quently turned  over  to  Superintendent  Ebersold,  and,  while  exhibiting  his 
wound,  caused  by  a  shot  during  the  Haymarket  riot,  he  was  informed  by 
that  officer  that  it  ought  to  have  gone  through  his  head.  The  observation 
was  a  pertinent  one  at  the  mo- 
ment, and  possibly  the  felicity 
of  its  expression  may  have  sat- 
isfied the  official  that  with  it 
his  duty  had  ended  in  the  case. 
At  any  rate,  Fielden  was  not 
catechized  to  any  material  extent 
by  the  Chief,  and  that  official,  as 
well  as  the  head  of  the  detective 
department,  was  no  wiser  than 
before  the  man's  arrest. 

The  prisoner,  who  had  been 
shown  to  have  declared  at  the 
Haymarket,  "Here  come  the 
bloodhounds,  the  police  ;  you  do 
your  duty  and  I'll  do  mine," 
and  to  have  fired  a  shot  in  the 
direction  of  the  police  after  dis- 
mounting from  the  speakers' 
wagon,  was  then  passed  into  a 
cell.  His  house  was  searched, 
but  nothing  of  a  criminating 
character  was  discovered.  He  undoubtedly  possessed  a  great  deal  of  infor- 
mation respecting  the  revolutionary  plot.  Had  it  not  been  for  work  done 
outside  of  the  Central  Station,  Fielden  would  have  been  speedily  released, 
and  possibly  some  apology  might  have  been  offered  him  for  the  incon- 
venience occasioned  by  his  arrest  and  the  unintentional  reflection  cast  upon 
the  English  and  German  nationalities. 

Fielden  was  kept  locked  up,  indicted,  and  finally  convicted  on  discoveries 
made  independently  of  the  Chief's  office  or  the  detective  department.  The 
education,  demeanor  and  independence  of  the  man  were  well  calculated  to 
deceive  the  most  expert  readers  of  human  nature,  and  his  emphatic  asser- 
tions regarding  the  want  of  any  knowledge  of  a  conspiracy  would  have 


SAMUEL  FIELDEN. 
From  a  Photograph  taken  by  the  Police. 


i82  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

made  him  a  free  man  to-day  had  his  case  rested  on  the  efforts  of  the  Central 
Station.  Fielden  was  a  sort  of  diamond  in  the  rough.  He  possessed  much 
native  ability,  a  ruggedness  of  character  which  commanded  admiration,  and 
a  force  and  volubility  of  speech  which  swayed  the  unlettered  masses.  Had 
he  passed  through  either  an  academic  or  collegiate  training,  there  is  no  tell- 
ing what  eminence  he  might  have  achieved  in  the  higher  walks  of  life.  His 
rough,  uncouth  appearance  greatly  heightened  the  effect  of  his  utterances, 
as  few  looked  for  eloquence  from  such  a  man.  He  was  born  in  Dod- 
morden,  Lancashire,  England,  in  1847,  and  spent  a  number  of  his  earlier 
years  in  a  cotton  mill.  While  thus  engaged  he  became  a  Sunday-school 
teacher  at  the  age  of  eighteen,  and  some  time  later  branched  out  as  an 
itinerant  Methodist  exhorter.  Some  time  after  (1868)  he  came  to  America, 
settling  in  New  York,  and  the  next  year  he  found  his  way  to  Chicago.  He 
went  to  work  at  Summit,  a  hamlet  a  few  miles  southwest  of  town,  on  the 
farm  of  ex-Mayor  John  Wentworth,  but  he  did  not  remain  there  long  before 
he  migrated  to  Arkansas  and  Louisiana  to  engage  in  railroad  construction 
work.  In  1871  he  returned  to  Chicago  and  engaged  in  manual  labor,  prin- 
cipally as  teamster  in  handling  stone.  In  1880  he  became  a  member  of  the 
Liberal  League,  and  under  the  training  and  guidance  of  George  Schilling 
he  soon  became  a  rabid  Socialist.  From  that  the  step  was  only  a  short  one 
to  unbridled  Anarchy,  and  the  pupil  finally  became  a  teacher  to  Schilling  in 
advanced  theories  on  the  state  of  society  they  all  sought  to  inaugurate. 
Fielden  finally  became  a  boon  companion  of  Spies  and  Parsons,  and  all  the 
rugged  eloquence  he  could  command  was  given  to  the  cause.  He  was  a 
more  forcible  speaker  than  either  of  the  two  just  named,  and  whenever  he 
preached  force,  as  he  always  did  after  becoming  an  Anarchist,  his  language 
commanded  wider  attention  and  made  a  deeper  impression.  Had  it  not 
been  for  his  own  sincere  penitence  for  his  past  misdeeds  and  the  interven- 
tion of  influential  friends  because  of  that  penitence,  he  would  have  died  on 
the  gallows.  But  he  recanted  at  the  last  moment  of  hope  for  clemency,  and 
the  Governor  commuted  his  sentence  to  imprisonment  for  life.  He  is  a 
married  man  with  two  small  children,  and  the  misery  he  wrought  upon 
them  has  been  beyond  expression.  Such  is  the  fruit  of  Anarchy. 


CHAPTER  XL 

My  Connection  with  the  Anarchist  Cases  —  A  Scene  at  the  Central  Office 

Mr.  Hanssen's  Discovery  —  Politics  and  Detective  Work  — Jealousy  against  Inspector 

Bonfield  —  Dynamiters  on  Exhibition  —  Courtesies  to  the  Prize-fighters  —  A  Friendly 

Tip My  First  Light  on  the  Case  —  A  Promise  of  Confidence  —  One  Night's  Work  — 

The  Chief  Agrees  to  my  Taking  up    the  Case — Laying  Our  Plans  — "We  Have 

Found  the  Bomb  Factory  !  " —  Is  it  a  Trap  ?  —  A  Patrol-wagon  Full  of  Dynamite  —  No 
Help  Hoped  for  from  Headquarters  —  Conference  with  State's  Attorney  Grinnell  — 
Furthmann's  Work  —  Opening  up  the  Plot  —  Trouble  with  the  Newspaper  Men  —  Un- 
expected Advantage  of  Hostile  Criticism  —  Information  from  Unexpected  Quarters  — 
Queer  Episodes  of  the  Hunt  —  Clues  Good,  Bad  and  Indifferent — A  Mysterious  Lady 
with  a  Veil  —  A  Conference  in  my  Back  Yard — The  Anarchists  Alarmed  —  A  Breezy 
Conference  with  Ebersold  —  Threatening  Letters  —  Menaces  Sent  to  the  Wives  of  the 
Men  Working  on  the  Case  —  How  the  Ladies  Behaved  —  The  Judge  and  Mrs.  Gary  — 
Detectives  on  Each  Other's  Trail  —  The  Humors  of  the  Case  —  Amusing  Incidents. 

I  HAVE  often  been  asked  how  it  was  that  I  came  to  have  charge  of  the 
detective  work  which  was  done  in  bringing  the  Anarchists  to  justice,  and 
I  think  that  the  time  has  now  come  for  the  whole  story  to  be  told.  I  think 
it  would  be  a  false  delicacy  for  me,  in  this  book,  which  I  mean  to  make,  as 
nearly  as  I  can,  a  fair  and  truthful  record  of  the  Anarchist  case,  to  pass  over 
the  notorious  incompetency  which  prevailed  at  Police  Headquarters  at  that 
time.  It  cannot  be  denied  that,  had  the  case  been  left  in  the  hands  of  the 
men  of  the  Central  Office,  the  prosecution  would  have  come  to  naught,  and 
these  red-handed  murderers  would  have  gone  unwhipped  of  justice.  This 
was  something  which  every  good  citizen  would  have  been  bound  to  prevent, 
and  more  than  others  a  police  officer,  for  into  our  hands  is  intrusted  the 
care  of  the  lives  and  property  of  the  community  and  the  preservation  of  la-w 
and  order.  I  knew  as  well  as  my  questioners  that  the  case  belonged  to  the 
Central  Office.  There  was  the  Chief ;  there  were  the  two  heads  of  the  detec- 
tive department ;  there  was  the  detective  corps,  supposed  to  contain  the 
keenest  and  the  best  officers  on  the  force. 

From  the  first  I  was  satisfied  that  the  men  at  headquarters  neither 
appreciated  the  gravity  of  the  occasion,  nor  were  they  able  to  cope  with  the 
conspirators -a  set  of  wily,  secret  and  able  men,  who  had  made  a  special 
study  of  the  art  and  mystery  of  baffling  the  law  and  avoiding  the  police. 
There  was  neither  order,  discipline  nor  brains  at  headquarters.  Every 
officer  did  as  he  liked,  and  the  department  was  rent  and  paralyzed  with  the 
,euds  and  jealousies  between  the  chiefs  and  the  subordinates.  This,  too, 
was  at  a  time  when  the  people  of  Chicago  were  in  a  condition  of  mind 
almost  bordering  upon  panic.  They  were  looking  to  us  for  protection, 
red  flag  was  flaunted  in  the  streets,  demagogues  were  shouting  dynamite  in 
a  dozen  parts  of  the  city,  riotous  mobs  had  already  met  the  police  — and  the 

183 


184 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 


police  were  in  charge  of  a  man  who  —  it  is  a  charity  to  say  no  more  —  had 
neither  a  proper  conception  of  his  duties  nor  the  ability  to  perform  them. 

For  instance,  on  the  evening  of  May  3  all  the  captains  of  the  city  were 
ordered  to  meet  at  the  Chief's  office,  and,  together  with  Inspector  Bonfield, 
they  responded  promptly.  While  the  situation  was  being  discussed,  there 
was  a  rap  at  the  door.  I  was  nearest  the  entrance,  and  I  opened  it.  Mr. 
Hanssen,  one  of  the  editors  of  the  Freie  Presse,  was  there.  He  handed  in  a 
paper,  saying  that  it  was  of  most  serious  import  —  so  serious  that,  as  soon  as 
he  had  seen  it,  he  had  felt  it  his  duty  to  bring  it  to  police  headquarters.  It 
was  the  "  Revenge "  circular,  of  which  so  much  is  said  elsewhere  in  this 
book,  and  which  afterwards  became  so  notorious.  I  handed  it  to  Chief 
Ebersold,  who  glanced  at  it  and  said  it  was  all  nonsense.  "  Why,"  said  he, 
"  we  are  prepared  for  them."  Bonfield  looked  it  over,  and  thought  it  serious. 

I  was  sure  that  it  meant  mischief  and  murder, 
but  the  rest  treated  it  as  a  farce.  Now,  what 
was  to  be  expected  from  men  who  had  no  clearer 
idea  of  the  gravity  of  the  crisis  that  was  upon 
us  than  the  story  of  this  incident  conveys. 

On  the  next  evening  the  crash  of  dynamite 
was  for  the  first  time  heard  on  the  streets  of  an 
American  city.      The  Red  Terror  was  upon  us. 
What  was  done  ? 

Every  citizen  of  Chicago  demanded  justice 
for  the  brave  men  who  had  fallen — justice  on 
the  miscreants  who  had  done  them  to  death. 
Knowing  what  I  did  of  the  manner  in  which  the 

DETECTIVE  JAMES  BONFIELD.    detective  work  was  apt  to  be  done>  it  will  not  be 
From  a  Photograph.  JJxUiT  A  -JtJ 

wondered  that  1  at  once  made  up  my  mind  to  do 

what  lay  in  my  power  to  hunt  these  murderers  down.  Even  had  I  not  so 
concluded,  the  events  of  that  day,  the  5th  of  May,  would  have  fastened  the 
determination  in  my  mind.  At  ten  o'clock  in  the  morning  I  was  ordered  by 
telephone  to  report  at  the  Central  Station  at  once  with  two  companies  — 
trouble  was  momentarily  expected  on  the  Black  Road.  When  I  had  disposed 
my  men  at  the  City  Hall,  and  arranged  for  the  patrol  wagons  we  were  to 
occupy  if  a  call  should  come,  there  was  nothing  to  do  but  wait  in  the  Chief's 
office  till  we  were  summoned.  No  one  ever  had  a  better  opportunity  of 
seeing  how  the  police  business  of  the  city  was  transacted. 

It  was  a  time  of  acute  excitement,  the  day  after  the  Haymarket.  The 
Chief  was  in  a  state  of  alarm  that  would  have  been  ridiculous  if  it  had  not 
been  pitiable.  Whenever  the  telephone  rang,  he  would  start  nervously  and 
demand,  "Is  that  on  the  prairie,  or  the  Black  Road?"  and  when  assured 
that  there  was  no  trouble,  his  relief  was  absurdly  manifest.  Among  the 


POLITICS  AND  JEALOUSY. 


185 


detectives  the  topic  was  whether  they  would  be  called  on  to  work  in  the 
Anarchist  case  and  how  many  they  would  be  expected  to  arrest. 

Another  question  that  bothered  them  was  :  What  would  the  old  man 
(Mayor  Harrison)  say  if  they  went  to  work  arresting  Anarchists,  and  how 
would  he  like  it  ? 

The  officers  who  did  their  duty  after  such  a  stupendous  crime  as  the 
slaughter  of  the  police  officers  would  never  have  lost  anything  in  the  end, 
even  if  they  should  have  lost  their  positions.  The  question,  "  How  would 
Harrison  like  it  ?  "  as  asked  by  one  of  the  detectives,  should,  therefore,  have 
cut  no  figure,  and  possibly  it  did  not.  Probably  the  officer  fell  back  upon  it 
as  an  excuse  for  his  own  laziness  and  incompetence.  But  one  thing  is  cer- 
tain, and  that  is  that  the  department  did  BBfratoffia...  v^ — *— ;  "li 

nothing  to  speak  of  in  the  case. 

I  saw  some  of  those  red-handed  mur- 
derers come  out  of  that  office  smiling 
and  laughing  instead  of  being  made  to 
feel  that  they  were  about  to  have  a  rope 
around  their  necks. 

In  fact,  the  Central  Office  was  run  so  ! 
that  no  one  could  tell  who  was  officer, 
waiter  or  janitor.  Everybody  had  a  full 
sweep  in  and  out  of  the  office,  and  if  a 
prisoner  happened  to  be  brought  in  by 
some  well-meaning  officer,  everybody 
was  allowed  to  hear  the  investigation. 
It  was  a  sort  of  town  meeting,  and  it 
was  free  to  all. 

At  that  time  Inspector  Bonfield  had 
been  receiving  a  great  deal  of  favorable 
mention  in  the  newspapers,  in  connec- 
tion with  the  labor  troubles,  and  this  aroused  the  jealousy  of  Chief  Eber- 
sold.  The  Chief  accordingly  concluded  to  attend  to  all  the  business  himself, 
assisted  by  his  pet  gang  of  ignorant  detectives,  and  they  made  a  fine  mess 
of  it.  But  forces  were  at  work,  in  spite  of  the  internal  difficulties,  which 
rescued  the  case  from  utter  failure. 

On  the  morning  of  May  5,  at  an  early  hour,  Inspector  Bonfield  had  a 
short  interview  with  State's  Attorney  Grinnell ;  but  exactly  what  transpired 
no  one  but  themselves  knew.  Before  noon  of  that  day,  however,  the  result 
could  be  plainly  seen.  Officers  James  Bonfield,  Palmer,  Slayton  and  a  few 
others  had  by  that  time  succeeded  in  arresting  August  Spies,  Chris  Spies, 
Schwab,  Fischer  and  Fielden.  Of  course,  this  step  only  served  to  create 
more  jealousy  in  the  Central  Station. 

After  the  prisoners  had  been  brought  in,  some  of  the  newspaper  report- 


OFFICER   HENRY   PALMER. 
From  a  Photograph. 


1 86 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 


ers  endeavored  to  obtain  interviews  with  them,  but  they  were  not  permitted 
to  get  anywhere  near  the  /  narchists. 

In  the  meantime,  and  while  the  working  officers  were  out  hunting  for 
more  of  the  chief  conspirators,  the  lieutenants  in  command  of  the  detective 
department  concluded  that  they  would  enjoy  a  little  breathing-spell. 
Accordingly  they  took  a  stroll  among  the  fashionable  saloons  on  Clark 
Street.  There  they  met  their  friends,  and  while  sampling  the  various  decoc- 
tions compounded  by  the  cocktail  dispensers,  they  fell  in  with  a  party  of 
professional  prize-fighters,  heavy-weight  and  light-weight,  and  match-makers 
for  man  and  beast.  They  found  there  was  more  sport  in  that  party  than  in 
taking  risks  by  going  out  into  the  suburbs  through  tough  streets  and  dirty 
alley-ways  looking  for  Anarchists. 

At  any  rate,    after  a  lot   of  wine  had  been  consumed  and  good  cigars 

tested,  round  after  round,  one  of  the  pug-faced 
sluggers  made  the  remark  to  one  of  the  lieu- 
tenants that  he  would  like  to  see  the  Anar- 
chists who  had  been  arrested,  and  the  officer 
addressed  responded:  "Of  course  you  can 
see  them  —  all  you  gentlemen  can  see  them. 
Come  right  along  with  us." 

They  all  fell  into  line,  went  over  to  the 
Central  Station,  were  taken  down  stairs  to  the 
lock-up,  and  there  told  to  go  around  and  look 
for  themselves.  This  was  some  time  after 
nine  o'clock  in  the  evening,  and  after  the 
part)'  had  satisfied  their  curiosity,  they  returned 
to  the  saloon  which  they  had  left.  The  vigi- 

DFFICER  (NOW  LIEUT.)    BAER.        ^     reporters    had     noticed    thjs     proceedin$f 

and,  holding  a  short  conference,  they  resolved  to  insist  on  seeing  the  pris- 
oners also.  They  told  the  officials  that  the  public  had  as  much  right  to 
know  about  the  parties  arrested  as  a  gang  of  prize-fighters,  whether  Sulli- 
vans  or  lesser  lights  in  the  prize-ring  firmament,  and  the  lieutenants  at  once 
recognized  the  force  of  the  argument.  Between  eleven  and  twelve  that 
night  one  reporter  from  each  paper  in  the  city  was  allowed  to  see  the 
Anarchists,  and  interviews  were  secured  for  publication  the  next  morning. 

When  I  understood  how  the  whole  affair  was  being  managed  during  that 
day,  I  came  to  the  conclusion  that  the  case  would  never  be  worked  up  by 
that  department,  and  I  was  more  resolved  than  ever  that  if  the  opportunity 
came  I  would  not  rest  until  the  criminals  were  brought  to  justice. 

Inspector  Bonfield  had  likewise  become  disgusted  with  the  nervous 
actions  of  the  Chief  and  the  heads  of  the  detective  department,  and  he 
decided  to  confine  his  operations  to  the  West  Side.  He  went  over  there 
that  day, —  May  5, —  and  as  a  result  he  cleaned  out  all  Lake  Street  from 


A  FRIENDLY  TIP.  187 

the  river  to  Halsted  Street.  He  broke  up  all  the  Anarchist  rendezvous, 
captured  their  guns,  confiscated  their  flags,  and  created  general  dismay 
among  the  reds.  Some  sought  safety  by  fleeing  to  the  roofs,  others  escaped 
through  back  alleys,  and  still  others  got  into  the  dark  recesses  of  basements. 
When  they  learned  that  "  Black  "  Bonfield,  as  they  called  him,  was  on  their 
track,  consternation  took  possession  of  them  all.  The  Inspector  had  no 
easy  task.  He  looked  up  all  their  halls  and  meeting-places,  hunted  for 
"Revenge"  circulars  at  every  place  he  visited,  and  in  every  instance  he 
found  plenty  of  them  as  evidence  of  the  extensive  circulation  given  that 
document  among  Anarchists.  He  gathered  them  all  together,  and  in  the 
trial  they  proved  of  great  service  to  the  State  as  showing  that  all  had 
notice  to  come  to  the  Haymarket  meeting  with  arms  and  be  prepared  for  a 
deadly  conflict.  After  that  day  Inspector  Bonfield  turned  all  his  attention  to 
the  sick  and  wounded  officers  and  their  families,  and,  as  a  consequence,  the 
Central  Station  was  left  without  a  competent  head.  But  the  Central  con- 
sidered itself  capable  of  handling  the  case,  and  Bonfield  never  asked  any 
questions.  Ebersold  and  the  dual-headed  monstrosities  in  charge  of  the 
detective  department  struggled  along,  and,  with  a  great  deal  of  bluster, 
endeavored  to  show  to  the  outside  world  that  they  were  moving  along  finely. 
But  they  accomplished  absolutely  nothing.  Insults  in  various  ways  were 
heaped  upon  Bonfield,  so  that  every  one  about  the  City  Hall  noticed  them. 
Even  on  the  5th  of  May,  the  slights  cast  upon  the  Inspector  were  com- 
mented upon  by  some  of  the  officers  in  the  Central.  Some  of  the  officers 
friendly  to  the  incompetents  would  declare  that  Bonfield  did  not  know  his 
business  and  that  he  was  to  blame  for  the  killing  of  the  officers,  but  there 
were  others  who  took  a  different  view  and  regretted  that  he  was  not  kept  con- 
tinually at  work  on  the  case.  In  fact,  the  only  ones  about  the  building, 
after  the  incompetent  heads  took  charge,  who  showed  a  willingness  to  work 
and  who  tried  to  do  their  duty,  were  Officers  James  Bonfield,  Palmer  and 
Slayton.  All  the  rest  looked  scared,  absent-minded  and  indifferent. 

On  the  next  morning — May  6 — I  was  again  at  the  Central  Headquar- 
ters. I  learned  then  how  deep  and  wide-spread  was  the  spirit  that  per- 
vaded the  department.  Nothing  was  done,  and  nothing  was  proposed  to 
be  done.  I  also  learned  of  the  treatment  accorded  Officer  Palmer  by  the 
lieutenants  in  charge  of  the  department. 

The  whole  trouble  appeared  to  be  that  no  one  cared  about  doing  any- 
thing, and  that  if  any  one  had  the  temerity  to  bring  information  in,  he  would 
be  kicked  out.  While  such  was  the  stupidity  or  the  lethargy  of  the  head 
officials,  I  was  powerless  to  act.  I  could  not  take  the  case  away  from  my 
superior  officer  on  information  rejected  and  spurned  by  those  in  authority 
about  police  headquarters,  and  I  almost  despaired  of  ever  seeing  the  culprits 
brought  to  punishment. 

An   incident  occurred,   however,   which  changed  the    whole   course  of 


1 88  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

events.  On  my  way  home  to  supper  that  evening,  about  six  o'clock  —  May 
6 — I  met  a  man  near  my  house.  He  acted  as  though  greatly  frightened, 
but  he  had  some  information  he  wished  to  impart  to  me.  He  was  afraid  to 
speak,  as  he  said  it  was  life  or  death  to  him. 

"If  I  speak,"  he  said,  "and  these  people  [the  Anarchists]  find  it  out, 
they  will  kill  me  sure.  On  the  other  hand,  when  I  think  of  how  many 
were  killed,  it  drives  me  nearly  crazy.  I  can  probably  help  to  bring  the 
murderers  to  justice,  and  I  cannot  forgive  myself  unless  I  try  to  assist." 

I  told  the  man  that  as  a  good  citizen  it  was  his  duty  to  tell  everything 
he  knew  about  the  affair,  and  that  I  should  consider  everything  he  said 
strictly  confidential.  My  personal  pledge  being  given  to  him  that  I  would 
not  get  him  into  trouble  by  exposing  him  to  the  reds,  he  began  his  statement. 
The  man  did  not  tell  very  much,  but  after  I  had  gathered  together  all 
the  little  threads  carefully,  the  whole  proved  of  considerable  service.  After 
supper  I  went  to  a  great  many  places  and  remained  out  till  four  o'clock  the 
next  morning.  The  following  day  I  instructed  some  of  my  people  how  to 
get  information  respecting  the  throwing  of  the  Haymarket  bomb,  and  I  told 
them  where  they  might  leave  their  information  if  they  obtained  any.  I  got 
back  to  the  station  at  9  A.M.,  and  found  in  my  closed  letter-box  a  slip  of 
paper  containing  about  five  lines  of  important  news.  I  scanned  the  paper 
closely,  and  those  who  stood  around  told  me  afterwards  that  they  noticed 
that  my  face  brightened  up  considerably. 

I  knew  then  that  I  had  a  very  light  starter  in  the  case,  but  a  good  one. 
I  could  readily  see  also  that  everything  had  to  be  handled  with  the  greatest 
care,  and  by  preserving  the  utmost  confidence  with  the  informers.  I  knew, 
too,  that  nothing  must  be  told  even  in  the  Chief's  office  or  in  the  detective 
department. 

I  had  previously  discovered  that  there  was  not  a  man  among  tne  tnree 
heads  of  the  Central  that  knew  how  to  listen  to  information,  how  to  put 
questions  or  remember  conversation,  or,  in  fact,  to  have  anything  in  shape, 
or  to  keep  secrets,  and  I  therefore  decided  to  keep  my  own  counsel. 

On  the  morning  of  the  yth  of  May,  at  nine  o'clock,  I  arrived  at  the  Chief's 
office  and  asked  him  if  he  had  any  good  news.  He  replied  that  it  was  hard 
to  get  at  the  bottom  of  the  affair.  I  then  asked  him  if  he  would  give  me 
the  privilege  of  working  up  the  case.  He  looked  at  me  a  moment  and  then 
said,  "Yes." 

"Yes,  Captain,"  he  added,  after  a  brief  pause,  "I  will  —  sure.  If  you 
can  do  anything,  do  it.  I  hope  you  will  do  it.  I  shall  be  pleased  if  you 
can  only  do  it." 

I  then  said  :  "With  your  permission  I  will  work  this  case  and  all  there 
is  in  the  case.  You  will  hear  from  me  soon,  but  if  you  should  not  hear  from 
me  in  three  months,  do  not  ask  for  me.  I  am  going  to  work  night  and  day 
until  this  case  is  cleared  up.  Good  day." 


PREPARING  FOR  WORK. 


189 


Then  I  started  for  the  North  Side.  Arriving  at  the  station,  Lieut. 
Larsen  handed  me  a  little  note  which  had  been  left  for  me.  It  was  small, 
but  full  of  information,  and  was  the  first  fruit  of  one  night's  work.  I  imme- 
diately turned  over  the  command  of  the  station  and  all  the  details  to  Lieut. 
Larsen,  and  at  once  called  in  my  old  reliable  officers,  those  whom  I  knew  to 
be  honest  and  true,  strong  and  vigilant,  intelligent  and  brave.  They  began 
earnestly  and  were  with  me  through  all  the  investigations  up  to  November 
n,  1887.  They  were  Michael  Whalen,  John  Stift,  Michael  Hoffmann, 


CHAS.  REHM. 


JOHN  STIFT.  JACOB  LOEWENSTEIN. 

Hermann  Schuettler,  Jacob  Loewenstein  and  Charles  Rehm,  and  they 
reported  to  me  promptly  at  the  office,  where  they  received  their  first  instruc- 
tions. I  told  them  that  this  must  be  like  all  the  other  cases  we  had  worked, 
secret  and  only  known  among  ourselves.  All  information  and  reports  must 
come  to  me  as  soon  as  possible,  and  all  details  must  be  attended  to  strictly. 
I  further  told  them  that  they  must  expect  a  forty-eight  hours'  stretch  of  work 
frequently  before  we  got  to  the  end  ;  that  they  must  keep  in  mind  that 
their  lives  would  often  be  in  danger,  but  they  should  only  kill  in  dire  neces- 
sity. Insults  or  abuses  they  must  not  take  from  any  one.  I  knew  that 


igo  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

they  would  get  into  many  of  those  h — 1-holes,  where  the  women  were  a 
great  deal  worse  than  the  men,  and  I  proposed  that  the  officers  should  show 
that  they  were  not  to  be  trifled  with  in  the  discharge  of  their  duties. 

The  field  chosen  for  work  was  the  vicinity  of  Clybourn  Avenue,  Sedg- 
wick  Street  and  North  Avenue.  The  officers  were  provided  with  chisels, 
jimmies  and  keys  and  one  or  two  dark  lanterns,  and  after  these  preliminary 
arrangements  they  mounted  a  patrol  wagon  and  started  for  the  scene  of 
their  operations.  This  detail  was  in  charge  of  Officer  Whalen,  and  the  first 
objective  point  was  Sedgwick  Street,  near  the  residence  of  Seliger.  They 
began  searching  all  the  houses,  barns  and  wood-sheds  belonging  to  Anar- 
chists, and  created  quite  a  consternation  in  the  locality. 

While  they  were  thus  engaged,  I  was  temporarily  called  away  from  my 
office,  and  on  my  return  I  was  soon  called  up  by  a  telephone  message  from 
the  Larrabee  Street  Station.  Answering  the  call,  I  recognized  the  voice 
of  Officer  Whalen,  and  some  important  news  was  at  once  communicated. 

"We  have  found  the  bomb  factory,"  said  Officer  Whalen.  "It  is  in  the 
rear  of  No.  442  Sedgwick  Street.  The  house  is  full  of  bombs  and  all  kinds 
of  material.  My  men  are  all  there,  and  I  am  almost  afraid  to  touch  any 
of  the  stuff.  There  are  some  very  queer-looking  things,  besides  round  lead 
bombs  and  very  long  iron  bombs,  about  the  house,  and  probably  some  trap 
may  have  been  set  to  blow  us  all  up  the  moment  the  articles  are  disturbed." 

I  questioned  him  as  to  whether  there  was  any  one  about  the  house,  and, 
being  answered  in  the  negative,  I  instructed  the  officer  to  handle  everything 
himself  and  exercise  great  caution.  Everything  that  looked  suspicious  was 
to  be  packed  in  a  box  and  sent  to  the  Chicago  Avenue  Station.  I  further 
instructed  the  officer  to  hunt  up  the  parties  who  lived  there,  place  them 
under  arrest  and  send  them  also  to  the  same  station. 

Whalen  then  returned  to  the  house,  packed  up  all  the  "stuff"  and 
hunted  for  the  occupants,  who  were  nowhere  to  be  found.  He  ascertained 
their  names,  however,  and  learned  from  the  neighbors  that  the  head  of  the 
house  worked  in  Meyer's  Mill,  a  sash  and  door  factory  on  the  North  Pier. 
This  information  was  telephoned  to  me,  and  I  instructed  Lieut.  Larsen  just 
what  I  desired  in  the  way  of  securing  the  man's  arrest.  The  Lieutenant 
called  up  the  Larrabee  Street  Station  patrol  wagon,  and,  with  a  number 
of  officers,  he  repaired  to  the  mill.  He  there  found  his  man,  William 
Seliger,  and  brought  him  to  the  Chicago  Avenue  Station. 

Meanwhile  Officer  Whalen  and  his  men  were  busy  getting  their  load  of 
deadly  missiles,  and,  still  unsatisfied,  they  got  some  shovels  and  picks  and 
went  to  mining  in  the  back  yard  of  the  bomb  factory.  They  found  a  lot  of 
lead  and  gas  pipes  buried  in  the  ground,  and  after  they  had  collected  about 
all  the  suspicious-looking  articles  they  could  find,  they  brought  it  all  to  the 
station.  This  was  the  first  of  a  series  of  searches  kept  up  night  and  day 
for  two  weeks,  and  no  house  or  place  where  an  Anarchist  or  Socialist 


AN  OPENING  TO  THE  CASE. 


191 


resided  escaped  police  attention.  The  houses  were  examined  from  top 
to  bottom,  and  when  the  officers  had  finished  their  labors  in  this  direc- 
tion the  Chicago  Avenue  Station  was  filled  with  all  kinds  of  arms,  some 
old  and  some  new,  nearly  every  nation  on  the  globe  being  represented  in 
the  collection. 

On  the  evening  of  May  7,  about  eight  o'clock,  a  gentleman  called  at  my 
house,  and  in  a  most  confidential  manner  desired  to  post  me  about  an  arrest 
that  ought  to  be  made. 

"You  had  a  fellow  taken  from  Meyer's  Mill,"  said  he,  "but  you  left  a 
man  worse  than  the  one  you  arrested."  He  gave  the  name  of  the  party  and 
then  silently  took  his  departure. 

On  the  next  day  Officer 
Whalen  was  detailed  to  bring 
the  man  to  the  station,  but  when 
the  officers  arrived  at  the  mill 
the  bird  had  flown.  This  man's 
name  was  Mueller,  No.  2.  He 
has  never  returned  to  the  fac- 
tory, although  his  tool  chest  is 
still  there,  and  $27  still  stands 
due  to  him  on  the  books  of  the 
concern  to  this  date. 

With  the  information  so  far 
secured  I  became  confident  that 
I  had  an  opening  to  the  case, 
but,  knowing  that  no  aid  could 
be  had  from  the  Central  Head- 
quarters, I  refrained,  I  think 
wisely,  from  asking  for  assist- 
ance. In  Mr.  Grinnell  and  his 
staff,  however,  I  had  every  con- 
fidence, and  I  went  to  his  office.  I  told  him  what  discoveries  had  been 
made,  giving  him  all  the  details,  and  said  to  him  that  in  working  up  the 
case  I  should  frequently  need  his  advice.  He  promptly  said  :  "Schaack, 
you  can  command  my  services  and  those  of  every  man  in  my  office  at  any 
time."  I  thanked  him,  and  felt  greatly  strengthened  in  the  task  I  had 
before  me. 

Mr.  Furthmann  was  directed  to  go  with  me  and  assist  in  the  same 
way  that  he  had  assisted  in  working  up  the  evidence  in  the  Mulkowsky 
murder  case. 

I  then  felt  highly  gratified,  and  stronger  and  more  resolute  than 
ever,  because  of  my  new  partner  in  the  case.  When  we  were  about  to  go, 
Mr.  Grinnell  said,  "I  will  be  up  to-night  and  see  you."  He  called,  as 


EDMUND  FURTHMANN. 


I92  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

promised.  We  then  told  him  what  progress  we  had  made  during  the  day, 
and  he  expressed  himself  as  greatly  pleased.  He  urged  us  to  keep  every- 
thing as  secret  as  possible  and  not  to  take  any  more  people  into  our  con- 
fidence than  was  absolutely  necessary.  Having  given  us  this  advice,  he  left 
us,  but  we  continued  our  work  until  three  o'clock  the  next  morning.  We 
met  again  —  Furthmann  and  myself  —  the  next  day  at  nine  o'clock,  and  that 
day  we  worked  with  great  success.  The  boys  brought  us  in  good  news 
every  hour.  Good  citizens  would  leave  letters  at  my  house,  and  these  would 
be  immediately  sent  to  me  by  my  wife.  Before  eight  o'clock  that  night  we 
had  gained  an  entrance  to  the  conspiracy  plot.  Mr.  Grinnell  was  sent  for, 
and  he  called  on  us  at  once.  He  was  informed  of  all  the  facts  and  said  : 

"You  boys  have  done  well.  You  have  found  the  missing  link,  and  you 
have  it  right." 

Mr.  Grinnell  became  enthusiastic  over  the  work  accomplished  and  recog- 
nized the  fact  that  the  right  parties  were  under  arrest,  and  that  what  had 
been  morally  certain  before  as  to  a  conspiracy  had  now  been  made  a  legal 
certainty  susceptible  of  the  strongest  proof.  In  reaching  this  point,  a  great 
deal  of  work  had  been  done,  and  in "  its  performance  talent,  tact  and 
ingenuity  of  a  very  high  order  seemed  essential.  Mr.  Grinnell  inspired  us 
with  confidence,  however,  and  was  kind  enough  to  say,  just  before  going 
home  that  night : 

"  Schaack,  I  want  to  say  that  you  are  one  of  the  greatest  detectives  in 
America." 

When  the  case  had  been  worked  up  to  the  discovery  of  the  leading  facts 
at  this  time,  the  reporters  for  the  various  papers  in  Chicago  began  to  gather 
at  the  Chicago  Avenue  Station,  and  they  plied  me  with  all  sorts  of  questions. 
They  desired  all  the  information  I  possessed,  but  their  laudable  ambition 
was  not  gratified.  Nothing  respecting  the  merits  of  the  case  was  furnished 
them.  This  provoked  quite  a  number  of  the  newspaper  craft,  and  they 
sought  to  even  up  things  by  scoring  rne  and  my  assistants  in  the  columns  of 
their  papers.  They  continued  their  attacks,  evidently  expecting  that  I  would 
weaken  and  tell  all  I  knew,  but  in  this  they  were  mistaken,  as  their  shafts 
fell  harmless  at  my  feet. 

The  more  the  papers  blamed  us,  the  better  we  liked  it.  It  made  our 
work  much  easier,  because  we  received  a  great  deal  of  good  information 
from  persons  who  would  not  have  told  us  anything  without  positive  assur- 
ance of  secrecy. 

This  was  in  fact  a  potent  factor  in  our  success,  and  the  newspaper-read- 
ing public  really  lost  nothing  by  it.  The  latest  news  respecting  the 
Anarchist  conspiracy  was  always  presented  by  the  dailies,  and,  while  there 
may  have  been  wanting  many  of  the  essential  and  interesting  facts,  the 
public  demand  was  measurably  satisfied.  At  any  rate,  the  interests  of 
justice  could  not  be  permitted  to  be  overshadowed  by  those  of  the  news- 


HELP  FROM  THE  OUTSIDE. 


193 


papers,  and  I  held  unflinchingly  to  the  course  mapped  out  until  the  day  of 
the  trial.  The  result  proved  the  wisdom  of  the  plan,  and  the  encomiums 
bestowed  on  me  by  the  press  on  the  evidence  I  finally  accumulated  more 
than  offset  the  former  bitter  attacks. 

Had  it  not  been  for  the  caution  and  secrecy  which  we  made  our  rule  all 
through  the  investigation,  the  plot  would  not  have  been  successfully  unrav- 
eled. Recognizing  this  trait  in  my  management  of  the  case,  men  close  to 
the  Anarchists 
gave  points  they 
otherwise  would 
not  have  dared  to 
give,  and  there 
was  scarcely  an 
hour  during  the 
inves  tigation 
that  I  did  not 
find  some  trails 
leading  up  to 
the  arch-con- 
spirators. I  even 
received  private 
letters  on  my 
way  home  to 
meals.  Persons 
would  meet  me 
on  the  street, 
hand  me  letters 
and  pass  right 
on.  Some  of 
these  letters 
were  purposely 
misleading, 
while  others  con- 
t ai  n  ed  good 
points ;  but  by 
putting  one  THE  EAST  CHICAGO  AVENUE  STATION. 

thing      With      an-  From  a  Photograph. 

other,  and  working  up  everything,  something  tangible  was  generally  produced. 
In  many  of  the  notes  a  few  words  would  signify  a  great  deal,  and  the  clues 
would  be  run  down  to  the  last  point.  Of  course,  sometimes  the  detectives 
made  long  and  weary  walks  with  no  results.  But  whenever  the  boys  met  with 
disappointments  in  not  getting  just  what  they  expected,  and  even  when  they 
were  kept  up  all  night,  they  never  grumbled  or  expressed  dissatisfaction. 


194  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

On  the  morning  of  May  8,  at  eight  o'clock,  we  all  met  for  general  consulta- 
tion behind  locked  doors  in  an  inner  room,  and,  while  thus  occupied  with 
the  case,  I  was  notified  that  a  lady  desired  to  see  me  on  important  business. 
I  immediately  responded,  and  as  I  entered  the  main  office  I  was  confronted 
by  a  woman  very  heavily  veiled.  She  briefly  stated  her  mission  and  said 
that  she  desired  an  interview  in  private.  I  took  her  into  another  office,  and, 
after  the  door  had  been  locked,  she  said  : 

"  You  must  excuse  me.  I  will  not  uncover  my  face.  Don't  ask  me  any- 
thing about  myself,  and  I  will  tell  you  something." 

She  was  a  German  lady,  well  educated,  and  she  spoke  in  an  earnest, 
truthful  manner.  Being  assured  that  no  questions  would  be  asked  to 
establish  her  identity,  she  then  told  me  where  to  send  and  what  would  be 
found  at  the  indicated  place.  Before  making  her  exit  she  remarked  : 

"  You  will  have  to  attend  to  this  matter  this  very  day  and  before  four 
o'clock." 

Her  information  proved  highly  interesting  and  valuable,  and  I  thanked 
her  for  it.  In  less  than  half  an  hour  one  of  the  detectives  was  set  to  work 
on  her  "  pointers,"  and  before  two  o'clock  he  returned  to  the  station  with  "a 
good  fat  bird  "  and  a  lot  of  new  evidence.  Who  the  lady  was  is  a  mystery. 
She  left  the  station  as  mysteriously  as  she  had  entered. 

In  the  evening  of  the  same  day  we  met  again  and  put  together  the 
results  of  each  one's  investigations.  The  work  accomplished  was  surpris- 
ing to  all.  Mr.  Grinnell  called,  and,  seeing  what  had  been  done,  was  more 
than  pleased.  At  this  time  we  had  some  of  the  Anarchists  already  behind 
the  bars.  That  night  we  worked  until  two  o'clock  the  next  morning,  and  it 
was  half  an  hour  later  when  I  directed  my  steps  homeward.  As  I  neared 
my  house,  I  saw  the  indistinct  outlines  of  a  man  standing  close  to  a  large 
bill-board  about  ten  feet  north  of  my  residence.  The  figure  proved  to  be 
a  tall  man,  and,  as  I  came  to  a  halt,  the  stranger  spoke  up  in  German  : 

"Is  this  Mr.  Schaack?" 

"I  am,"  I  replied,  "and  what  are  you  doing  standing  there?" 

The  stranger  asked  me  to  wait  for  a  moment,  and  I  complied,  hardly 
knowing  what  to  make  out  of  the  man's  intentions  toward  me  at  such  an 
unseemly  hour  in  the  morning;  but  at  the  same  time  I  kept  my  eye  steadily 
upon  him  for  any  hostile  demonstrations.  The  strange  individual  hurriedly 
placed  a  cloth  of  some  sort  over  his  face,  and  I  began  to  think  some  Anar- 
chist had  been  commissioned  to  murder  me.  Still,  the  coolness  and  self- 
possession  of  the  man  and  the  seeming  absence  of  the  usual  bluster 
incident  to  the  commission  of  a  foul  crime  reassured  me.  Noticing  all 
this,  by  way  of  making  the  man  understand  that  I  was  prepared  for  him  if 
he  had  any  murderous  intentions,  I  said  :  "  If  you  make  any  attack  upon 
me  I  will  kill  you  dead  !  " 

" Mein  Gott,  nein.     I  only  want  to  tell  you  something,"  was  the   reply. 


A   MYSTERIOUS  INFORMER. 


195 


I  told  him  that  that  was  all  right  and  asked  him  into  the  back  yard, 
when  he  said  he  would  talk  to  me.  I  made  the  stranger  go  ahead  of  me, 
and  when  we  reached  the  yard  the  man  gave  me  a  long  story. 

"I  dare  not,"  said  he,  "write  to  you.  I  dare  not  come  near  you  dur- 
ing the  day-time.  I  don't  want  you  to  know  me,  but  I  think  you  are  the 
right  man  to  talk  to.  I  would  not  talk  to  any  one  else." 

During  the  whole  conversation  the  man  kept  his  improvised  mask  on, 
and  made  it  clear  that  his  motive  in  so  doing  was  to  prevent  the  possibility 
of  his  being  made  to  appear 
in  court  to  verify  the  state- 
ments he  desired  to  communi- 
cate. He  gave  information 
mainly  bearing  on  the  con- 
spiracy meeting  which  had 
been  held  on  the  evening  of 
May  3,  at  No.  54  West  Lake 
Street,  and  the  interview 
lasted  until  about  three 
o'clock. 

When  we  parted  I  was  no 
wiser  as  to  his  identity  than 
I  had  been  before,  and  to  this 
day  I  don't  know  with  whom 
I  talked  there  in  my  back 
yard  that  early  morning. 

In  the  forenoon  of  the  gth 
of  May  my  trusted  assistants 
again  met  in  the  office  to  com- 
pare notes.  At  this  meeting  I 
told  Mr.  Furthmann  what  a 
ghost  I  had  seen  that  night, 
and  in  our  deliberations  that 
ghost  aided  us  a  great  deal. 

As  a  result  the  detectives 
started  out  with  new  instruc-  A  BACK-YARD  INTERVIEW. 

tions,  and  they  were  ordered  to  be  back  at  the  office  at  one  o'clock  in  the  after- 
noon. All  reported  promptly  except  a  few  who  had  struck  a  good  trail  and 
who  kept  out  until  six  o'clock.  The  reports  of  those  present  showed  good 
results.  They  started  out  again  at  two  o'clock  with  new  instructions  and 
were  ordered  to  report  as  soon  as  they  had  completed  their  work.  Between 
three  and  five  o'clock  that  afternoon  things  became  exceedingly  lively.  The 
Anarchists  began  to  move  about  like  hornets  disturbed  in  their  nest,  and 
some  jumped  around  as  if  charged  with  electricity.  Towards  six  o'clock  the 


196  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

detectives  reported  back  to  the  office,  and  an  exchange  of  notes  showed 
that  it  had  been  a  day  more  fruitful  of  results  than  the  day  preceding.  I 
found  that  a  strong  chain  had  been  wrought  connecting  all  the  leading 
Anarchists  in  Chicago  with  the  Haymarket  murder,  and  I  knew  that  no 
mistakes  had  been  made  in  the  arrest  of  those  who  had  already  been 
locked  up. 

During  the  same  evening  Mr.  Grinnell  and  Mr.  George  Ingham  gave 
me  a  call,  and  anxiously  inquired  about  the  progress  made  in  the  case. 
Mr.  Grinnell  assured  Mr.  Furthmann  and  myself  that  Mr.  Ingham  was  all 
right,  being  with  them,  and  with  this  statement  all  the  facts  were  laid 
before  them. 

When  the  whole  situation  had  been  explained,  Mr.  Ingham  said : 

"Mr.  Grinnell,  now  you  have  a  case." 

"George,"  replied  Mr.  Grinnell,  "up  to  the  time  when  Capt.  Schaack 
began  his  work  I  had  no  case  whatsoever.  I  would  have  been  laughed  out 
of  court,  but  now  I  say  we  have  a  good,  strong  case,  and  it  will  be  in 
excellent  shape.  The  boys  are  making  it  stronger  every  day.  They  have 
got  things  down  fine,  and  they  are  going  to  bring  out  everything  there  is 
in  it." 

We  worked  that  night  until  one  o'clock,  and  met  again  the  next  morn- 
ing at  eight,  vigorous  and  keen  for  further  developments.  At  this  time  we 
had  our  hands  full,  with  an  abundance  of  material  on  which  to  work.  Dur- 
ing the  night  several  letters  were  dropped  in  my  letter-box,  and  they  all 
contained  good  news.  Some  of  the  letters  were  somewhat  obscure,  their 
import  having  to  be  guessed  at  from  suggestive  circumstances,  but  they 
nevertheless  helped.  With  fresh  instructions  the  detectives  started  out 
for  the  day  and  reported  back  at  one  o'clock  as  per  orders.  Everything 
was  discovered  to  have  worked  well.  About  two  o'clock  a  man  was  noticed 
standing  across  the  street  from  the  station.  His  actions  were  somewhat 
strange,  and  one  of  the  officers  remarked  that  the  fellow  appeared  to  be 
watching  the  building  very  closely.  I  told  the  officer  to  keep  watch  of  him, 
and  in  the  event  of  his  walking  away  to  follow  him.  The  man  did  not 
move,  and  as  he  remained  there  for  nearly  half  an  hour  I  ordered  the  officer 
to  go  across  the  street  and  ascertain  what  the  stranger  was  watching.  The 
man  declined  to  speak  at  first,  but,  after  the  officer  had  threatened  to  lock 
him  up,  he  stated  that  he  desired  to  see  me,  but  did  not  want  to  go  into  the 
building.  He  then  requested  the  officer  to  tell  me  that  he  would  meet  me 
at  the  corner  of  La  Salle  and  Chicago  Avenues,  and  I  was  so  notified. 

I  started  at  once  to  see  the  man,  but  as  soon  as  lie  saw  me  he  started 
off.  When  he  got  to  the  corner  he  turned  north  on  La  Salle  Avenue,  and 
I  followed.  When  I  got  within  twenty  feet  of  him  he  looked  around,  and 
then  dropped  a  letter,  pointing  his  fingers  to  it  as  he  passed  on,  without 
stopping.  I  picked  up  the  letter  and  went  back  to  the  station.  This  letter 


OFFICIAL  JEALOUSY. 


197 


contained  very  important  matter  and  kept  us  busy  for  two  days.  This  man 
was  a  stranger  to  me.  I  had  never  seen  him  before  to  my  knowledge,  and  I 
have  never  seen  him  since. 

After  this  day  the  office  had  all  it  could  do  and  all  the  information  it 
needed.  After  six  days  and  nights  of  hard  and  exacting  labor,  the  real 
troubles  of  all  engaged  in  the  case  began.  The  newspapers  now  appreciated 
the  work  accomplished,  and  they  were  not  slow  to  bestow  great  praise  upon 
all  connected  with  the  case.  This  did  not  please  Mr.  Ebersold,  the  Chief, 
and  on  the  nth  of  May  he  sent  for  me  to  report  at  once. 

The  moment  I  entered  the  office  at  the  Central  Station  I  saw  that  there 
was  "fire  in  the  eye  "  of  the 
Superintendent,     and     the 
atmosphere  was  somewhat 
above  the  boiling-point. 

"Are  you  Chief  of  Po- 
lice or  am  I  ?  "  broke  in  Mr. 
Ebersold,  in  a  gruff,  blus- 
tering manner,  the  moment 
I  had  set  my  foot  inside  ot 
the  private  office. 

"You  are,"  said  I,  "or 
at  least  you  are  supposed 
to  be.  I  certainly  don't 
desire  to  be." 

This  shot  did  not  con- 
tribute anything  to  the 
comfort  of  the  Chief,  and 
he  grew  hotter  than  ever? 
and  desired  me  to  under- 
stand that  he  was  the  Chief,  and  no  one  else.  Mr.  Ebersold  then  pro- 
ceeded to  unburden  his  mind.  He  said  that  his  friends  had  told  him  that 
they  had  thought  he  was  Chief,  but  since  they  had  not  seen  his  name  pub- 
lished in  connection  with  the  case,  they  had  reached  a  different  conclusion. 
He  further  stated  that  ministers  even,  and  professors,  too,  and  other  peo- 
ple, had  come  to  him  and  said  that  "Capt.  Schaack  was  getting  too  much 
notoriety."  He  declared  that  he  wanted  me  to  stop  the  newspapers  writing 
anything  more  about  me  and  to  let  the  credit  be  given  to  the  head  of  the 
department. 

"I  want  this  thing  stopped  !  "  declared  the  Chief,  as  he  struck  the  desk 
vigorously  with  his  fist  and  glowered  savagely  at  me. 

I  told  him  that  I  had  not  asked  any  newspaper  to  write  me  up  and  I 
would  not  tell  any  of  them  to  stop,  simply  because  it  was  not  my  business. 

1  had  progressed  too  far  to  think  of  allowing  all  the  work  already  done 


A  FRIENDLY  COMMUNICATION. 


i98  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

to  be  set  at  naught  by  the  incompetents  then  at  the  head  of  what  was 
facetiously  called  the  defective  department.  I  therefore  took  occasion  to 
say,  just  before  leaving  the  Chief's  presence,  that,  now  that  I  had  opened  up 
the  case,  I  proposed  to  finish  it,  even  if  I  did  not  remain  on  the  force  one 
day  after  my  work  had  been  fully  accomplished.  A  day  or  two  after  this 
interview  I  met  Mr.  Grinnell  and  related  the  circumstances.  The  State's 
Attorney  said : 

"  Captain,  you  are  doing  well ;  you  keep  on  and  work  just  as  you  have 
been  doing." 

During  the  afternoon  of  May  10,  the  detectives  of  the  Chicago  Avenue 
Station  discovered  a  lot  of  bombs,  guns  and  revolvers,  which  they  brought 
to  the  station.  They  also  arrested  a  few  Anarchists,  who  pretended  to  be 
as  harmless  and  spotless  as  little  lambs,  but  who,  before  they  went  to  sleep 
that  night  in  our  hotel,  discovered  that  they  had  a  great  many  black  spots 
on  them.  The  force  continued  at  work  till  three  o'clock  the  next  morning. 
The  following  day  they  met  again  at  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning,  and  sev- 
eral arrests  were  made  that  day. 

At  about  this  time  the  mail  was  burdened  with  a  great  many  letters, 
some  very  encouraging  in  the  cheering  and  complimentary  sentiments  they 
conveyed,  and  others  very  threatening  in  their  character.  The  latter  class 
were  full  of  most  dire  menaces,  suggesting  all  sorts  of  torture  in  the  event 
that  I  did  not  stop  prosecuting  the  Anarchists,  and  the  whole  formed  a  very 
interesting  collection.  It  was  evident  that  many  of  them  had  been  written 
by  cranks,  and  that  some  bore  marks  of  having  been  inspired  by  religious 
enthusiasts.  One  wrote  that  enough  men  had  already  been  killed  without 
hunting  for  innocent  men  as  a  sacrifice  for  the  Haymarket  murder,  and 
another  wrote  urging  that  the  whole  lot  of  the  Anarchist  brood  be  hung  as 
fast  as  they  could  be  arrested.  Several  drew  on  their  imaginations  and 
volunteered  "pointers"  which  bore  on  their  face  evidences  of  falsehood. 
Others  would  say  that  their  prayers  were  constantly  with  the  police  in  their 
efforts,  and  expressed  a  hope  that  out  of  it  all  might  come  the  extirpation 
of  Anarchy  from  American  soil.  These  communications  poured  in  upon 
me  in  such  numbers  that  I  had  no  time  to  read  them  through,  and  even  the 
most  savage  and  bloodthirsty  hardly  gave  me  a  moment's  thought. 
As  a  matter  of  fact  I  was  never  for  a  moment  alarmed  about  my  own  per- 
sonal safety.  All  of  the  letters  I  received  I  filed  away,  and  some  day,  when 
I  do  not  know  what  else  to  do  to  amuse  myself,  I  purpose  to  run  them  over 
again  and  enjoy  another  hearty  laugh.  Meanwhile  Anarchist  after  Anar- 
chist was  overhauled,  and  after  one  clue  had  been  worked  out  another  was 
undertaken  with  the  utmost  secrecy.  The  detectives  continued  persistently 
at  work,  and  for  two  months  they  carefully  kept  their  own  counsel,  never 
permitting  themselves  to  be  drawn  into  conversation  by  outsiders  respect- 
ing the  case. 


THREATENING  LETTERS.  199 

Their  experience  was  highly  exciting  at  all  times,  and  the  various  haunts 
of  the  Anarchists  were  kept  in  a  lively  commotion.  The  social  miscreants 
never  knew  when  the  investigations  would  end,  and  they  were  in  constant 
dread.  Finding  that  threats  upon  the  lives  of  State's  Attorney  Grinnell, 
Assistant  State's  Attorney  Furthmann,  myself,  and  the  officers  engaged  in 
the  case,  had  failed  to  have  the  desired  effect,  they  turned  their  attention  to 
writing  letters  to  our  wives.  These  letters  were  written  in  a  most  vindictive 
and  fiendish  spirit.  They  threatened  not  only  bodily  harm  to  these  ladies, 
but  promised  to  inflict  death  by  horrible  tortures  upon  their  husbands  and 
children,  if  the  prosecution  was  not  dropped ;  and  they  vowed  vengeance 
also  upon  property  by  the  use  of  explosives  that  would  leave  to  each  house 
only  a  vestige  of  its  former  location.  Some  of  these  letters  were  general 
in  their  character,  and  others  particularized  the  kind  of  death  in  store  for 
all  engaged  in  the  case.  One  said  that  on  some  unexpected  day  we  would 
be  blown  to  atoms  by  a  bomb  ;  another  pictured  how  a  husband  would  be 
brought  home  in  a  mangled,  unrecognizable  mass.  Still  another  would 
suggest  that,  if  a  husband  proved  missing,  his  remains  might  be  looked  for 
fifty  feet  under  the  water,  firmly  tied  to  a  rock  or  a  piece  of  iron.  Another, 
again,  stated  that  on  the  first  opportunity  the  husband  would  be  gagged, 
bound  hand  and  foot,  and  placed  across  some  railroad  track  to  horribly  con- 
template death  under  the  wheels  of  a  fast  approaching  train.  Still  another 
would  say:  "When  your  husband  is  brought  home  be  sure  and  pull  the 
poisoned  dagger  out  of  his  body."  One  writer  penned  a  tender  epistle  and 
closed  by  urging  the  mother  to  be  sure  to  "kiss  your  children  good-by 
when  you  leave  them  out  on  the  street."  One  letter  was  written  with  red 
ink  and  stated  that  "this  blood  is  out  of  the  veins  of  a  determined  man 
that  would  die  for  Anarchy."  One  man  expressed  sorrow  for  the  woman 
and  then  concluded  :  "  But  we  cannot  help  this.  If  you  have  any  property 
you  had  better  have  a  will  made  by  your  liege  lord  to  yourself,  because  he 
is  going  to  die  so  quick  that  he  will  not  know  that  he  ever  was  alive." 
Another  said  :  "Take  a  good  description  of  your  husband's  clothes.  He 
will  be  missing  before  long,  and  probably  after  some  years  you  will  hear 
that  in  some  wild  forest  a  lot  of  clothes  have  been  found  tied  to  some  tree, 
and  these  clothes  will  be  stuffed  with  bones." 

Epistolary  threats  of  this  kind  were  sent  almost  daily  to  the  wives  of 
the  officers  and  officials,  and,  if  published,  the  collection  would  form  a 
volume  in  itself.  The  threats  I  have  given  are  only  a  tithe  of  the  whole, 
but  I  have  given  enough  to  illustrate  the  general  trend  of  the  letters.  We 
paid  no  attention  to  them,  but  the  women,  of  more  delicate  and  sensitive 
disposition,  took  them  more  to  heart.  The  constant  receipt  of  such  letters 
naturally  made  a  deep  impression  on  their  minds,  and  some  of  the  ladies 
had  dark  forebodings.  But  the  officers  always  took  a  cheerful  view,  and 
urged  that  it  was  only  cowards  who  resorted  to  threats.  They  still  con- 


200  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

tinued  their  work,  undaunted  by  these  denunciations  and  menaces,  and 
frequently  remained  out  all  night  in  their  work  in  some  of  the  most  desper- 
ate districts  of  the  city,  sometimes  keeping  up  forty-eight  hours  at  a  stretch. 

Mrs.  Schaack,  a  generally  strong  and  courageous  woman  and  deeply 
interested  in  all  my  work,  did  not  bear  up  as  well  as  some  of  the  others 
under  the  pressure.  She  had  been  sick  for  over  eight  months,  and,  when  these 
letters  began  to  reach  her,  she  had  just  reached  a  convalescent  state.  Hav- 
ing thus  passed  through  a  long  siege  of  illness,  her  system  was  in  a  highly 
nervous  condition,  and  it  was,  therefore,  quite  natural  that  sometimes  she 
should  become  greatly  solicitous  for  my  personal  safety  whenever  a  very 
savage  and  gory  letter  accidentally  reached  her  eye.  When  the  trial  finally 
began,  I  begged  her  to  take  the  three  children  and  visit  for  two  months  a 
place  six  hundred  miles  away  from  Chicago,  where  she  could  not  only 
enjoy  a  comparative  serenity  of  mind,  but  build  up  her  shattered  constitu- 
tion, under  more  favorable  circumstances  and  climatic  conditions.  She 
acted  on  my  advice.  While  away,  she  was  in  constant  receipt  of  such 
letters  as  were  calculated  to  make  her  reassured  as  to  my  comfort,  and  she 
rapidly  gained  in  health  and  strength. 

Mrs.  Grinnell  bore  up  remarkably  well  under  the  severe  strain.  She 
had  come  in  for  a  goodly  share  of  these  murder-threatening  letters,  but, 
being  blessed  with  good  health  and  strong  nerves,  she  never  displayed 
signs  of  weakness. 

She  was  a  brave  lady.  Whenever  I  saw  her  with  Mr.  Grinnell,  she 
would  always  say:  "Captain,  I  want  you  and  Mr.  Grinnell  and  all  the  boys 
to  keep  on  with  your  noble  work."  She  at  all  times  appeared  very  pleasant 
and  not  the  least  disturbed. 

Mrs.  Furthmann  was  not  overlooked  by  the  letter-writers,  but  her 
husband  arranged  matters  so  that  their  epistles  did  not  fall  into  her  hands. 
He  would  gather  them  in,  and,  with  what  the  mail  brought  him  every  day 
for  his  own  individual  benefit,  he  had  plenty  of  hair-raising  literature. 
But  he  paid  no  attention  to  the  threats  and  never  for  a  moment  relaxed 
his  efforts  on  account  of  them.  These  letters  became  so  numerous  and  fre- 
quent that  after  a  time  the  officers  would  jestingly  allude  to  them  as  their 
"  love  letters." 

But  the  Anarchists  did  not  stop  with  writing  letters.  One  night  they 
held  a  small  meeting  in  the  rear  room  of  a  saloon  on  North  Avenue,  and 
there  was  a  great  deal  of  talk  and  bluster  about  what  they  ought  to  do  to 
"  bring  the  officials  to  their  senses."  One  suggested  that  they  should  blow 
up  the  house  of  Officer  Michael  Hoffman,  but  that  officer  appears  to  have 
had  a  friend  there.  That  friend  opposed  the  plan  and  said  : 

"  Cowards,  if  you  want  to  do  anything,  why  don't  you  meet  the  man 
himself  and  attack  him  ?  Why  do  you  seek  to  hurt  his  wife  and  innocent 
children?" 


IN  TIMID  A  TION  AND  ARSON.  201 

This  appealed  to  their  sense  of  humanity,  and  they  at  once  decided  to 
abandon  the  scheme.  Finally  one  cut-throat  arose,  and,  in  a  braggadocio 
style,  broke  out,  in  a  loud,  coarse  and  beer-laden  voice  : 

"Well,  we  will  drop  that  plan,  but  you  all  know  where  he  lives  and  we 
all  have  bombs  yet.  Any  one  that  does  not  care  for  a  screeching  woman 
or  squealing  young  ones,  let  him  go  and  see  the  shingles  fly  off  the 
roof." 

On  a  subsequent  night  about  two  o'clock  in  the  morning  a  carriage 
drove  up  to  the  officer's  house,  and  one  of  the  occupants  shouted  out, 
"Mike!"  The  officer  drew  to  the  window,  and  his  wife  opened  it.  At 
first,  mistaking  her  for  the  officer,  they  halloaed,  "  We  only  want  to  see  you 
for  a  moment."  When  the  woman  asked  what  was  wanted  they  said,  "We 
don't  want  to  see  you.  Where  is  Mike?"  Being  informed  that  he  was 
not  at  home,  one  of  the  burly  fellows  said,  just  as  the  carriage  started  away, 
"A  d d  good  thing  for  him  that  he  is  not  at  home." 

This  band  of  intimidators  and  cowards  did  not  overlook  me.  On  two 
occasions  they  sought  to  burn  my  house,  but  each  time  they  were  foiled  in 
their  attempt.  They  sneaked,  true  to  their  nature,  into  the  back  yard,  and 
started  a  fire  by  means  of  a  kerosene-saturated  torch  or  by  the  use  of  an 
explosive.  The  fires,  however,  failed  to  do  any  damage. 

When  the  trial  of  the  arch-conspirators  began,  these  same  unpunished 
red-handed  cranks  began  to  give  their  attention  to  Judge  Gary  and  his 
wife.  They  fairly  overwhelmed  them  with  letters  of  a  most  threatening 
character,  and  whenever  there  was  any  ruling  of  the  court  which  they  re- 
garded as  inimical  to  their  friends'  interests,  they  were  particularly  vitu- 
perative. But  throughout  the  whole  trial  neither  the  Judge  nor  his  wife 
was  at  all  intimidated.  They  paid  no  attention  to  them,  and  nearly  every 
day  Mrs.  Gary  sat  by  the  side  of  her  husband  on  the  bench,  giving  the 
strictest  attention  to  the  proceedings.  She  was  there  in  the  forenoon  and 
in  the  afternoon.  When  the  two  went  out  to  lunch  together,  a  detec- 
tive would  always  follow  them,  without  their  request  or  knowledge,  and  the 
same  course  would  be  pursued  when  they  went  home  at  night  or  came 
down  in  the  morning.  I  had  this  done  as  a  precautionary  measure,  as 
there  was  no  telling  at  that  time  but  what  some  demented  Anarchist  might 
seek  vengeance  upon  the  Judge  for  some  fancied  wrong  to  the  defendants. 
Sometimes,  after  lunch,  Mrs.  Gary  would  return  in  the  company  of  some 
lady  friends,  but  she  would  invariably,  after  an  exchange  of  pleasantries 
with  them,  rejoin  her  husband  on  the  bench,  where  she  would  remain  until 
the  adjournment  of  court.  Once  in  a  while  the  Judge  would  find  a 
moment's  interval  to  talk  to  her,  and  the  devoted  appearance  of  the  vener- 
able couple  formed  a  most  pleasing  and  picturesque  background  to  the 
crowded  and  excited  court  scene  throughout  the  trial.  She  was  there  dur- 
ing all  the  arguments,  and  listened  most  intently  to  the  reading  of  the 


202  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

verdict  which  finally  sent  the  defendants  to  the  gallows.     From  the  begin- 
ning of  the  trial  to  its  end  she  never  displayed  a  sign  of  weakness  or  fear. 

While  the  investigations  were  in  progress,  and  even  during  the  trial,  a 
lot  of  cranks  and  desperate  men  flocked  into  the  city  from  outside  points, 
and  there  was  no  telling  what  villainous  deeds  they  might  perpetrate  and 
then  escape  undetected.  For  this  reason  I  thought  it  prudent  to  place  a 
watchman  at  the  house  of  every  one  actively  engaged  in  the  case,  and  both 
night  and  day  the  lives  as  well  as  property  of  all  were  closely  watched  to 
prevent  the  execution  of  any  of  the  numerous  threats  made  against  the 
officials  by  the  red-handed  fiends.  The  attempt  on  my  own  house  was 
made  before  these  guards  were  placed,  but  after  that  there  was  no  trouble. 
The  Anarchists,  seeing  the  precautions  that  had  been  taken,  gave  the  houses 
no  further  attention,  and  thereafter  vented  their  spleen  in  denunciatory 
letters. 

From  the  very  start  of  the  investigations,  I  engaged  the  services  of  pri- 
vate men  to  work  under  my  instructions,  and  they  invariably  submitted 
their  reports  to  me  at  my  house.  They  never  called  at  the  house  without 
first  notifying  me,  and  this  notification  would  be  by  means  of  a  sign  at  a 
place  near  my  residence.  I  would  always  look  at  the  spot  before  entering 
the  house,  and  if  I  found  the  sign,  I  would  also  find  my  man  in  the 
vicinity. 

I  would  then  go  upstairs,  fix  the  rooms  so  that  no  one  could  see  who 
might  enter,  and  leave  a  sign  at  the  window.  In  a  few  minutes  my  friend 
would  appear  at  the  door.  Not  one  of  my  officers  ever  knew  any  of  these 
men  so  employed,  but  they  knew  the  officers. 

Many  funny  incidents  naturally  grew  out  of  this  situation.  It  was  very 
amusing  to  listen  to  the  officers.  One  would  tell  me:  "I  saw  such  and  such 
a  fellow,  a  rank  Anarchist,  on  the  street  to-day  in  company  with  a 
stranger,"  or :  "I  saw  a  couple  of  them  in  such  and  such  a  saloon  together, 
and  one  of  them  had  a  stranger  with  him,  who  looked  like  a  wild  Anar- 
chist." Then  the  officers  would  describe  the  fellow,  and  one  of  them  would 
say: 

"  I  know  he  is  an  Anarchist.  He  and  the  stranger  walked  around  the 
jail  building,  and  the  next  time  I  meet  that  stranger  I  will  bring  him  in.  It 
will  do  no  harm  to  give  him  a  few  days'  entertainment  in  the  station.  I 
want  to  introduce  him  to  you.  I  bet  you  will  keep  him,  and  you  can,  no 
doubt,  learn  something  from  him.  I  think  he  is  a  stranger  in  the  city,  and 
he  is  here  for  no  good  purpose." 

The  officer  was  bound  to  bring  him  in,  and  this  placed  me  in  a  rather 
awkward  position.  All  I  could  do,  however,  was  to  say,  "Don't  be  too 
hasty ;  wait  till  you  find  him  connected  with  others." 

This  worked  well  for  a  while,  but  after  a  time  some  of  these  men  who 
were  in  my  secret  service  were  brought  in.  One  morning  I  arrived  at  the 


MISTAKEN  IDENTITY. 


203 


station  and  found  that  they  had  been  locked  up  in  a  cell.  As  they  had 
received  at  the  start  rigid  instructions  not  to  reveal  their  identity  under  any 
circumstances,  they  did  not  send  for  me  the  moment  they  were  arrested, 
and  so  they  had  to  remain  until  the  next  day,  when  I  promptly  released 
them. 

At  one  time,  one  of  these  privates  reported  to  me  that  he  had  seen  a 
fellow  around  with  some  of  the  worst  Anarchists  in  the  city,  that  every  one 
regarded  him  as  sound  in  the  Anarchist  faith,  and  that  he  and  the  others 
were  in  Chicago  to  liberate  the  Anarchists  from  the  jail.  The  private  fur- 
ther stated  that  the  stranger  had  never  been  seen  except  in  the  company  of 
old-time  revolutionists. 
That  was  enough  for  the 
detective  to  warrant  ar- 
rest. I  told  him  to  make 
the  fellow's  acquaint- 
ance and  draw  him  out, 
but  be  in  no  haste.  A 
few  days  later,  the  de- 
tective reported  that  he 
had  spoken  to  the 
stranger  and  that  he 
would  become  well  ac- 
quainted  with  him 
shortly. 

At  this  time  every 
Anarchist  resort  was 
watched  very  closely. 
I  told  the  private  to  ascer- 
tain where  the  stranger 
lived,  but  he  must  not 
push  himself  too  rapidly 
forward  ;  he  must  make 
an  engagement  to  meet 
the  man  in  the  evening 
and  stay  with  him  as  late  as  possible.  Just  as  soon  as  they  parted, 
he  was  to  double  back  on  the  stranger  and  follow  him.  A  few  nights 
later  the  private  reported  again  and  said  that  they  had  been  together 
one  evening  for  three  hours,  when  they  parted  on  the  corner  of  Madison 
and  Canal  Streets.  He  told  the  stranger  that  he  would  go  back  to  the 
South  Side,  and  then,  by  following  him  after  parting,  he  found  that  the 
stranger  started  north.  The  man  turned  on  Lake  Street  west  and  entered 
No.  71  West  Lake  Street,  one  of  the  worst  Anarchist  resorts  in  the  city. 
This  place  was  kept  by  a  man  named  Floras,  a  rank  "  red."  The  private 


THE   NOTORIOUS  FLORUS'   HALL. 
From  a  Photograph. 


204 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 


waited  for  his  friend  to  come  out,  remaining  in  the  vicinity  until  Florus 
closed  his  saloon  ;  but  no  one  came.  The  next  day  the  private  reported 
the  facts  to  me,  and  said  that  the  stranger  evidently  had  a  room  at  Florus' 
house.  I  told  the  private  to  try  and  get  the  stranger  on  the  North  Side  so 
that  I  could  have  a  look  at  him.  He  started  out  to  hunt  up  his  friend. 

On  the  evening  of  that  same  day,  detective  No.  2  reported.  He  said 
that  he  had  a  fellow  spotted  whom  he  described  as  one  of  a  gang  that 
had  come  from  St.  Paul.  He  remarked  that  the  fellow  was  very  sharp,  but 
not  sharp  enough  for  him.  He  also  stated  that  the  stranger  appeared  to 
like  him,  but  that  he  did  not  trust  him  very  much. 

No.  2  further  said:    "I  have  been  around  with  him 
every  evening.     He  is  very  good  company,  and  I  am  sure 
that  he  is  an  Anarchist.     But  I  can't  get  at  his  motives." 
I  then  told  him  to  get  the  man  up  here  on  the  North 
Side  where  I  would  be  able  to  see  him. 

"  All  right,  but   you  want  to  get  a  good  look  at  him  ; 
[r  the  fellow  changes  his  clothes  often.     He  is  a  foxy  fel- 

UHlt""      K  1  *« 

B3?°"  low. 

I  said  that  I  would  always  be  at  the  station  from  one 

to  three  o'clock,  so  as 
to  take  a  look  at  the 
man  when  they  passed. 
On  the  next  day  I 
was  on  the  look-out, 
but  no  one  came.  The 
second  day  I  again 
watched,  and,  to  my 
great  surprise,  at  two 
o'clock  I  saw  two  fel- 
lows,  both  in  my  em- 
ploy, coming  east  on 
Chicago  Avenue  from 
Wells  Street,  and  on 
the  same  side  where 
the  station  is  located.  They  were  engaged  in  conversation,  and  neither 
looked  aside  as  they  passed.  I  got  up  on  the  steps  of  the  front  entrance 
and  remained  there  as  they  came  by.  They  had  no  sooner  got  past,  when 
the  fellow  on  the  inside  lifted  his  hand  to  the  right  hip,  and  after  a  few 
steps  further  the  other  fellow  put  his  left  hand  behind  his  back  and  worked 
his  fingers  —  thus  each  man  giving  the  tip  on  the  other.  They  proceeded 
towards  the  Water-works. 

When  all  this  was  over,  I  almost  fell  in  a  fit  laughing  at  the  joke.     It 
was  extremely  ludicrous,  but  I  had  to  keep  it  all  to  myself.      The  privates 


THE   "SHADOWED"    DETECTIVES. 


A   SLIGHT  EMBARRASSMENT.  205 

kept  at  work,  but  I  did  not  tell  either  the  occupation  of  the  other.  I  had 
promised  every  man  in  my  employ  that  I  would  not  give  him  away,  and  I 
kept  my  word.  One  of  these  detectives  had  been  assigned  for  duty  north 
of  Kinzie  Street  on  the  West  Side,  and  the  other  had  been  set  to  work  par- 
ticularly along  Lake  Street.  By  invitation  of  some  Anarchists  on  Mil- 
waukee Avenue,  the  detective  in  the  district  north  had  left  his  field  and 
gone  with  them  to  the  halls  of  the  ''reds"  on  Lake  Street,  and  in  this  way 
the  two  detectives  had  made  each  other's  acquaintance  and  got  mixed  up. 
I  was  now  in  a  predicament  to  straighten  matters  out  and  prevent  the  men 
from  wasting  time  on  each  other.  I  finally  told  each  separately  that  the 
other  was  working  for  Billy  Pinkerton,  and  that  he  should  pay  no  more 
attention  to  him.  This  worked  satisfactorily.  Now  and  then  I  received  a 
report  stating  that  my  detective  had  seen  that  Pinkerton  man  at  such  or 
such  a  place.  This  will  be  the  first  time,  however,  that  either  one  knows 
the  other's  exact  identity,  and  they  can  now  laugh  over  their  mixed-up 
condition  and  see  what  a  fix  I  was  in  at  that  time. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

Tracking  the  Conspirators —  Female  Anarchists  —  A  Bevy  of  Beauties  — 
Petticoated  Ugliness  —  The  Breathless  Messenger  —  A  Detective's  Danger  —  Turning 
the  Tables —  "That  Man  is  a  Detective!"  —  A  Close  Call  —  Gaining  Revolutionists' 
Confidence  —  Vouched  for  by  the  Conspirators  —  Speech-making  Extraordinary  —  The 
Hiding-place  in  the  Anarchists'  Hall  —  Betrayed  by  a  Woman  —  The  Assassination  of 
Detective  Brown  at  Cedar  Lake —  Saloon-keepers  and  the  Revolution  —  "Anarchists  for 
Revenue  Only  "  —  Another  Murder  Plot  —  The  Peep-hole  Found  —  Hunting  for  Detect- 
ives—  Some  Amusing  Ruses  of  the  Revolutionists — A  Collector  of  "  Red  "  Literature 
and  his  Dangerous  Bonfire  —  Ebersold's  Vacation  —  Threatening  the  Jury  —  Measures 
Taken  for  their  Protection  —  Grinnell's  Danger  —  A  "Bad  Man"  in  Court  —  The  Find 
at  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  Office  —  Schnaubelt's  Impudent  Letter  —  Captured  Correspond- 
ence —  The  Anarchist's  Complete  Letter-writer. 

IN  the  light  of  all  the  facts  that  have  developed,  I  do  not  believe  that  it  is 
too  large  a  statement,  nor  too  egotistical,  to  say  that,  but  for  the  work 
done  at  the  Chicago  Avenue  Station,  the  Anarchist  leaders  would  soon 
have  been  given  their  liberty,  and  Anarchy  would  have  been  as  rampant  as 
ever  in  Chicago  —  worse  indeed  than  before ;  for  the  conspirators  would 
then  have  despised  as  well  as  hated  the  law.  What  the  work  was,  the 
reader  will  better  understand  after  he  has  gone  through  this  and  the  suc- 
ceeding chapters. 

I  did  not  depend  wholly  upon  police  effort,  but  at  once  employed  a 
number  of  outside  men,  choosing  especially  those  who  were  familiar  with 
the  Anarchists  and  their  haunts.  The  funds  for  this  purpose  were  supplied 
to  me  by  public-spirited  citizens  who  wished  the  law  vindicated  and  order 
preserved  in  Chicago.  I  received  reports  from  the  men  thus  employed 
from  the  beginning  of  the  case  up  to  November  20,  1887.  There  are  253  of 
the  reports  in  all,  and  a  most  interesting  history  of  Chicago  Anarchy  do  they 
make  even  in  themselves. 

They  always  conveyed  important  information  and  gave  valuable  clues. 
They  confined  their  efforts  wholly  to  Anarchists,  and  their  principal  duty 
was  to  ascertain  if  the  reds  intended  to  organize  again  for  another  riot  or 
an  incendiary  attempt  upon  the  city.  They  were  also  to  learn  if  steps 
were  contemplated  to  effect  the  rescue  of  the  Anarchists  who  were  locked 
up  in  the  County  Jail,  and  whether  they  were  getting  up  any  further  murder 
plots.  At  each  Anarchist  meeting  I  had  at  lea^t  one  man  present  to  note 
the  proceedings  and  learn  what  plots  they  were  maturing.  Generally  before 
midnight  I  would  know  all  that  had  transpired  at  meetings  of  any  impor- 
tance. From  many  meetings  I  learned  that  the  Anarchists  were  discussing 
plans  to  revenge  themselves  on  the  police,  but  in  each  case,  as  soon  as  they 
were  about  to  take  some  definite  action,  some  one  would  move  an  adjourn- 
ment or  suggest  the  appointment  of  a  committee  to  work  out  the  plan  in 

206 


FEMALE  RE  VOL  UTIONISTS. 


207 


some  better  shape.  When  the  next  meeting  was  held  the  fellows  who  had 
done  the  loudest  shouting  would  be  absent,  and  then  those  who  happened 
to  be  on  hand  would  vent  their  wrath  upon  the  absentees  by  calling  them 
cowards.  In  many  of  the  smaller  meetings  held  on  Milwaukee  Avenue  or 
in  that  vicinity,  a  lot  of  crazy  women  were  usually  present,  and  whenever  a 
proposition  arose  to  kill  some  one  or  to  blow  up  the  city  with  dynamite, 
these  "squaws"  proved  the  most  bloodthirsty.  In  fact,  if  any  man  laid 
out  a  plan  to  perpetrate  mischief,  they  would  show  themselves  much 
more  eager  to  carry  it  out  than  the  men,  and  it  always  seemed  a  pleasure  to 


THE  "RED"  SISTERHOOD. 

the  Anarchists  to  have  them  present.  They  were  always  invited  to  the 
"war  dances."  Judge  Gary,  Mr.  Grinnell,  Mr.  Bonfield  and  myself  were 
usually  remembered  at  these  gatherings,  and  they  fairly  went  wild  whenever 
bloodthirsty  sentiments  were  uttered  against  us.  The  reporters  and 
the  so-called  capitalistic  press  also  shared  in  the  general  denunciations.  At 
one  meeting,  held  on  North  Halsted  Street,  there  were  thirteen  of  these 
creatures  in  petticoats  present,  the  most  hideous-looking  females  that  could 
possibly  be  found.  If  a  reward  of  money  had  been  offered  for  an  uglier  set, 
no  one  could  have  profited  upon  the  collection.  Some  of  them  were  pock- 
marked, others  freckle-faced  and  red-haired,  and  others  again  held  their 
snuff-boxes  in  their  hands  while  the  congress  was  in  session.  One  female 


208  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

appeared  at  one  of  these  meetings  with  her  husband's  boots  on,  and  there 
was  another  one  about  six  feet  tall.  She  was  a  beauty  !  She  was  raw- 
boned,  had  a  turn-up  nose,  and  looked  as  though  she  might  have  carried 
the  red  flag  in  Paris  during  the  reign  of  the  Commune. 

This  meeting  continued  all  right  for  about  two  hours  Then  a  rap  came 
on  the  locked  door.  The  guard  reported  that  one  of  their  cause  desired 
admittance,  giving  his  name  at  the  same  time,  —  and  the  new  arrival  was 
permitted  to  enter.  He  was  a  large  man  with  a  black  beard  and  large  eyes, 
and  very  shabbily  dressed.  He  looked  as  though  he  had  been  driving  a 
coal  cart  for  a  year  without  washing  or  combing.  He  also  had  the  appear- 
ance of  being  on  the  verge  of  hydrophobia.  As  soon  as  he  reached  the 
interior  of  the  hall  he  blurted  out  hastily,  in  a  loud  voice  : 

"  Ladies  and  brothers  of  our  cause  !  Please  stop  all  proceedings  —  I  am 
out  of  breath  —  I  will  sit  down  for  a  few  minutes." 

All  present  looked  at  the  man  with  a  great  deal  of  curiosity  and  patiently 
waited  for  him  to  recover  his  breath.  The  interval  was  about  five  minutes. 
Then  the  stranger  jumped  up  and  said  : 

"I  am  from  Jefferson.  I  ran  all  the  way  [a  distance  of  five  miles].  I 
was  informed  that  you  were  holding  a  meeting  here  this  evening,  and  that 
there  is  a  spy  in  your  midst." 

At  this  bit  of  information  every  one  became  highly  excited,  and  the 
stranger  immediately  proceeded  to  inquire  if  there  was  any  one  they  suspected. 
They  all  looked  at  each  other,  and,  becoming  satisfied  that  they  were  all 
friends  of  Anarchy,  waited  for  the  man  to  give  them  more  precise  informa- 
tion. The  stranger  then  continued  : 

"The  man  is  described  to  me,  and  that  is  all  I  know." 

He  looked  around  for  a  moment  and  finally  said,  pointing  to  the  man 
addressed  : 

"If  I  am  not  damnably  mistaken,  you  are  the  man  !  "  At  the  same  time 
he  ordered  the  guard  to  lock  the  door  and  pull  out  the  key. 

"Now,"  he  resumed,  addressing  the  man  to  whom  he  had  pointed,  who 
was  none  other  than  a  detective  in  my  service,  "you  will  have  to  give  a  good 
account  of  yourself." 

This  placed  my  man  in  a  rather  embarrassing  position,  but  he  was  equal 
to  the  emergency. 

"I  am  an  Anarchist,"  he  spoke  up  promptly,  in  a  loud,  clear  and  firm 
tone  of  voice,  "  and  I  have  been  one  for  years,  and  you  are  simply  one  of 
those  Pinkerton  bummers.  What  business  have  you  here  in  our  meetings, 
I  would  like  to  know.  The  other  day  I  passed  Pinkerton's  office.  I  was 
sitting  in  a  car,  and  I  saw  you  coming  down  stairs.  I  suppose  you  met  some 
fool  that  gave  you  a  little  information  so  as  to  get  in  here.  All  you  want  to 
know  evidently  is  how  many  are  present  here,  and,  if  possible,  learn  what 


THE  DETECTIVE'S  RUSE. 


209 


we  are  doing.  You  get  out  of  here  in  five  seconds,  or  I  will  shoot  you  down 
/ike  a  rat." 

The  officer  then  pulled  out  of  his  pocket  a  large  revolver,  and,  brand- 
ishing it  in  the  air,  asked  : 

"Shall  I  kill  that  bloodhound?" 

The  women  cried  out  in  a  chorus:  "Yes,  yes  ;  kill  him  !"  The  men, 
however,  did  not  like  the  proposition.  One  of  them  said  :  "Don't  kill  him 


TURNING  THE  TABLES. 

here  ;  take  him  out  somewhere  else  and  shoot  him. "  This  seemed  to  meet 
with  general  approval. 

The  turn  of  affairs  completely  surprised  the  stranger,  and  he  became  so 
frightened  that  he  could  not  speak.  No  one  in  the  meeting  knew  him,  and 
he  was  powerless  to  speak  in  his  own  defense.  The  officer  held  his  revolver 
directed  at  the  man's  face  and  kept  toying  with  it  in  the  vicinity  of  his  nose. 
Finally  the  fellow  stammered  out : 

"  I  am  all  right,  and  you  will  find  me  out  so." 

At  last  the  women  again  broke  in,  with  a  demand  that  the  intruder  be 
immediately  ejected,  and  the  men  responded  promptly  by  kicking  him  out 
of  the  door.  He  had  no  sooner  reached  the  outside  than  he  started  on  a 
keen  run,  in  momentary  dread  of  his  life,  and  he  kept  up  his  rapid  gait  until 
he  thought  he  was  at  a  safe  distance. 


2 1 o  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

The  officer  was  then  the  hero  of  the  moment,  but  he  recognized  the  fact 
that  he  himself  was  not  absolutely  safe  after  this  episode.  It  occurred  to 
him  that  possibly  the  stranger  might  hunt  up  some  one  on  Milwaukee 
Avenue  who  could  identify  him  and  assure  the  meeting  that  he  was 
a  true  and  reliable  Anarchist,  and  thus  turn  the  tables  against  the 
officer.  The  moment,  therefore,  he  had  regained  his  seat,  he  decided  to 
resort  to  strategy,  and  said : 

"We  will  have  to  adjourn  at  once.  This  fellow  will  run  to  the  station- 
house  and  bring  the  patrol  wagon  with  a  lot  of-  officers,  and  we  will  all  be 
arrested." 

In  less  than  three  minutes  the  meeting  adjourned,  and  then  the  officer 
advised  them  all  to  go  home  immediately  and  not  to  remain  a  second  if  they 
did  not  desire  to  be  arrested.  The  Anarchists  did  as  he  suggested,  and 
scattered  for  home  in  a  hurry. 

This  detective  did  not  attend  any  more  of  the  meetings,  but  was  con- 
tent in  congratulating  himself  on  having  come  out  of  that  assembly  without 
a  bruise  or  a  scratch. 

About  January,  1887,  one  of  my  privates  informed  me  that  there  was  a 
place  on  Cly bourn  Avenue  where  the  Anarchists  were  accustomed  to  hold 
private  meetings.  He  said  that  he  could  not  get  in  as  yet,  and  I  told  him 
to  pick  up  some  one  whom  he  could  work  handily.  He  must  first  form  the 
man's  acquaintance,  and  then  hang  around  the  saloons  in  the  neighborhood 
and  read  the  Arbeit er-Zeitung.  I  gave  him  one  of  John  Host's  books  and 
made  him  wear  a  red  necktie.  I  advised  him  also  to  get  about  half  drunk,  sing 
the  Marseillaise  and  curse  the  police.  By  so  doing,  I  told  him,  it  would  not 
be  long  before  he  would  find  a  partner.  Several  times  subsequently  the 
detective  visited  the  Anarchist  resorts,  accompanied  by  a  little  boy  who 
belonged  to  one  of  his  friends,  and  in  less  than  two  weeks  he  had  wormed 
himself  into  the  confidence  of  the  gang  who  frequented  Clybourn  Avenue. 
If  any  one  asked  him  his  name  he  would  say  : 

"  I  don't  give  my  name  to  people  I  don't  know.  I  am  against  law  and 
order,  and  that  is  sufficient.  I  don't  believe  in  having  good  men  hung  to 
satisfy  the  rich.  They  will  not  hang  if  I  can  help  any." 

For  the  first  couple  of  weeks,  the  newly  formed  friends  of  this  detective 
would  not  take  him  to  any  of  their  meetings.  I  advised  him  not  to  make 
inquiries.  As  soon  as  they  thought  him  all  right,  they  would  speak 
themselves.  Within  three  weeks  some  one  took  him  to  a  meeting  and 
vouched  for  him  as  being  true  to  their  cause.  At  the  first  meeting  he 
attended  he  saw  that  he  was  as  intelligent  as  any  one  of  them,  and  so  he 
delivered  a  short  speech.  That  captured  them,  and  they  pronounced  him 
a  good  man.  They  asked  him  to  call  again  at  their  next  meeting,  and  he 
promised  that  he  would  be  on  hand.  He  then  reported  to  me.  I  told  him 
to  find  a  weak  spot  around  the  building,  where  I  could  put  some  one  to- 


A  NOVEL   TELEPHONE.  211 

protect  him  in  case  of  discovery  and  danger.  A  few  days  after  he  reported 
again  that  there  was  a  vacant  basement  under  the  house,  and  that  it  was 
very  low.  There  was  only  a  common  door  with  an  ordinary  lock.  I 
then  promised  him  that  I  would  put  a  strong  man  in  there  at  every  meeting, 
and  in  case  he  should  be  attacked  by  the  gang,  he  should  shout,  "Police." 
Then,  the  moment  the  door  was  broken  in,  he  was  to  cry  out,  "  Brother  !  " 
so  that  the  man  coming  to  his  assistance  would  know  him  at  once.  I  also 
told  him  that  at  the  next  meeting  he  should  ascertain  the  size  of  the  room 
and  notice  whatever  furniture  might  be  there  and  where  it  was  standing. 
This  he  did.  He  made  a  small  diagram.  I  then  detailed  a  man  to  take  a 
position  in  the  basement  at  several  meetings,  but,  running  short  of  men  shortly 

afterwards,  I  was  obliged 
to  take  this  man  away. 
But  this  did  not  cripple 
us.  On  another  occasion 
the  private  reported 
again,  handed  me  a  plat 
of  the  room  and  gave  me 
some  desired  information.. 
I  sent  for  Officer  Schuet- 
tler.  He  responded! 
promptly,  and  I  told  him 
what  I  wanted  done.  He 
said  that  he  was  ready 
to  carry  out  my  instruc- 
tions. I  told  him  to  go 
and  buy  a  one-inch  auger, 
and  next  procure  a  fun- 
nel with  the  large  end  the 
UNDERGROUND  AUDITORS.  circumference  of  a  saucer, 

and  a  pipe  about  four  inches  long.  After  an  hour's  absence  he  returned  with 
the  desired  articles.  I  handed  him  several  keys  with  which  to  open  the 
door,  showed  him  the  plat,  and  told  him  where  to  bore  a  hole.  I  also  told 
him  to  secure  a  cork  and  plug  up  the  hole  after  he  was  through.  I  then 
instructed  him  to  get  into  the  place  about  half  an  hour  before  the  meeting 
opened  and  have  his  apparatus  in  working  order.  I  gave  Officer  Schuet- 
tler  the  dates  on  which  meetings  were  to  be  held,  and  then  he  started 
out  with  good  hope  in  his  new  undertaking.  A  few  days  subsequently 
the  officer  reported  back,  and  his  face  was  wreathed  in  smiles. 
"You  must  have  had  success,"  I  said. 
"  Yes,  everything  worked  like  a  charm." 

He  handed  me  a  good  report  and  remarked  that  it  contained  the  most 
important  part  of  the  business  done  by  the  meeting.      He  suggested  that 


2i2  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

he  ought  to  have  some  one  with  him  so  that  he  could  secure  all  the  details. 
For  the  next  meeting  I  sent  another  officer  with  him,  and  this  man  had  a 
dark  lantern.  Schuettler  would  listen,  and  as  he  whispered  the  words  and 
sentiments  of  the  speakers,  the  other  officer,  with  the  aid  of  the  light  from 
his  lantern,  would  commit  them  to  paper.  The  next  morning  I  received  a 
full  report  of  all  the  transactions. 

This  sort  of  work  was  kept  up  for  several  months,  and  during  all  this 
time  I  was  kept  pretty  well  informed  of  the  secret  movements  of  the  old 
North  Side  groups.  At  the  beginning  of  all  their  meetings  the  speakers 
would  declare  their  wish  to  see  Judge  Gary,  Mr.  Grinnell,  all  the  officers  work- 
ing on  the  case  and  myself  hung.  They  generally  closed  with  a  promise  to 
kill  all  capitalists  and  blow  up  all  the  newspaper  buildings. 

One  private  detective,  whom  I  had  at  work  for  me  for  a  long  time, 
proved  very  valuable.  He  belonged  to  a  union  and  showed  very  fine 
judgment.  He  would  watch  only  the  most  radical  leaders  and  ascertain 
their  intentions.  He  was  a  rabid  Anarchist  himself,  but  he  did  not  believe 
in  killing  people  or  precipitating  riots  so  long  as  it  would  not  help  their 
cause.  He  often  used  to  say  to  me : 

"Captain,  I  will  be  true  to  you.  I  will  help  you  all  I  can  to  prevent 
some  of  these  fools  from  committing  any  more  murders." 

He  said  that  some  of  his  people  had  not  sense  enough  to  know  what 
they  were  doing,  and  that,  whenever  he  met  a  man  of  family  who  talked 
about  killing  somebody,  he  would  remonstrate  with  him.  For  this  good 
and  sensible  advice  some  of  the  reds  called  him  a  coward  and  a  spy.  At 
one  time,  on  Lake  Street,  a  big,  burly  brute  called  him  a  coward  and  a 
creeping  thing.  My  man  stepped  up  to  the  fellow  and  said  : 

"I  will  make  you  eat  your  own  words,  or  you  will  have  to  kill  me." 

"What  do  you  want  me  to  do  ?  "  asked  the  big  ruffian. 

"Fight  a  duel,"  retorted  the  detective.  "I  will  give  you  twenty  min- 
utes' time  in  which  to  secure  a  revolver  and  get  ready.  I  will  pay  your 
car-fare,  and  we  will  go  out  to  Garfield  Park.  No  one  shall  go  with  us,  and 
if  you  don't  accept  my  challenge,  I  will  kill  you  anyhow." 

"Are  you  in  earnest  ?  "  asked  the  other. 

"  Never  more  so  in  my  life,"  was  the  reply. 

The  boasting  coward  then  begged  for  more  time,  which  was  not  granted, 
and,  seeing  the  challenger  determined,  he  winced. 

"I  believe  you  are  a  good  man.  I  am  sorry  that  I  have  insulted  you, 
and  I  beg  your  pardon.  Let  up  on  this.  If  you  don't  feel  like  doing  so, 
for  God's  sake  do  it  for  my  wife  and  family." 

The  young  fellow  then  struck  the  braggart  in  the  face  and  walked  away. 
The  whimpering  coward  never  raised  his  hand  nor  uttered  another  word. 

This  man  whom  I  had  employed  did  not  like  Spies.  He  termed  Spies 
a  rattle-head,  and  disapproved  of  his  arguments  in  the  Fackel  that  the  ist 


A  MYSTERIO  US  DR O  WNING.  2 1 3 

of  May  was  the  time  for  the  Anarchists  to  rise.  In  this  view  all  the  more 
sensible  conspirators  agreed.  They  knew  that  they  could  not  accomplish 
anything,  and  therefore  they  kept  away.  My  man  was  one  of  this  latter 
class.  He  said  everything  was  working  nicely  in  their  favor,  but  Spies 
killed  everything.  He  told  me  that  one  night  he  was  in  company  with 
Spies,  and  that  Spies  said : 

"  I  do  not  care  how  little  I  can  accomplish.  I  want  revenge  on  the 
police.  They  killed  my  brother  —  a  d d  policeman  killed  him  at  a  pic- 
nic. He  shot  him  dead,  and  I  will  never  stop  until  I  have  more  than 
double  revenge." 

This  statement  of  Spies'  about  the  killing  was  true.  The  brother  killed 
was  a  young  tough,  and  had  been  shot  by  Officer  Tamillo. 

My  man  said  that  from  the  moment  of  this  interview  he  had  no  more 
use  for  Spies.  This  detective  ceased  work  for  a  few  months,  but  he  there- 
after resumed  his  secret  service,  as  he  found  that,  in  view  of  the  strikes  and 
laying-off,  he  could  hardly  make  a  living  otherwise.  I  put  him  to  work 
again,  and  he  did  well,  continuing  for  two  months.  One  day  he  came  to  me 
and  wanted  $30.  I  gave  it  to  him,  and  he  started  away.  He  would  report 
to  me  daily  through  the  mail,  and  whenever  he  had  anything  -of  special 
importance  to  communicate  he  always  knew  just  where  to  find  me.  I 
missed  his  reports  for  five  days,  and  I  failed  to  learn  anything  of  him  dur- 
ing that  time.  On  the  2nd  of  August  I  was  severely  injured  by  being  thrown 
out  of  my  buggy,  and  I  was  obliged  to  keep  to  the  house  for  two  weeks. 
On  the  5th  of  August  I  received  a  communication  from  the  Coroner  of 
Lake  County,  Indiana,  asking  me  if  I  had  a  man  named  Charles  Brown 
working  for  me  as  a  detective.  The  letter  was  as  follows  : 

HAMMOND,  LAKE  COUNTY,  Indiana,  August  3,  1887. 

Captain  Schaack  —  Sir  :  I  enclose  a  copy  of  a  statement  of  a  witness  who  identified  the 
bodies  of  two  parties  drowned  in  Cedar  Lake  ;  also  the  badge  pin  found  on  the  man.  A  Mr. 
Heise  stated  to  me  before  he  saw  the  body  that  the  man  was  a  detective  and  wore  his  police 
badge  on  his  breast.  The  body  had  been  found  by  a  hard  case  by  the  name  of  Green  and 
some  pals  of  his,  on  the  southeast  corner  of  Cedar  Lake.  When  the  body  was  landed,  all 
the  garments  on  it  were  undershirt,  drawers  and  pants.  All  the  rest  had  disappeared.  His 
coat  was  found  later,  but  nothing  in  the  pockets.  The  rest  was  not  found.  Mr.  Heise  said 
that  he  had  some  money,  a  watch  and  chain  and  a  revolver  when  he  left  Chicago.  Other 
parties  say  that  the  man  Green  changed  a  $20  note  for  him  some  time  before  he  was  drowned. 
There  are  some  very  mysterious  circumstances  with  regard  to  his  condition  as  found  and 
reported  by  Green  and  Scotty,  when  they  found  the  body,  with  regard  to  vest,  watch,  money 
and  revolver.  I  think  a  little  detective  work  might  show  up  the  matter. 

Respectfully  yours,  G.  VAN  DE  WALKER, 

Coroner,  Lake  Co. ,  Indiana. 

Three  days  after,  I  learned  that  this  was  the  same  man  I  had  employed, 
and  I  placed  Officer  Schuej:tler  on  the  case  to  unravel,  if  possible,  the  mys- 
tery surrounding  his  death.  The  officer  in  a  few  days  reported  that  it  was 
exceedingly  difficult  to  obtain  a  clue,  as  no  one  seemed  disposed  to  give 


214 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 


any  information  as  to  foul  play;  but  enough  was  learned  in  a  general  way  to 
warrant  the  conclusion  that  underhanded  methods  had  been  used  to  accom- 
plish the  man's  death. 

I  recalled  certain  incidents   in   connection  wfth  the  man's  work   as  a 
detective,  and,  placing  them  by  the  side  of  the  seemingly  accidental  drown- 


ing, I  became  convinced  that  a  deliber- 
ate crime  had  been  committed. 

One  day  this  private  asked  me  if  I 
would  allow  him  to  tell  a  young  lady 
what  he  was  working  at.  I  told  him  that 
he  must  do  nothing  of  the  kind ;  that  if 
he  did  so  I  would  have  no  further  use  for  him.  He  then  begged  me  to 
permit  him  to  use  my  name  as  his  friend,  and  I  told  him  I  had  no  objec- 
tion to  that.  But  I  found  out  later  that  he  had  said  more  to  the  young  lady 
than  I  had  consented  to,  and  J  believe  his  indiscretion  in  that  respect  is 
what  cost  him  his  life. 

From  the  moment  that  the  girl  ascertained  his  secret  occupation  he  was  a 
doomed  man.  She  let  other  Anarchists  into  the  secret,  and  they  at  once  set 
about  devising  means  for  ending  his  life. 

The  information  I  received  later  was  that  it  had  been  decided  upon  that 
the  young  woman  should  inveigle  him  to  Cedar  Lake,  and  then,  when  he 
was  in  her  power,  to  do  away  with  him.  The  two  left  the  city  together,  and 
were  followed  by  the  others  in  the  conspiracy  to  the  place  where  his  body  was 
found.  Before  taking  the  trip  on  the  water,  she  was  seen  talking  with  some 
mysterious-looking  individuals,  and  they  then  and  there  decided  upon  the 
details  of  the  plan.  She  was  to  get  him  to  row  out  into  deep  water,  and, 
v/hen  they  had  got  fairly  started,  her  friends  were  to  follow  in  another  row- 


A  DESPERATE  PLOT.  215 

boat  at  a  convenient  distance.  When  they  reached  the  middle  of  the  lake 
she  was  to  keep  a  close  watch  on  the  other  boat,  and  as  they  neared  her 
boat  she  was  to  suddenly  throw  herself  on  one  side  and  tip  the  boat  over  so 
that  both  occupants  would  be  thrown  into  the  water.  Her  friends  were  then  to 
be  close  at  hand,  pick  her  up  and  save  her  from  drowning.  The  programme 
was  carried  out  so  far  as  related  to  the  capsizing  of  the  boat,  but  the  men 
did  not  get  near  enough  in  time  to  save  her.  She  went  down  with  her  com- 
panion and  was  drowned  with  him. 

There  is  no  doubt  as  to  the  truth  of  this  plot.  It  was  in  entire  keeping 
with  Anarchistic  methods ;  and  parties  who  were  at  the  lake  at  the  time  state 
that  they  saw  the  young  lady  get  up  in  the  boat,  and  that  while  thus  stand- 
ing she  swung  it  over,  precipitating  herself  and  her  lover  into  the  water. 
I  had  men  engaged  on  the  case  for  some  time,  but  the  investigation  always 
ended  in  the  same  way  —  an  undoubted  conclusion  that  the  detective's  life 
was  taken  by  reason  of  a  plot,  but  no  evidence  to  establish  the  guilt  of  the 
conspirators.  From  the  information  I  received,  I  am  satisfied  that  the 
whole  matter  was  carefully  planned  and  carried  out  by  the  woman. 

From  May  7,  1886,  to  November  20,  1887,  I  had  a  great  deal  of  work, 
there  were  so  many  things  to  look  after,  but  after  matters  had  become 
systematized  and  the  force  had  been  brought  down  to  good  working  order, 
the  burdens  of  the  office  became  much  easier  than  most  people  would  sup- 
pose. 

In  the  first  place,  I  had  one  hundred  and  sixty  rank  Anarchists  to  look 
after ;  but  as  soon  as  these  became  known  to  my  men,  it  was  an  easy  matter 
for  the  officers  to  report  where  they  had  seen  them  and  with  whom  they 
associated.  Then  I  had  ten  small  halls  to  watch  where  the  Anarchists 
met  night  and  day.  There  were  also  seventeen  saloons  where  these  people 
were  accustomed  to  congregate.  Three  of  these  latter  had  small  halls  con- 
nected with  them.  Twelve  of  the  other  saloons  had  rear  rooms  where  the 
reds  would  sit  at  times  and  hold  small  meetings.  After  we  had  all  their 
haunts  located,  and  knowing  the  kind  of  men  who  frequented  them,  the 
work  of  keeping  track  of  them  was  not  so  hard.  Some  of  these  Anarchists 
would  enter  boldly  into  these  places,  while  others  would  almost  crawl  on 
their  stomachs  to  get  into  the  resorts  without  being  seen.  Others  again 
would  disguise  themselves  so  that  their  identity  could  not  become  known 
to  detectives. 

The  officers  made  no  attempt  to  close  these  places,  and  possibly  the 
reader  may  ask  why  such  notorious  and  dangerous  resorts  were  permitted 
to  continue  unmolested. 

My  reason  for  not  closing  them  was  that  the  Anarchists  were  bound  to 
meet  in  some  place.  We  knew  their  resorts  thoroughly,  and  I  had  plenty 
of  my  men  among  them,  who  worked  ostensibly  for  the  cause  of  Anarchy, 
but  who  continually  furnished  me  pointers.  Again,  we  knew  just  where 


216  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

they  would  meet  and  could  always  have  our  men  present.  If  I  had  shut 
them  out  from  these  places,  they  would  have  been  driven  into  private 
houses,  broken  up  into  smaller  factions,  and  our  work  would  have  been 
made  much  broader  and  harder  in  keeping  track  of  them  and  their  doings. 
So  long  as  I  had  the  machine,  so  to  speak,  in  my  own  hands,  and  knew  all 
that  had  been  done  and  said,  we  let  them  alone.  And  the  results  justified 
our  course. 

Among  the  saloon-keepers  there  was  one  who  seemed  to  have  a  special 
liking  for  me.  This  man,  who  had  a  place  on  Lake  Street,  on  taking  his 
first  drink  in  the  morning  would  invariably  drink  to  my  health,  saying  :  "  I 

hope  that  that  d d  Luxemburger,  Schaack,  will  be  killed  before  I  go  to 

bed  to-night ;"  and  when  he  was  about  to  close  his  doggery  for  the  day,  he 
would  take  two  drinks  and  say  :  "I  hope  I  will  find  Schaack  hanging  to  a 
lamp-post  in  the  morning  when  I  get  up." 

When  the  saloon-keepers  were  particularly  loaded  with  beer,  they 
shouted  louder  than  any  one  else  for  Anarchy,  and  the  louder  and  more 
vehemently  they  shouted  the  more  "solid "did  they  become  with  their 
Anarchist  customers.  At  every  meeting  held  at  these  places,  collections 
were  taken  up,  and  the  saloon-keepers  could  always  be  counted  upon  to 
contribute  liberally. 

The  worst  of  these  ignorant  fools  never  did  realize  why  the  saloon- 
keepers shouted  so  lustily  for  Anarchy  until  they  came  home  to  find  their 
wives  and  little  ones  crying  for  bread.  Then,  perhaps,  it  faintly  dawned 
upon  their  minds  that  the  saloon-keepers  were  after  their  nickels.  These 
liquor-sellers  were  Anarchists  for  revenue  only,  and  they  sought  in  every  way 
to  keep  on  the  right  side  of  the  rank  and  file  of  the  party.  They  always 
looked  to  it,  the  first  thing  in  the  morning,  that  plenty  of  Anarchist  litera- 
ture and  a  dozen  or  so  copies  of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  were  duly  on  the  tables 
of  their  places,  and  in  some  saloons  beer-bloated  bums,  who  could  manage 
to  read  fairly,  were  engaged  to  read  aloud  such  articles  as  were  particularly 
calculated  to  stir  up  the  passions  of  the  benighted  patrons.  Robber 
and  hypocrite  are  terms  too  weak  to  apply  to  these  saloon-keepers.  Some 
of  them  had  "walking  delegates"  by  their  side,  and  if  an  Anarchist 
seemed  to  them  to  be  "going  wrong"  by  seeking  work,  the  delegate  and 
assistant  robber  would  tell  him  to  go  back  to  his  headquarters  and 
wait,  assuring  him  that  they  would  have  all  things  right  in  a  few 
days. 

And  this  is  the  way  these  poor  fools  and  their  families  were  kept  in 
continual  misery.  Many  of  the  dupes  have  had  their  eyes  opened  and 
have  quit  frequenting  these  places  and  the  underground  caves.  What  is 
the  result  ?  Their  families  are  better  looked  after,  and  the  difference  in 
their  comfort  is  very  apparent.  They  used  to  call  the  Chicago  Avenue 
Station  "Schaack's  Bastile,"  but  let  me  say  that  those  saloon-keepers  with 


MODERN  BASTILE-KEEPERS.  217 

their  low  and  contemptible  resorts  were  the  real  bastile-keepers.  Hundreds 
and  hundreds  of  men,  heads  and  fathers  of  families,  have  been  kept  in 
squalid  want  by  spending  their  very  last  cent  in  these  holes,  and  their 
dependents  have  been  left  without  food,  proper  clothing  or  fuel.  I  believe  in 
unions  for  proper  objects,  but  even  these  should  not  be  continued  for  the 
benefit  of  such  saloon-keepers. 

All  these  men  were  great  heroes  so  long  as  they  could  hope  to  enrich 
themselves,  but  when  the  chief  conspirators  were  locked  up  in  jail,  and 
liberal  contributions  were  demanded  for  the  defense,  their  enthusiasm  in 
the  holy  cause  of  Anarchy  was  considerably  cooled. 

While  Chicago  is  regarded  as  the  head  center  of  Anarchy  in  America, 
people  of  other  cities  and  States  should  not  imagine  that  the  vicious  reds 
are  all  in  this  city.  There  are  plenty  of  them  scattered  throughout  the 
country,  and  this  fact  was  made  quite  manifest  at  the  time  the  Anarchists 
were  being  arrested.  Friends  of  the  imprisoned  men  came  to  Chicago  from 
all  over  the  United  States,  and  financial  assistance  poured  in  on  all  sides. 
Those  who  came  here  were  open  in  their  declarations  of  sympathy  and 
never  attempted  to  conceal  their  actions. 

When  these  same  men  were  at  their  homes  they  did  not  dare  to  openly 
say  a  word  in  favor  of  Anarchy,  because  they  were  few  in  numbers ;  but 
should  there  be  enough  to  make  a  formidable  showing,  they  will  throw  off 
their  mask  and  assume  a  defiant,  menacing  attitude. 

These  arrivals,  just  as  soon  as  they  became  known,  were  kept  under 
espionage,  and  every  movement  they  made  was  looked  after,  lest  they  might 
commit  some  desperate  deed.  Of  course  there  were  a  great  many  whom 
the  police  did  not  discover,  and  it  is  a  wonder  that,  during  the  excitement 
incident  to  the  arrest  of  so  many  Anarchists  and  the  searches  made  of 
Anarchistic  houses,  some  diabolical  act  was  not  perpetrated.  Possibly 
they  discovered  that  the  omnipresent  police  were  so  thoroughly  on  the 
inside  of  their  conspiracy  that  detection  was  inevitable.  It  is  certain  that 
they  knew  that  I  had  become  thoroughly  posted  as  to  the  inside  workings 
of  Anarchy,  and  the  sound  fear  which  I  was  able  to  inspire  by  a  bold  and 
aggressive  policy  no  doubt  acted  as  a  restraint  upon  any  violent  outburst 
of  passion  and  revenge. 

It  was  constant  vigilance  alone  that  averted  trouble,  and  no  Anarchist 
of  a  specially  vicious  disposition  was  permitted  to  feel  that  his  movements 
were  overlooked  or  unwatched.  For  this  purpose  I  had  Anarchists  among 
Anarchists  to  inform  on  Anarchists,  and  all  the  meetings  were  thus  kept 
under  strict  surveillance.  Even  private  houses  were  watched.  On  one 
occasion  I  desired  to  secure  certain  information.  One  of  the  private  detec- 
tives was  accordingly  detailed  to  watch  the  rear  of  a  certain  building  from 
an  alley.  He  was  there  for  two  days  without  being  observed  by  any  one, 
but  on  the  third  day  he  was  noticed  by  a  police  officer.  The  officer  asked 
him  what  he  was  doing  in  that  locality,  and  the  private  responded  : 


218 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 


"  I  am  waiting  for  a  friend  of  mine  who  is  working  in  this  barn,  and  I 
expect  him  around  soon." 

The  officer  placed  no  reliance  on  the  statement,  and  so  he  hustled  him 
out  of  the  alley.  The  detective  walked  on  a  short  distance,  and,  as  soon  as 
the  officer  was  out  of  sight,  retraced  his  steps  and  returned  to  the  place, 
this  time  finding  a  different  point  for  his  observations.  He  had  scarcely 
thought  himself  secure  from  further  interruptions,  when  the  back  gate 
of  the  next  yard  opened,  and  in  walked  the  same  officer.  Both  were  alike 

surprised.  But  this 
time  there  were  no 
questions  asked  and 
no  explanations  de- 
manded. The  officer 
promptly  seized  the 
detective  by  the  collar 
and  marched  him  to 
the  Chicago  Avenue 
Station.  The  detect- 
ive kept  his  identity 
to  himself,  and  of 
course  found  himself 
speedily  assigned  to 
a  cell  over  night.  On 
the  next  morning,  as 
I  sauntered  through 
'h  the  lock-up,  I  discov- 
ered  my  friend  in 
durance  vile,  and, 
promptly  looking  up 
the  record,  found  that 
he  had  been  booked 
for  disorderly 
duct. 


con- 


THALIA    HALL. 
From  a  Photograph. 

I  then  returned  and  told  him  that,  when  brought  into  court,  he  should 
not  say  anything  to  the  judge,  but  play  the  part  of  a  fool  and  simpleton. 
His  case  came  up ;  he  was  fined  $5  and  sent  back  to  the  lock-up.  I  went 
to  him  later,  handed  him  the  money,  and  in  half  an  hour  he  paid  his  fine 
and  left.  The  detective  went  back  to  his  post,  but  the  officer  was  not  put 
on  that  beat  again.  My  man  worked  for  about  two  weeks  and  finished 
his  job. 

Of  course,  the  detectives  in  the  case  had  varied  experiences.  On  another 
occasion  it  was  desirable  to  know  what  was  being  done  at  some  secret 
meetings  held  at  Thalia  Hall,  No.  703  Milwaukee  Avenue.  This  v/as  after 


OFFICER  NORDRUM' S  WORK.  219 

the  trial  of  the  Anarchists  had  begun.  I  assigned  a  few  detectives  in  that 
direction,  and  shortly  afterwards  the  proceedings  might  as  well  have  been 
open  so  far  as  the  police  were  concerned. 

My  boys  had  a  great  deal  of  fun.  They  managed  to  discover  a  way  by 
which  they  secured  an  entrance  under  the  stage,  and  at  the  first  meeting 
they  attended  they  amused  themselves  by  cutting  a  hole  through  that  por- 
tion of  the  stage  facing  the  audience.  When  they  had  done  this,  they  could 
see  all  present  and  hear  everything  that  was  said.  Many  a  night  they  held 
to  that  port-hole  and  enjoyed  the  circus  on  the  outside.  They  heard  many 
a  speech  of  a  threatening  character  against  Judge  Gary,  Mr.  Grinnell,  Mr. 
Bonfield  and  myself,  and  sometimes  they  had  to  listen  to  some  rampant 
speaker  who  would  depict  the  pleasure  all  Anarchists  would  enjoy  at  seeing 
the  funerals  of  these  officials  passing  through  the  streets.  Of  course,  those 
who  were  the  most  bitter  had  the  least  courage,  and  so  long  as  the  auditors 
only  listened  to  speeches,  my  boys  were  perfectly  satisfied  that  no  immedi- 
ate danger  was  to  be  apprehended. 

I  finally  learned  that  some  of  the  Anarchists  had  become  suspicious, 
and  therefore  ordered  Officer  Schuettler  and  the  others  to  remain  away,  as 
they  would  otherwise  be  discovered.  And  they  would  have  been.  One 
day  the  Anarchists  made  a  careful  search  of  the  building,  and  they  found  the 
hole  through  which  the  boys  had  peeped.  They  then  decided  on  a  plan.  It 
was  that  during  the  next  meeting,  which  they  felt  certain  some  of  my  boys 
would  attend,  a  great  commotion  should  be  made  in  the  hall.  This  would 
surely  bring  one  of  the  detectives  with  his  eye  very  near  the  hole.  Then 
one  of  the  Anarchists  should  stealthily  creep  up  on  the  side,  suddenly 
plunge  a  sharp  iron  through  the  hole,  and  kill  the  man  within. 

One  officer,  who  proved  of  great  assistance  to  me,  was  Charles  Nordrum. 
He  became  engaged  in  the  case  shortly  after  the  Haymarket  riot,  and  after 
a  time  became  a  regular  attach^  of  the  detective  department.  He  was 
born  in  Norway  on  the  gth  of  November,  1858,  and  had  lived  in  Chicago 
since  1868.  He  joined  the  police  force  in  November,  1884,  and,  possessing 
a  great  deal  of  tact  and  shrewdness,  his  services  were  soon  enlisted  in  the 
work  of  hunting  up  the  red  conspirators.  He  worked  at  times  with  Officer 
Schuettler,  but  reported  to  Ebersold.  Both  were  known  to  my  officers,  but 
they  did  not  know  of  my  private  workers.  Nordrum  was  especially  detailed 
to  look  after  some  meetings  at  Thalia  Hall,  at  the  Emma  Street  Hall,  in 
the  rear  room  of  Zepf's  saloon,  in  the  rear  room  of  Greif's  saloon,  at  No. 
600  Blue  Island  Avenue,  and  at  the  Northwestern  Hall,  and  he  did  not 
overlook  meetings  held  in  the  cellars  of  some  of  the  more  prominent  Anar- 
chists on  the  Northwest  Side  and  of  others  who  were  in  sympathy  with  the 
Anarchists.  He  wormed  himself  into  the  good  graces  of  quite  a  number  of 
the  reds,  and  was  always  kindly  received  by  them.  After  a  time  the  police 
stopped  the  holding  of  meetings  in  some  of  the  halls,  and  then  the  Anar- 


22O 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 


chist  sympathizers  harbored  the  reds  in  their  cellars,  furnishing  candles  for 
illumination  and  nail-kegs  for  seats.  On  the  5th  of  July,  1887,  Nordrum 
was  exposed  at  No.  599  Milwaukee  Avenue,  and  he  was  at  once  surrounded 
by  an  infuriated  mob.  The  Anarchists  with  whom  he  had  associated 
attempted  to  kill  him,  but  the  officer,  after  a  desperate  fight,  succeeded  in 
reaching  the  door  before  any  serious  violence  had  been  done  him.  This,  of 
course,  destroyed  his  further  usefulness  among  them,  but  out  of  his  knowl- 
edge of  the  men  and  their  affairs  two  arrests  were  effected.  He  and  Officer 
Schuettler  brought  in  Emil  Wende  and  Frederick  Kost,  members  of  the 


UNDERGROUND    CONSPIRATORS. 

Terra  Cotta  Union.  These  men  had  been  selected  to  buy  each  member  of 
their  group  a  42-caliber  revolver  and  one  box  of  cartridges,  and  the  weapons 
so  secured  were  to  have  been  used  on  the  police  on  the  day  of  the  execu- 
tion. The  weapons  had  been  purchased,  and  as  soon  as  the  principals  had 
been  placed  under  arrest,  a  descent  was  made  upon  the  supply.  All  the 
revolvers  were  captured  and  brought  to  the  Central  Station. 

Noticing  how  successfully  they  had  been  circumvented  in  all  their  move- 
ments, the  Anarchists  naturally  came  to  the  conclusion  that  detectives  were 
working  in  their  ranks  either  in  the  interest  of  myself  or  of  Billy  Pinker- 
ton,  and  they  resolved  to  discover,  if  possible,  the  men  so  engaged.  One 


UNSUCCESSFUL   SPIES. 


221 


day  a  very  intelligent  fellow  called  at  my  office  and  wanted  to  know  if  I 
desired  any  more  men  to  work  for  me  among  the  Anarchists.  He  stated 
that  he  was  well  acquainted  with  all  the  reds,  and,  if  I  would  pay  him  well, 
he  would  render  good  service. 

I  called  him  into  my  private  office,  and  I  closely  questioned  him.  I 
learned  that  he  knew  a  great  many  of  them,  and  I  told  him  that  I  wanted 
one  good  man.  He  then  considered  himself  engaged,  and  said  to  me  : 

"Now  you  had  better  tell  me  all  the  men  that  are  working  for  you 
and  show  them  all  to  me  so  we  can  work  together." 

I  told  him  that  if  he  could  find  out  any  one  of  my  men  I  would  pay 
him  $20  a  week,  and  then  he  might  consider  himself  engaged.  He  went 
away,  but  he  never  came  back  to  claim  the  $20. 

This  ruse  having  failed;  the  Anarchists  devised  another.  One  day  early 
in  August,  1886,  they  sent  one  of  my  countrymen,  a  Luxemburger,  to  me. 
This  fellow  began  to  play  his  cards  very  nicely, 
and  sought  to  carve  a  very  pretty  little  path 
into  my  confidence,  but  he  had  not  proceeded 
very  far  before  my  suspicions  were  aroused, 
and  he  got  nothing  to  satisfy  either  himself 
or  those  who  sent  him.  While  our  conversa- 
tion was  going  on  one  of  the  officers  came  in, 
and,  noticing  the  fellow,  called  me  into  another 
room.  The  officer  then  stated  that  he  had  seen 
the  man  hanging  around  West  Lake  Street, 
had  seen  him  drunk  frequently,  and  had  once 
found  him  in  tears,  saying  that  he  had  come 
from  Paris,  had  seen  the  downfall  of  the 
Commune  there,  and  that  now  that  Anarchy 
was  suppressed  in  Chicago  all  hope  for  liberty 
was  gone,  and  he  would  be  ready  to  die  at  his 
own  hands  after  he  should  have  first  killed  somebody, 
the  office. 

"See  here,  old  fellow,"  said  I,  "I  have  spies  amongst  the  Anarchists, 
but  I  do  not  want  spies  among  my  own  command." 

The  man  was  then  asked  if  he  could  do  any  work,  and  when  he  said 
that  he  had  not  done  any  work  in  a  long  time,  I  remarked  that  I  had  a  job 
for  him.  He  became  interested  and  wanted  to  know  what  kind  of  a  job  it  was. 

"It  is  under  Superintendent  Felton  at  the  House  of  Correction,  and  he 
will  assign  you  to  work  that  will  keep  the  dogs  from  biting  you  for  six 
months.  You  are  a  vagrant,  and  I  will  bring  you  into  court  to-morrow 
morning  and  have  you  fined  $100.  That  will  be  six  months." 

The  man  begged  piteously  to  be  spared  that  punishment,  and  I  plied 
him  with  questions.  He  stated  that,  inasmuch  as  he  was  of  the  same 


OFFICER  NORDRUM. 


I    returned    to 


222  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

nationality  as  myself,  the  Anarchists  thought  he  could  readily  get  into  my 
secrets,  and  they  had  forced  him  to  come.  I  told  him  that  my  officers  knew 
him  and  had  him  spotted,  and  that  unless  he  left  the  city  by  the  next  day  I 
would  have  him  arrested  and  sent  to  the  work-house.  He  left  the  station, 
and  I  have  never  seen  him  since.  Since  then  I  have  received  a  letter  from 
Michigan,  saying  that  if  the  writer  had  me  there  I  would  never  see  Chicago 
again,  as  he  would  find  work  for  me  for  awhile,  and  I  am  confident  that  it 
came  from  my  old  friend. 

During  the  progress  of  the  investigations  some  curious  characters  were 
encountered.  Some  sought  me,  as  I  have  already  noted,  but  in  most 
instances  I  had  to  hunt  them.  One  eccentric  genius  was  especially  notice- 
able. He  had  started  out  with  the  intention  of  reading  himself  into  the 
Anarchist  faith,  and  for  this  purpose  be  became  a  constant  reader  of  the 
Arbeiter-Zeitung  and  its  Sunday  edition,  the  Fackel.  For  some  time  he 
wavered  in  his  opinion,  but  the  more  he  read  the  more  he  became  convinced 
that  there  was  something  in  Anarchy.  At  last  he  became  so  deeply  imbued 
that  he  almost  regarded  it  a  sacrilege  to  destroy  the  copies  he  had  pur- 
chased for  his  enlightenment.  He  carefully  stowed  the  papers  away  in  the 
closet  in  his  room,  and  when  he  returned  from  work  he  would  open  the 
door  and  examine  his  collection  much  as  a  miser  inspects  his  hoard. 

May  4  finally  came,  and  with  it  the  event  he  had  looked  forward  to  so 
longingly.  But  the  outcome  did  not  suit  him.  He  noticed  that  the  police 
were  getting  uncomfortably  close  to  his  locality,  but  he  did  not  feel  any 
special  concern  until  one  evening  a  patrol  wagon  pulled  up  in  front  of 
No.  105  Wells  Street,  near  his  own  domicile.  He  saw  the  officers 
approaching  in  the  direction  of  the  entrance,  and,  jumping  from  his  chair 
near  the  window,  shouted  to  his  landlady : 

"  For  heaven's  sake  !  —  the  police  are  coming  to  search  the  house  —  what 
will  I  do  ?  If  they  come  into  my  room  and  find  my  papers,  I  will  be  arrested 
and  locked  up  as  an  Anarchist.  Let  me  burn  my  papers  in  your  stove." 

The  landlady  would  not  permit  it,  as  she  feared  arrest  as  an  accomplice. 
The  young  man  almost  fell  on  his  knees  in  pleading  with  her  for  permission. 
Finding  his  appeals  useless,  he  hastened  to  his  room,  lit  a  fire  in  a  sheet- 
iron  stove  there,  and  began  to  burn  his  whole  collection.  His  haste  was  so- 
great  that  he  crammed  too  many  papers  in  at  once,  and  the  stove  became 
overheated.  The  wall  paper  began  to  burn,  and  the  Anarchist  had  to  give 
his  attention  to  moving  the  bed  and  furniture  away  from  the  walls.  He  did 
not  dare  to  give  an  alarm  of  fire,  and  yet  he  saw  that  the  whole  room  would 
be  in  flames  in  a  few  moments.  He  seized  a  pitcher  of  water,  emptied  its 
contents  on  the  wall,  opened  the  door  and  called  for  the  landlady  to  come 
to  his  assistance.  She  responded,  and  when  she  saw  the  situation,  she 
cried  out,  "Fire,  fire  !  "  He  endeavored  to  make  her  desist  from  her  cries 


OFFICIAL  NEGLIGENCE. 


223 


and  urged  her  to  bring  him  water.     Water  was  brought  and  soused  all  over 
the  stove  and  the  walls. 

By  this  time  the  house  was  full  of  smoke,  and  they  opened  the  window. 
An  officer  in  the  wagon  noticed  the  smoke,  and  shouted  to  some  of  his  com- 
panions that  there  was  a  fire  next  door  up-stairs.  The  young  man  over- 
heard this  and  hastened  to  tell  the  officer  that  it  was  only  smoke  and  that 
no  assistance  was  required. 

The  landlady  now  ran  away  to  escape  possible  arrest,  and  the  young  man 
was  left  alone.  He  again  assured  the  officer  below  that  the  smoke  had  all 
cleared  away,  and  he  slammed  down  the  window. 

After  thus  es- 
caping police  in- 
vestigation, the 
youthful  Anarchist 
felt  happy,  and  he 
had  reasons  to  be, 
as  he  would  cer- 
tainly have  been  ar- 
rested, in  view  of 
his  actions,  had  the 
officers  ever  en- 
tered his  room. 
Others  had  been 
arrested  under  less 
suspicious  circum- 
stances, and  it  took 
some  of  them  along 
time  to  satisfactori- 
ly explain  their  po- 
sition. The  young 
man  has  since  be- 
c  o  m  e  connected 
with  a  newspaper. 
He  may  deny  this  in  his  paper,  but  I  will  never  "give  him  away." 

While  pursuing  the  investigations,  and  never  losing  hope  of  finding  Par- 
sons, I  was  one  day  informed  by  Officer  Henry  Fechter  that  a  man  who  knew 
the  foxy  Anarchist  had  seen  the  fugitive  at  Geneva,  Wis.,  and  his  arrest 
might  be  easily  effected.  The  officer  was  a  detail  at  the  time  at  the  North- 
western Railroad  depot,  and  his  informant  was  a  reliable  gentleman.  I 
instructed  the  officer  to  report  his  information  to  Chief  Ebersold,  as  I  was 
helpless  in  the  matter,  having  no  authority  to  send  an  officer*  outside  of  the 
city  limits.  That  was  the  last  I  ever  heard  of  it.  The  information 
was  evidently  pigeonholed,  and  Parsons  continued  to  bask  in  rural  sunshine 


THE  SCARED  AMATEUR   ANARCHIST. 


224  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

and  enjoy  himself  until  the  day  he  came  into  court  of  his  own  free  will. 
This  was  not  the  only  instance  of  supine  neglect  in  the  Chief's  office  and 
the  detective  department.  I  have  already  spoken  of  the  case  of  Schnau- 
belt,  the  bomb-thrower,  but  there  is  still  another  striking  illustration.  It 
was  shortly  after  the  selection  of  a  jury  to  try  the  Anarchists.  The  Bonfield 
brothers  and  myself  were  obliged  to  be  in  court  nearly  all  the  time,  and  the 
Anarchists  on  the  outside,  observing  this,  began  to  concoct  plots  for  taking 
revenge  on  the  city.  In  this  emergency  the  Chief  decided  to  go  to  California, 
and,  in  order  that  he  might  have  cheerful  company,  he  invited  Lieut.  Joseph 
Kipley,  of  the  so-called  detective  department,  and  Capt.  William  Buckley, 
of  the  First  Precinct. 

When  Mr.  Grinnell  heard  of  this  contemplated  trip,  at  a  time  when,  for 
the  sake  of  public  appearance  at  least,  the  Chief  ought  to  have  remained  at 
home,  he  firmly  remonstrated  and  reminded  the  official  of  his  duty.  But 
Ebersold  shook  his  head. 

"I  have  got  my  tickets,"  said  he;   "what  will  I  do  with  them?" 

"Throw  them  into  the  lake,"  replied  Mr.  Grinnell. 

But  the  Chief  was  obstinate,  and  he  and  his  party  left  for  the  Pacific 
Coast.  The  force  was  then  left  in  command  of  Inspector  John  Bonfield, 
who  thus  had  double  duty  imposed  upon  him. 

The  moment  the  work  of  impaneling  the  jury  had  begun,  the  outside 
Anarchists  began  to  exert  themselves  to  put  some  of  their  own  men  into 
the  jury-box.  When  they  found  that  the  State  was  too  vigilant,  however, 
they  next  set  about  to  secure  such  witnesses  as  could  be  counted  upon  to 
swear  their  friends  out  of  jail.  Take  the  evidence  of  the  strongest  witnesses 
put  on  the  stand  by  the  defense,  and  the  critical,  unbiased  examiner  will 
readily  discover  that  many  of  them  were  simply  perjurers. 

But  the  labors  of  the  reds  were  in  vain,  and  when  they  began  to  realize 
that  the  jury  did  not  seem  impressed  with  the  character  of  theif  evidence, 
the  outside  barbarians  grew  desperate  and  resolved  on  a  new  line  of  tactics. 

One  day  I  received  a  note  from  one  of  my  men  warning  me  to  protect 
the  jury.  The  Anarchists,  he  said,  were  working  out  a  scheme  to  injure 
some  of  the  jurors,  and  if  they  could  succeed  in  that,  they  were  confident 
the  case  would  have  to  be  begun  anew.  If  the  case  ever  came  up 
again,  no  man  would  care  to  risk  his  life  in  a  trial  of  the  conspirators, 
and  their  brothers  would  go  free.  If,  however,  the  State  should  secure  a 
full  set  of  jurors,  they  would  give  them  a  dose  of  dynamite,  and  that  would 
certainly  end  the  case.  Then  they  could  keep  on  with  Anarchy  and  make 
the  capitalists  cower  before  them.  This  plan,  I  was  informed,  had  met  the 
entire  approval  of  the  gang. 

I  conferred  with  Mr.  Grinnell,  and  as  a  result  we  doubled  the  watch  to 
protect  the  jury.  We  made  it  a  point  also  to  know  when  the  jurors  went 
out  for  a  walk  or  a  drive,  and,  without  their  knowledge,  trustworthy  men 


A  SUSPICIOUS  SPECTATOR. 


225 


were  always  with  them  or  near  them  until  their  return.  The  hotel  in  which 
they  were  quartered  was  only  about  two  hundred  feet  from  the  Criminal 
Court  building,  but  whenever  they  came  to  the  court  in  the  morning,  or 
went  to  their  meals  during  recess,  or  left  the  court  building  after  each  day's 
adjournment,  twelve  detectives  along  the  line  kept  vigilant  watch  of  all 
suspicious  characters.  Besides  the  detectives  there  were  fifteen  officers  in 
uniform,  and  during  the  last  three  days  of  the  trial  we  even  redoubled  our 
vigilance.  There  were  twenty-five  officers  on  the  street,  twenty-five  more 
in  the  court-room,  and  twenty-five  men  about  the  building.  All  these  men 


'  2k*  ^Ai*R^:'?r^?vi  '^^ll'Sv'^  ^S% 
~4^fJljm  ^^Pi ASl    SftM^ 


WATCHING  A  SUSPECT. 

were  in  uniform,  so  that  the  "cranks"  could  see  them,  and  it  proved  to  be  a 
very  good  precaution.  During  the  night,  detectives  and  regular  patrol- 
men were  watching  inside  and  outside  at  the  jurors'  hotel. 

On  the  last  day  of  the  arguments,  when  Mr.  Grinnell  was  closing  for  the 
State,  something  very  suspicious  was  noticed  in  the  court-room.  A  man 
with  a  very  mysterious  air  had  been  seen  around  the  building  for  eight 
days  preceding,  and  it  was  recalled  that  he  came  at  varying  hours  of  the 
day.  On  each  occasion  he  held  a  few  moments'  private  talk  with  some  of 
those  Anarchists  who  had  displayed  interest  in  the  proceedings,  after  which 


226  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS 

he  always  disappeared.  The  parties  he  generally  talked  with  were  Belz, 
who  assisted  in  conducting  the  defense,  Mrs.  Parsons  and  Mrs.  Holmes. 
He  was  about  five  feet  ten  inches  tall,  about  forty  years  of  age,  weighed 
about  1 80  pounds,  had  a  round  face,  short,  stubby,  sandy  beard  and  mus- 
tache, a  nose  built  on  the  feminine  plan,  large,  gray,  piercing  eyes,  and 
withal  he  was  not  a  very  prepossessing  man. 

During  the  last  hour,  when  Mr.  Grinnell  was  making  his  plea  to  the 
jury,  this  man  entered  the  court-room  and  took  a  seat  in  the  front,  right  in 
the  midst  of  the  Anarchists'  families.  This  brought  him  within  seven  or 
eight  feet  behind  the  State's  Attorney.  He  crossed  his  arms  over  his 
stomach,  and  leaned  pretty  well  forward,  keeping  his  hands  concealed  under 
his  coat.  I  was  surprised  at  the  fellow's  impudence,  because  the  court- 
room at  the  time  was  so  still  that  a  whisper  could  have  been  distinctly 
heard  all  over  the  room.  I  sat  at  a  table,  with  Mr.  Walker  to  the  left  and 
Mr.  Ingham  to  the  right,  and  I  called  the  attention  of  these  two  gentlemen 
to  the  mysterious  man  and  his  queer  attitude.  They  watched  his  nervous 
actions,  and  became  alarmed  lest  he  might  be  there  for  some  vicious  object. 
The  man  had  indeed  a  desperate  look,  but  it  was  thought  best  not  to  inter- 
rupt the  proceedings  just  then.  Under  the  strict  orders  of  Judge  Gary, 
everybody  was  obliged  to  be  seated  in  the  court-room,  and  when  the  seats 
were  full  no  more  were  admitted.  This  was  another  good  precaution  at  such 
a  trial.  The  police  officials  had  thus  a  clear  view  of  the  whole  room. 

At  times,  whenever  there  happened  to  be  some  severe  allusions  to  the 
defendants  by  Mr.  Grinnell,  the  stranger  would  twist  himself  around 
uneasily,  all  the  time,  however,  maintaining  his  peculiar  attitude.  Mr. 
Ingham  remarked  that  he  was  afraid  the  stranger  might  suddenly  jump  on 
Mr.  Grinnell  and  stab  him  in  the  back.  Mr.  Walker  expressed  a  similar 
opinion.  I  said  that  he  should  get  no  chance  to  do  that,  as  I  would  kill 
him  before  he  could  take  one  step  toward  Mr.  Grinnell,  and  at  the  same 
time  I  got  my  trusty  38-caliber  Colt's  revolver  in  position  where  I  could 
produce  it  the  instant  it  was  needed.  We  all  agreed  that  this  would  be 
the  right  course  to  take.  At  one  time  the  man  looked  sharply  at  me,  and 
I  gave  him  a  savage  look  right  into  his  eyes.  From  that  time  I  kept  him 
busy  looking  at  me. 

As  soon  as  Mr.  Grinnell  had  concluded  the  man  jumped  up,  drew  near 
to  Belz  and  spoke  to  him.  Then  he  turned  to  a  woman  and  handed  her  a 
paper.  Meanwhile  I  had  already  called  a  detective  to  watch  him,  and  as 
soon  as  the  stranger  reached  the  corridor  he  was  searched.  Nothing  dan- 
gerous was  found  about  his  person,  but  it  was  impossible  to  learn  where 
he  lived  or  what  was  his  name.  He  would  give  no  account  of  himself,  and 
he  was  taken  down  stairs  and  kept  there  until  all  the  detectives  had  taken 
a  good  look  at  him.  He  was  then  told  to  go  and  never  show  himself  around 
the  building  again. 


DAMAGING  DOCUMENTS.  227 

On  the  next  morning  a  revolver  was  found  in  the  building,  and  the  opin- 
ion among  those  posted  on  the  affair  was  that  it  must  have  belonged  to  the 
mysterious  visitor.  He  had  evidently  come  with  a  desperate  determination 
to  shoot  some  one,  even  at  the  sacrifice  of  his  own  life,  but,  seeing  how  slim 
were  his  chances  for  getting  near  his  victim  after  the  close  watch  kept  upon 
him,  he  abandoned  his  intention  and  dropped  his  revolver  to  destroy  any 
evidence  against  himself. 

Possibly  he  may  have  been  simply  engaged  in  playing  a  "bluff  "  on  his 
Anarchist  friends,  his  intention  being  to  make  them  believe  that  he  had 
nerve  enough  to  go  right  into  a  court-room  and  shoot  down  an  official,  and 
afterwards  to  excuse  his  failure  by  referring  to  his  friends  for  proof  that  he 
was  so  closely  watched  that  he  had  no  opportunity  to  get  near  his  victim. 

Mr.  Grinnell  was  shortly  afterwards  informed  of  the  incident,  and  he 
remarked  that  possibly  a  "crank"  might  have  been  found  by  the  Anarchists 
to  make  an  assault  that  they  themselves  had  not,  the  courage  to  undertake. 

As  I  have  already  indicated,  a  great  many  documents  and  letters,  public 
and  private,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  police  during  the  searches  made, 
and  from  the  collection  I  give  a  few  for  the  purpose  of  showing  what  kind 
of  a  dynamite  office  was  being  run  by  Parsons  and  Spies. 

The  following  was  found  by  Detective  James  Bonfield  on  Parsons'  desk 
in  the  Alarm  office,  May  5,  1886  : 

Dealers  in  Marble  and  Granite  Cemetery  Work. —  No.  193  Woodland  Avenue,  CLEVELAND, 
OHIO,  April  29,  1886. 

Comrade  Parsons : — Providing  we  send  you  the  following  dispatch:  "Another  bouncing 
boy,  weight  n  pounds,  all  are  well  —  signal  Fred  Smith," — can  you  send  us  No.  i  for  the 
amount  we  sent  you  by  telegram.  Please  give  us  your  lowest  estimate.  Also  state  by  what 
express  company  you  will  send  it  to  us. 

Parsons  had  nothing  to  do  with  either  handling  or  selling  dynamite,  if 
his  own  statements  are  to  be  accepted.  Still  he  and  Spies  and  their  crowd 
seem  to  have  had  a  great  many  inquiries  for  the  "  good  stuff "  Parsons 
used  to  refer  to  in  his  speeches,  and  which  he  urged  his  followers  to  carry 
in  their  vest  pockets  during  the  day  and  keep  under  their  pillows  at 
night.  Another  evidence  of  their  guilt  was  found  on  the  same  day  by 
Detective  Bonfield  in  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  office,  on  Spies'  desk : 

THE  ./ETNA  POWDER  COMPANY,  Works:  Miller,  Ind.,  Lake  County. 

Manufacturers  and  Dealers.  Office  :     No.    98   Lake   Street,  Chicago. 

High  Explosives  and  Blasting  Supplies. 

ORDER  No. .  Sold  to  Cash.  CHICAGO,  October  24,  1885. 

10  Ibs.  No.   i,   i^,  $3.50;  100  T  T  caps,  $1.00  ;  100  feet  double  T  fuse,  75  cts. — $5.25. 
Paid — ^Etna  Powder  Company,  I.  F. 

In  justice  to  the  company  it  should  be  explained  that  they  had  no 
knowledge  of  the  purposes  for  which  the  material  was  to  be  used. 

I  have  already  referred  to  the  great  courtesy  shown  Schnaubelt  at  the 
Central  Station — how,  when  he  was  brought  by  Officer  Palmer  for  the  third 


228  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

time  before  Lieut.  Shea  and  the  Chief,  he  was  promptly  ordered  released,, 
and  how  he  finally  and  hastily  concluded  to  leave  the  city  in  order  to  save- 
the  detective  department  any  further  trouble  on  his  account.  It  subse- 
quently transpired  that  the  direction  he  took  was  for  the  great  and  bound- 
less West;  but  in  all  his  wanderings  he  always  seems  to  have  kindly 
remembered  his  friends  in  Chicago  for  permitting  him  to  take  so  extended 
a  journey.  He  even  wrote  back  to  some  of  them,  and  one  letter,  whicli 
was  put  in  the  possession  of  Officer  Palmer,  is  especially  worthy  of  pub- 
licity. It  reads  as  follows  : 

PORTLAND,  .OREGON. 

To  the  Chief  .of  Police,  Chicago — My  Dear  Old  Jackass:  Thanks  to  your  pig-headed, 
lieutenant,  I  am  here  sound  and  safe.  Before  this  reaches  you  I  have  left  here,  and  the  only 
thing  I  regret  is  that  we  did  not  kill  more  of  your  blue-coated  hounds.  SCHNAUBELT. 

The  following,  received  by  Parsons  and  Spies,  are  self-explanatory  : 

EUFAULA,  April  13,  1886 

Dear  Comrade  Parsons  : —  I  have  received  your  papers  and  am  very  much  obliged  for 
them.  Glad  that  you  like  my  article.  I  am  writing  now  for  To-Day,  of  London,  and  for 
the  Alarm,  and  am  going  to  write  for  La  Tribune  du  Peuple  de  Paris.  Situated  as  I  am  now, 
I  can  be  of  no  good  but  by  writing,  and  I  intend  to  avail  myself  of  it.  You  may  be  aston- 
ished if  I  tell  you  that  I  never  use  the  word  "Anarchy."  I  stick  to  the  old  word  "  Social- 
ism." It  can  be  understood  and  does  not  require  any  knowledge  of  Greek  to  make  out  its 
meaning.  If  I  was  to  seek  in  the  Greek  language  for  a  word  to  express  where  I  stand,  I 
would  call  myself  an  Anticrat,  opposed  to  any  kind  of  crazy  notions,  democracy  as  well  as 
aristocracy.  I  am  for  individual  responsibility  and  social  action.  I  am  for  liberty,  but 
within  society,  not  above  it,  and,  first  of  all,  I  am  for  equality  of  conditions.  I  want  organi- 
zation first,  revolution  second,  social  economy  re-organization  third,  and  abolition  of 
governmental  action  last  of  all.  If  you  could  confiscate  the  government  to-morrow,  I  would 
have  no  objection  to  use  it  for  a  while. 

Anarchism  has  a  very  dangerous  drift  toward  individualism,  as  you  may  perceive  by 
reading  Liberty,  of  Boston,  and  individualism  is  bound  to  generate  some  kind  of  a  crazy 
notion  and  end  in  despotism.  Beware  of  individualistic  Anarchism  and  stick  to  the  socialistic. 
We  are  in  a  state  of  warfare  with  all  the  crazes  and  must  use  all  the  weapons  of  warfare 
within  our  reach.  Our  present  weapons  —  strikes  and  boycotting  —  are  dangerous,  and', 
expulsive  if  we  were  to  use  the  ballot.  The  workers  are  the  many  ;  the  masters  the  few. 
Before  upsetting  the  government,  let  us  try  to  use  it.  Mayors,  councilmen,  aldermen  gov- 
ernors, and  so  forth,  have  a  good  deal  to  say  about  how  the  police  and  militia  shall  be  used, 
and  judges  have  a  good  deal  to  say  when  workingmen  are  prosecuted  for  claiming  their 
rights.  Could  not  the  workers  organize  to  conquer  these  offices  ?  What  do  you  think  of 
that  ?  What  do  you  think  of  that  ?  Salute  and  Fraternity.  FREDERIC  TAFFERD. 

WHAT  CHEER,  KEOKUK  COUNTY,  IOWA,  April  18,  1886. 

A.  R.  Parsons,  Esq. —  Dear  Sir  :  We  organized  a  group  of  the  Lehr  und  Wehr  Verein 
in  this  town  on  the  above  date.  The  organizer  was  your  comrade  John  McGinn,  of  Rock 
Spring,  Wyoming.  Inclosed  you  will  find  the  amount  for  the  cards  —  names  as  follows  : 

John  H.  Nicholson,  miner  ;  age,    ...      41         Benjamin  E.  Williams,  miner  ;  age,  .     .  37 

Arthur  Cowrey,               "         "         ...   42         William  Jackson,                  "         "  .   39 

William  Morgan,            *'         "...      34         John  McGinn,                       "         "      .     .  29 

Isaac  Little,                    "        "         ...  39        William  H.  Osborne,          "        "        .  .  36- 

John  R.  Thomas,  miner  ;  age -33 


INTERESTING    CORRESPONDENCE.  229 

I  suppose  you  will  need  to  know  who  is  chief  and  secretary  of  the  group.  John  McGinn 
is  chief  and  John  H.  Nicholson  is  the  secretary.  I  remain  yours,  in  the  care  of  John  H. 
Nicholson,  What  Cheer,  Keokuk  County,  Iowa,  Box  697. 

ST.  Louis,  March  27,  1886. 

Mrs.  and  Mr.  Parsons:  —  We  were  quite  sorry  to  learn  of  your  sickness,  which  prevented 
you  to  be  with  us  at  the  Commune  Festival,  while  we  were  just  as  glad  to  see  that  Mrs.  Par- 
sons did  accept  our  invitation.  My  hope  and  wish  that  you  are  well  again  for  the  present. 
The  Commune  Festival  was  well  attended  by  a  large  crowd,  and  it  was  a  great  disappoint- 
ment for  the  J.  W.  P.  A.  being  forced  to  announce  the  absence  of  the  English  speaker.  I 
am  quite  aware  that  it  would  have  been  a  great  lift  for  our  principles  if  Mrs.  Parsons  could 
have  been  present.  However,  St.  Louis  is  not  Chicago,  and  the  movement  is  not  as  well 
progressing  as  in  Chicago.  No  wonder.  I  have  been  teached  lately  a  lesson  myself,  and 
therefore  withdraw  as  a  member  of  the  group.  We  herewith  send  you  a  little  collection  of 
picture  cards,  which  Mary  had  saved  up  for  your  children.  We  intended  to  send  them 
along  with  Mrs.  Parsons.  Mary  has  already  two  large  scrap-books  full  of  such  collections. 
Hail  for  the  revolution.  Yours  respectfully,  J.  M.  MENTYER. 

P.  S. —  If  you  have  any  old  Alarms  to  spare,  I  would  make  good  use  of  them  at  present 
during  this  railroad  strike.  I  shall  soon  send  some  money  again.  I  also  send  you  the 
Chronicle  so  you  can  see  what  declaration  the  Knights  of  Labor  have  issued  in  answer  to 
Monster  Robber  Gould. 

Personal.  PORT  JARVIS,  N.  Y.,  October  31,  1885. 

My  Dear  Comrade:  —  Well,  I  will  stay  here,  as  I  wrote  you.  I  started  out  on  a  "  tramp  " 
to  look  for  a  job.  I  stayed  nearly  a  week  at  New  Haven  and  spoke  there,  though  why  Lib- 
erty should  head  his  letter  from  there  "Unfortunate  for  Herr  Most,"  is  more  than  I  can 
see.  I  came  here  and  looked  up  an  old  friend,  John  G.  Mills.  He  proposed  starting  a  small 
job  book-bindery.  He  puts  in  capital  and  I  the  skill.  That  seems  fair  ;  while  I  will  be  sure 
of  a  mere  living  for  the  winter,  there  is  no  guarantee  that  capital  will  gain  by  it.  So  the 
timidity  of  capital  must  be  overcome.  Well,  the  bargain  is  this  :  When  I  pay  back  the 
advance  capital  (and  until  I  do  so  I  am  not  to  draw  in  amount  over  $5.00  a  week),  paid  it 
all,  then  I  am  to  own  half  and  we  will  start  equal  partners,  and  he  furnishes  more  capital  if 
necessary  on  half  paid  back.  I  have  agreed,  as  I  believe  it  is  the  best  I  can  do,  and  it  opens 
a  good  prospect.  It  is  probable  that  I  will  not  be  very  active  in  "  the  cause  "  here,  as  every 
moment  will  be  occupied,  but  I  am  willing  to  go  anywhere  within  reasonable  distance  this 
winter  and  give  a  lecture  to  any  group  for  mere  expenses  —  car-fare  and  board  —  and  be- 
lieve I  could  stir  up  the  boys.  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania  and  New  York,  all  three  join 
together  here,  and  any  of  the  three  States  would  be  convenient.  I  should  give  a  lecture 
rather  than  a  speech,  but  it  would  be  extempore.  Can't  you  drop  a  line  to  Philadelphia,  or 
some  point  near  ?  Buffalo  is  nearly  as  near. 

When  I  feel  like  giving  you  an  article  I  shall  mail  it,  but,  of  course,  you  will  use  it  or  lay 
it  over  as  you  feel  about  it.  I  think  I  can  put  a  point  strongly,  but  do  not  want  to  crowd 
out  anything  else. 

If  you  can  use  me  on  your  paper,  draw  on  me  for  all  the  copy  you  like.  I  like  the  Alarm 
and  think  it  has  improved  since  last  spring.  Any  points  I  can  get  from  French  papers,  I 
will  give  you  the  benefit  of.  I  never  got  that  card.  Is  it  contrary  to  custom  ? 

Yours  truly,  LUM. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

The  Difficulties  of  Detection  —  Moving  on  the  Enemy  —  A  Hebrew  An- 
archist —  Oppenheimer's  Story  —  Dancing  over  Dynamite  —  Twenty-Five  Dollars'  Worth 
of  Practical  Socialism  —  A  Woman's  Work  —  How  Mrs.  Seliger  Saved  the  North  Side  — 
A  Well-merited  Tribute  —  Seliger  Saved  by  his  Wife  —  The  Shadow  of  the  Hangman's 
Rope  —  A  Hunt  for  a  Witness  —  Shadowing  a  Hack  —  The  Commune  Celebration  — 
Fixing  Lingg's  Guilt  —  Preparing  the  Infernal  Machines  • —  A  Boy  Conspirator  —  Lingg's 
Youthful  Friend  —  Anarchy  in  the  Blood  —  How  John  Thielen  was  Taken  into  Camp  — 
His  Curious  Confession  —  Other  Arrests.  / 

THE  preceding  pages  will  have  given  to  the  reader  facts  enough  to  show 
the  difficulty  of  the  task  assumed,  as  well  as  the  manner  in  which  we 
went  about  the  work.  One  of  the  greatest  of  the  obstacles  to  be  overcome 
arose  from  the  character  and  habits  of  thought  of  the  Anarchists  them- 
selves. They  heartily  hated  all  law,  and  despised  its  constituted  represen- 
tatives. The  conspiracy  was  welt  disciplined  in  itself,  and  it  had  been 
specially  organized  with  a  view  to  guarding  its  secrets  from  the  outside 
world  and  protecting  its  members  from  the  consequences  of  their  crimes. 
Thus  I  soon  found  that  it  would  require  peculiar  address,  patience,  secre 
tiveness  and  diligent  work  to  lay  bare  the  great  plot  to  the  world. 

I  can  find  no  better  place  than  this  to  testify  to  the  help  given  me 
throughout  the  case  by  Assistant  State's  Attorney  Furthmann,  whose  work 
was  a  most  important  feature  of  the  result  finally  brought  before  the 
Criminal  Court. 

The  protection  of  society  is  an  interest  so  momentous  that  it  would  be  a 
false  modesty  in  me  to  refuse,  for  fear  that  I  should  be  charged  with  egot- 
ism, to  analyze  the  processes  by  which  the  conviction  of  the  confederates 
in  the  Haymarket  murder  conspiracy  was  bought  about,  and  accordingly  I 
will  now  say,  once  for  all,  that  I  believe  that  careful,  systematic  detective 
inquiry,  conducted  with  some  brains  and  a  good  deal  of  grit,  can  unravel 
any  plot  which  the  enemies  of  law  and  order  and  our  American  institutions 
are  apt  to  hatch.  It  will  require  tact.  It  will  require  intelligence.  It  may 
require  the  hardest  and  most  persistent  work  that  men  may  do  —  but  about 
the  result  there  can  be  no  doubt.  Our  government  and  our  methods  are 
strong  enough  for  the  protection  of  the  people  and  the  maintenance  of  law 
and  order,  no  matter  how  dangerous  may  seem  the  forces  arrayed  against  it. 

The  various  steps  taken  may  be  gathered  best  from  the  memoranda 
made  upon  the  arrest  of  each  Anarchist  who  had  been  conspicuous  in  his 
order  and  who  was  supposed  to  know  the  secret  workings  of  the  "armed 
sections ; "  and,  in  reading  the  particulars,  the  general  conclusion  will 
become  irresistible  that  the  men  who  posed  as  the  bloodthirsty  bandits  of 
Chicago  became  arrant,  cringing  cowards  when  they  found  themselves 


A  PECULIAR  SPECIMEN. 


231 


within  the  clutches  of  the  law.  In  the  galaxy  of  trembling  "cranks"  there 
were  a  few  exceptions,  notably  George  Engel  and  Louis  Lirigg,  but  the 
demeanor  of  the  common  herd  under  arrest  proved  that  their  vaunted 
bravery  had  been  simply  so  much  talk  "full  of  sound  and  fury." 

One  of  the  first  arrests  which  I  made  was  that  of  Julius  Oppenheimer, 
alias  Julius  Frey.  This  man  was  a  peculiar  genius  and  was  possessed  by 
an  unbounded  admiration  for  Anarchists  and  all  their  methods.  He  had 
come  to  America  five  years  before  and  had  been  brought  up  an  Anarchist. 
He  was  a  Hebrew  of  a  very 
pronounced  type,  twenty- 
five  years  of  age,  a  butch- 
er by  occupation,  but  an 
Anarchist  in  and  out  of 
season.  Whenever  he  suc- 
ceeded in  securing  employ- 
ment he  was  sure  speedily 
to  lose  it  by  his  persistent 
teaching  of  Anarchy,  and 
in  some  places  people  even 
went  so  far  as  to  drive  him 
out  of  town.  If  fortunate 
enough  to  get  work  in  an 
adjoining  town,  he  would 
tell  his  fellow  workmen  of 
his  prior  experience  and 
curse  what  he  termed  his 
persecution  for  conscience' 
sake.  Whenever  his  An- 
archist beliefs  had  been  ex- 
pounded, he  was  promptly 
dismissed,  and  in  one  town 
he  was  politely  informed 
that  unless  he  got  out  in 
short  order  he  was  liable 
to  find  himself  hanging  to  a  tree.  This  sort  of  thing  embittered  him  still 
more  against  society,  and  finally  he  abandoned  all  attempts  to  find  work. 
He  resolved  himself  into  a  tramp,  and,  in  traveling  from  place  to  place, 
he  sought  to  convert  every  other  tramp  he  met  to  his  revolutionary  ideas. 

He  soon  learned  that  Chicago  was  regarded  all  over  the  country  as  the 
home  of  Socialism,  its  stronghold  and  citadel,  and  he  made  haste  to  reach 
it  so  that  he  too  could  become  an  agitator,  with  nothing  to  do  and  plenty  to 
eat  and  drink.  He  had  been  in  the  city  only  a  few  days  when  he  learned 
of  the  Socialistic  haunt  at  No.  58  Clybourn  Avenue,  and  there  he  soon 


JULIUS  OPPENHEIMER'S    "DOUBLE.1 
From  a  Photograph. 


232  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

made  the  acquaintance  of  Lingg  and  other,  lesser  lights,  whose  principal 
aim  seemed  to  be  to  loaf  around  the  saloons,  guzzle  beer  and  talk  dynamite. 
This  pleased  Oppenheimer.  He  had  traveled  many  weary  days,  but  at 
last  he  had  found  what  he  had  so  long  sought.  He  was  received  cautiously 
at  first,  but  finally  with  open  arms.  One  night  he  attended  a  meeting  at  the 
number  given  above  and  heard  Engel  speak  about  killing  all  the  police  in 
Chicago.  Oppenheimer  was  delighted,  and  on  the  adjournment  of  the 
meeting  he  grew  very  enthusiastic,  threatening  to  visit  dire  punishment  on 
both  the  police  and  the  rich.  He  stepped  out  on  the  sidewalk,  and,  just 
then  encountering  a  policeman,  he  ejaculated : 

"  You  old  loafer,  you  won't  live  much  longer  ! " 

The  words  had  hardly  been  uttered  when  Oppenheimer  found  himself 
prostrate  in  the  gutter.  The  policeman  passed  on,  and  not  one  of  Oppen- 
heimer's  comrades  dared  to  come  to  the  Anarchist's  assistance  or  proffer 
sympathy.  This  was  a  treatment  he  had  not  expected,  but  he  smothered 
his  wrath  and  continued  to  attend  all  the  meetings  of  the  "revolutionary 
groups."  He  grew  stronger  every  day  in  the  good  graces  of  his  comrades, 
and  at  one  of  their  meetings  he  was  asked,  along  with  others,  to  secure  some 
of  the  "good  stuff"  and  bombs.  He  responded  and  secured  a  substantial 
outfit.  When  the  4th  of  May  came  he  happened  for  some  reason  to  be 
some  eighteen  miles  out  of  the  city,  but  the  moment  he  heard  of  the  explo- 
sion he  hastened  back  at  once  and  hunted  up  his  old  friends  to  help  them 
destroy  the  town. 

On  the  evening  of  May  7  he  was  encountered  by  Officer  Loewenstein  at 
58  Clybourn  Avenue,  in  Neff's  Hall,  and  taken  to  the  Larrabee  Street 
Station.  He  was  put  into  a  cell  and  kept  locked  up  for  about  a  week. 
Gradually  it  began  to  dawn  upon  his  mind  that  he  was  in  trouble,  that  pos- 
sibly the  police  had  secured  evidence  against  him,  and  so  at  last  he  sent 
for  me. 

"  I  see,"  he  said,  "  that  it  is  foolish  to  fight  against  law  and  order,  but 
you  must  excuse  me  for  my  actions.  I  read  so  much  of  that  Most  trash 
and  other  books  that  I  was  really  crazy.  I  lost  my  reason  and  did  not 
know  what  I  was  doing.  Now  I  will  tell  all  I  know,  but  I  will  not  testify 
against  any  of  these  people." 

He  was  given  no  special  assurances,  but  he  unbosomed  himself  fully 
and  became  extremely  useful  in  giving  needed  information.  One  day  he 
said  that  if  I  would  take  him  out  in  a  carriage  he  would  show  where  he 
had  a  lot  of  dynamite  bombs  planted,  and  added  : 

"Before  going  after  the  stuff,  I  will  show  you  some  of  the  worst  Anar- 
chists in  the  city,  but  in  doing  so  I  will  tell  you  candidly  my  life  is  in  dan- 
ger. If  these  men  see  me  they  will  shoot  me  on  the  spot." 

He  was  assured  that  he  would  be  fixed  in  such  a  disguise  that  no  one 
would  recognize  him,  and,  consenting  to  go  under  such  conditions, 


BURIED  AMMUNITION.  233 

Oppenheimer  was  rigged  out  like  a  veritable  darkey.  Officers  Schuettler 
and  Loewenstein  were  detailed  to  accompany  him,  and  together  they 
visited  Sullivan,  Connor,  Hoyne,  Mohawk  and  Hurlbut  Streets,  where 
many  Anarchists  then  lived,  and  where  Oppenheimer  pointed  out  the 
houses  of  many  notable  conspirators. 

Unfortunately,  in  one  of  the  localities  visited,  colored  people  were  very 
scarce,  and  it  did  not  take  the  boys  long  to  discover  the  sham,  when  they 
at  once  began  shouting,  "  Here  is  a  lost,  crazy  nigger,"  and  they  followed 
him,  throwing  bricks  and  stones.  At  other  times  the  officers  were  obliged 
to  hustle  away  with  their  "  Hebrew  negro,"  as  they  called  him,  as  soon  as 
possible.  They  got  back  to  the  station  about  eleven  o'clock  that  evening, 
and,  entering  my  office,  Oppenheimer  was  permitted  to  view  his  ebony 
countenance  in  a  mirror.  He  was  startled  by  his  make-up  and  declared 
that  it  was  most  artistically  done. 

"  Mein  Gott,  if  I  was  asleep,"  he  exclaimed,  "  and  wake  up,  and  looked 
in  the  glass,  I'd  think  I  was  a  real  nigger." 

On  the  next  day  he  was  taken  by  the  officers,  in  a  carriage,  to  Lake 
View,  about  three  miles  from  the  city  limits,  to  locate  the  bombs.  It  was 
a  rainy  day,  and  it  was  no  easy  matter  for  Oppenheimer  to  determine  the 
right  spot,  although  he  kept  a  sharp  look-out.  He  had  planted  them 
during  the  night,  and  that  added  to  the  difficulty.  Finally  he  directed  the 
driver  to  a  grove  used  as  picnic  grounds,  and  they  soon  reached  the  spot. 
It  now  rained  hard,  and  lightning  and  thunder  filled  the  air  with  light  and 
noise.  Oppenheimer  hesitated  about  alighting  from  the  carriage. 

"It  is  dangerous,"  he  said,  "to  go  near  the  place.  The  bombs  I  have 
planted  here  are  all  loaded  with  dynamite,  and  charged  with  poisoned  iron, 
and  this  heavy  thunder  may  explode  them  and  kill  us  all." 

Officer  Schuettler  said  that  he  himself  was  familiar  with  the  properties 
of  dynamite,  and  assured  him  that  there  would  not  be  the  slightest  danger. 
Oppenheimer  then  became  somewhat  braver.  He  jumped  out  and  beck- 
oned to  his  companions  to  follow.  They  proceeded  to  the  dancing-platform, 
in  the  middle  of  the  grove,  and  Oppenheimer,  having  removed  some  short 
boards,  making  an  opening  large  enough  for  the  admission  of  a  man's  body, 
asked  Loewenstein  to  take  hold  of  his  legs,  and,  when  he  shouted,  to  pull 
him  out,  adding  that  when  he  had  been  there  before  he  had  had  a  hard 
time  getting  out.  Oppenheimer  then  went  in.  On  giving  the  signal,  he 
was  pulled  out,  with  one  bomb  in  each  hand.  He  was  thus  lowered  and 
pulled  out  until  he  had  produced  thirteen  bombs.  They  were  of  the  heavy 
gas-pipe  make,  loaded  with  dynamite  and  rusty  nails,  with  cap  attachments, 
and  ready  for  use  in  four  seconds.  To  show  that  he  had  exercised  great 
care  to  preserve  the  "stuff"  properly,  he  asked  to  be  lowered  again,  and 
this  time  he  brought  to  the  surface  an  oil-cloth  table-cover,  which,  he  ex- 
plained, he  had  used  for  wrapping  up  the  bombs  so  that  "  they  would  not 


234  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

spoil  on  him."  He  also  fished  out  of  the  place  two  large  navy  revolvers 
fully  loaded.  Having  finished,  Oppenheimer  gave  a  sigh  of  relief  and  re- 
marked : 

"  Now  I  feel  relieved.  As  long  as  I  had  these  things  I  always  felt  that 
I  must  do  some  damage  with  them.  I  had  them  once  in  the  city  (May  5),. 
and  my  mind  was  made  up  to  throw  some  in  the  North  Side  Post-office.  I 

also  had  determined  to  go  to  the  Freie  Presse  office  and  blow  up  that  d d 

Michaelis,  the  editor  of  the  paper.  And  then  I  was  going  to  kill  myself." 

At  about  this  time  Oppenheimer  possessed  two  large  44-caliber  navy 
revolvers  and  seemed  withal  a  desperate  fellow.  When  the  parties  returned 
to  the  station  he  asked  me  to  keep  him  there  until  all  trouble  was  over,  and 
for  three  months  he  became  quite  a  character  about  the  establishment. 
The  defense  in  the  Anarchist  trial  made  several  attempts  to  secure  his 
release,  but  Oppenheimer  declined  to  go.  He  was  taken  out  frequently  for 
regular  exercise  by  one  of  the  officers,  but  he  always  went  in  disguise. 

He  proved  such  a  valuable  aid  to  the  State  that  State's  Attorney  Grin- 
nell  ordered  his  release,  but  as  he  was  nervous  lest  some  one  should  shoot 
him  on  regaining  his  full  liberty,  he  begged  me  to  send  him  to  New  York 
City.  He  was  accordingly  furnished  with  money  and  clothing  and  sent  away. 
While  he  was  at  the  station  he  gained  twenty-seven  pounds  and  declared  he 
had  never  been  so  well  taken  care  of  in  all  his  life.  He  bade  all  the  officers 
who  were  working  up  the  Anarchist  cases  good-by  and  was  given  safe 
escort  to  the  depot  by  Officer  Stift.  Some  time  after  his  arrival  in  New 
York  he  was  discovered  by  an  Anarchist,  who  telegraphed  to  Capt.  Black 
that  he  was  there  if  wanted,  but  the  Captain  did  not  seem  to  specially  care 
for  him. 

The  information  he  furnished  the  State  was  substantially  as  follows  : 

"I  came  to  Chicago  May  5,  1886,  in  the  morning.  I  went  to  Seliger's 
house,  442  Sedgwick  Street.  I  know  Seliger  and  his  wife  and  Lauis  Lingg. 
I  am  an  Anarchist.  I  think  the  workingmen  are  not  treated  right  in  this 
country.  I  have  always  attended  Socialistic  meetings  here.  I  have  attended 
several  meetings  where  the  speakers  would  call  us  to  arms  and  to  all  kinds 
of  weapons,  so  that  when  the  time  came  we  could  secure  our  rights.  It 
was  urged  that  we  should  be  prepared  to  fight  any  one  who  would  obstruct 
us  or  oppose  our  ideas.  A  meeting  was  held  at  Neff's  Hall  on  or  about  last 
February.  A  man  who  lives  on  the  West  Side,  on  Milwaukee  Avenue,  and 
who  keeps  a  toy  store — I  do  not  know  his  name — was  there.  He  was 
accompanied  by  a  young  lady.  Now  that  you  show  me  this  picture 
[Engel's]  I  will  say  he  is  the  man,  and  he  made  a  speech  at  that  meeting. 
He  told  us  to  prepare  ourselves,  and  if  we  were  too  poor  and  could  not 
afford  to  buy  arms,  he  could  tell  us  about  a  weapon  that  was  cheaper  and 
better  in  its  effect  than  arms.  He  then  spoke  of  dynamite,  but  in  his 
speech  he  always  called  it  'stuff.'  He  explained  how  to  make  dynamite 
bombs.  He  said  :  '  Take  a  gas-pipe,  cut  it  in  the  length  of  six  inches, 
put  a  woden  plug  in  one  end,  fill  it  with  dynamite,  then  plug  the  other  end, 


OPPENHEIMERS  STA  TEMENT.  235 

and  drill  a  small  hole  through  one  of  the  plugs.  In  this  hole  put  a  cap  and 
fuse.'  Then  the  bomb  was  complete.  He  also  told  us  of  a  place  on  the 
West  Side,  near  a  bridge,  where  we  could  go  and  steal  all  the  pipe  we 
wanted.  We  could  then  buy  the  'stuff'  and  make  the  bombs  ourselves.  I 
bought  seven  or  eight  bombs  some  time  ago  from  a  man  named  Nusser  or 
Nuffer,  at  54  West  Lake  Street.  The  man  used  to  work  for  Greif.  I  paid 
him  twenty-five  cents  apiece  for  them.  They  were  dynamite  bombs,  and  I 
purchased  them  at  night.  I  had  a  little  book  that  told  all  about  making 
and  using  dynamite  bombs.  I  know  something  about  the  armed  group. 
They  are  not  known  by  their  names.  They  are  known  by  numbers,  so  that 
the  police  cannot  find  them  out  in  case  they  have  done  anything  wrong. 
There  never  would  be  any  more  than  three  in  a  job  —  that  is,  if  there  were 
any  persons  to  be  killed.  Number  one  would  find  the  second  man,  and  this 
second  man  would  find  the  third.  No  questions  would  be  asked.  The  first 
man  and  the  third  man  are  not  supposed  to  know  each  other.  The  first  and 
third  would  know  the  middle  man,  but  in  case  of  trouble,  and  should  there 
be  a  'squeal,'  only  two  parties  could  be  given  away,  leaving  one  to  get 
away  and  save  himself.  I  have  tried  some  of  the  dynamite  bombs  I  had, 
and  they  worked  splendidly.  I  also  have  a  big  navy  revolver.  Everything 
attempted  hereafter  will  be  done  according  to  the  instructions  given  in  a 
book  printed  by  Herr  Most,  of  New  York.  Those  long  gas-pipe  shells  I  see 
before  me  are  like  one  that  was  shown  me  at  Neff's  Hall  last  winter.  A 
man  named  Rau  had  it  there  and  showed  it  to  the  boys.  I  am  five  years 
in  America,  and  have  always  been  a  Socialist.  On  Wednesday  morning, 
May  5,  when  I  heard  that  there  had  been  a  bad  blunder  committed  by  our 
boys  at  the  Haymarket,  and  read  an  article  in  the  Freie  Presse  condemning 
us,  I  got  very  mad.  I  took  my  five  dynamite  bombs  and  started  out  to  get 
revenge.  My  first  intentionwas  to  blow  up  the  North  Side  Post-office. 
The  next  place  I  decided  to  go  to  was  the  Freie  Presse  office  to  blow  them 
up.  If  I  found  I  was  in  danger  of  being  captured,  I  made  up  my  mind  to 
kill  myself  right  there  and  then.  Lingg  wanted  me  to  cut  a  hole  in  the 
wall  in  his  room  to  put  away  a  lot  of  dynamite  bombs  and  dynamite,  but 
Mrs.  Seliger  would  not  let  me  do  so.  A  man  named  Bodendick,  a  good 
Anarchist,  was  well  known  by  August  Spies,  and  considered  a  rank  con- 
spirator. This  is  the  man  that  went  to  Justice  White's  house  and  demanded 
$25,  threatening  that  if  he  did  not  get  it  he  would  blow  up  his  house. 
White  had  him  arrested  and  locked  up  in  jail,  and  for  this  reason  Spies  did 
not  want  the  man  known  as  an  Anarchist,  but  simply  as  a  crazy  man.  The 
Socialists  or  Anarchists  do  not  care  much  for  Spies  or  Schwab,  but  we  have 
kept  them  and  looked  upon  them  as  a  necessary  evil.  I  know  a  man 
named  Pollinger,  a  saloon-keeper.  He  was  an  agent  here  at  one  time  to 
sell  arms,  but  he  did  not  run  things  right.  He  was  crooked.  The  under- 
standing we  had  was  that,  in  case  of  a  riot  or  revolution,  every  man 
should  use  his  own  judgment  and  do  as  he  pleased,  that  is  to  say,  commit 
murder,  shoot  people,  burn  buildings  or  do  that  for  which  he  was  best 
fitted,  so  long  as  it  was  in  the  interest  of  the  Anarchistic  society.  The 
main  idea  inculcated  in  the  little  paper  called  the  Freiheit,  which  I  have 
read,  is  that  no  rights  could  be  secured  until  capitalists  were  killed  and 
houses  were  laid  in  ashes.  If  we  would  not  take  a  chance  on  our  lives,  we 
would  be  slaves  always.  I  know  positively  of  fifty  men,  radical  Anarchists, 
who  stand  ready  to  commit  murder  and  to  destroy  the  city  by  fire  whenever 
they  are  called  on.  I  know  Lingg  well.  He  is  a  Socialist  and  an  Anar- 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 


chist  and  a  very  radical  revolutionist.  I  heard  him  speak  at  58  Clybourn 
Avenue,  and  formed  my  opinion  of  him.  He  told  me  that  Seliger  was  a 
coward.  He  called  me  a  coward  the  morning  I  helped  Mrs.  Seliger  to  get 
the  guns  out  of  the  house.  That  morning  I  was  in  Lingg's  room  when 
Mrs.  Seliger  brought  in  a  lot  of  lead  and  said  to  Lingg :  'Here  is  your 
lead.'  Lingg  then  got  mad  at  her  and  said  :  '  You  are  crazy.'  He  became 
very  much  excited,  wrapped  up  his  gun,  got  ready  to  move,  and  wanted  me 
to  conceal  his  dynamite  bombs  in  the  hall.  Mrs.  Seliger  would  not  let  him 
do  so.  Then  Lingg  was  going  to  carry  his  bombs  out  of  the  house.  He 
finally  got  into  quite  a  quarrel  with  her  and  started  out  to  get  a  wagon  to 
carry  away  all  his  things.  I  told  him  to  hurry  up  and  get  all  his  dynamite 
stuff  away,  also  the  printed  literature  he  had,  as  there  was  danger  that  the 
police  would  be  around  to  search  the  house.  He  looked  at  me  and  called 


WILLIAM  SELIGER 
From  a  Photograph. 


MRS.  WILLIAM  SELIGER 
From  a  Photograph. 


me  'a 


— d  fool  and  coward.'  Then  Lingg  asked  me  to  go  to  the  West 
Side  with  him,  as  there  was  to  be  a  meeting  at  71  West  Lake  Street. 
Lingg  saw  my  dynamite  bombs.  I  had  told  him  of  them.  I  saw  two 
round  lead  bombs  in  his  room.  I  had  them  in  my  hands.  Lingg  told  me 
to  be  careful  and  not  let  them  drop,  as  they  were  loaded  and  might  go  off. 
They  were  dangerous,  he  said.  I  also  saw  four  gas-pipe  bombs  in  his  room. 
Some  of  them  were  not  finished.  I  remember  now  that  Seliger,  the  Her- 
manns and  Hubner  were  at  the  meeting  in  Neff's  Hall  last  winter  when 
Engel  urged  all  men  who  had  revolutionary  ideas  to  pay  attention  and  he 
would  explain  how  to  make  dynamite  bombs.  I  am  glad  I  am  arrested.  I 
now  can  realize  how  near  I  was  to  ruin  through  those  d d  fellows  mak- 
ing revolutionary  speeches  and  exciting  the  people  to  commit  murder.  The 
books  given  out  by  Herr  Most  are  doing  more  harm  among  those  men  than 


MR.  AND  MRS.  SELIGER  237 

any  one  can  imagine.     I  have  given  you  facts,  and  they  are  true,  every  one 
of  them.     I  will  swear  to  them." 

THE  next  arrest  was  that  of  William  Seliger.  When  the  police  had 
learned  that  Seliger's  residence  had  been  used  as  a  bomb  factory,  we 
wanted  him.  He  was  a  man  about  forty-five  years  of  age,  a  carpenter  by  occu- 
pation, a  good  mechanic,  very  quiet  and  sober,  but  one  of  the  most  rabid 
of  Anarchists.  He  had  filled  various  positions  in  the  "groups,"  and 
always  manifested  a  deep  interest  in  their  meetings.  He  was  popular  with. 
his  comrades  and  trusted  with  all  their  secrets.  He  lived  at  No.  442  Sedg- 
wick  Street,  in  a  rear  building  up-stairs.  This  was  a  two-story  frame 
dwelling,  and  a  great  resort  for  Socialists  and  Anarchists.  Officer  Whalen 
had  searched  the  house,  finding  it  a  regular  dynamite  magazine,  and,  locat- 
ing his  man,  telephoned  to  me  that  Seliger  was  working  at  Meyer's  mill  on 
the  North  Pier.  Officer  Stift  and  Lieut.  Larsen  were  at  once  detailed,  ia 
charge  of  a  patrol  wagon,  to  effect  the  arrest,  and  soon  the  man  was  pro- 
duced at  the  station  —  May  7.  When  I  confronted  him  he  stubbornly 
refused,  according  to  the  instructions  in  Most's  book,  to  answer  ques- 
tions, but  when  he  discovered  the  evidence  I  had  against  him,  he  broke 
down  and  said  : 

"Captain,  I  will  tell  you  all,  but  for  Heaven's  sake  do  not  arrest  my 
poor  wife.  I  am  to  blame  for  all  you  found  in  my  house,  because  I  kept 
that  man  Lingg  in  my  house  against  her  will  —  the  poor  woman  !  Hang; 
me,  but  do  not  trouble  her,  for  she  is  innocent,  and  God  is  her  witness." 

Seliger  then  unbosomed  himself,  telling  of  all  his  connection  with  the 
Anarchists  since  his  location  in  Chicago,  and  giving  valuable  information 
on  all  the  "groups,"  their  leaders,  their  places  of  meeting,  their  purposes,, 
their  mode  of  operations,  the  character  of  the  speeches  made  at  meetings, 
and  the  manufacture  of  bombs  at  his  house,  giving  the  names  of  all  calling 
or  taking  part  in  their  manufacture.  He  gave  the  most  important  points- 
the  State  had  to  work  on,  and  every  detail  he  furnished  was  fully  corrobor- 
ated by  other  parties  subsequently  arrested.  He  was  in  the  confidence  of 
Lingg,  and  was  also  a  particeps  criminis  in  the  manufacture  of  the  bombs, 
and  gave,  therefore,  no  hearsay  statements.  What  was  found  in  his 
house  and  the  character  of  his  information  are  fully  shown  in  his  testi- 
mony, given  in  a  later  chapter,  as  well  as  that  of  the  officers  during  the 
memorable  trial. 

After  telling  what  he  knew,  Seliger  was  released,  on  the  28th  of  May, 
with  instructions  to  report  every  day  at  the  Chicago  Avenue  Station. 

Mrs.  Seliger  was  also  arrested.  She  was  a  small  woman  about  38  years 
of  age.  She  was  found  at  No.  32  Sigel  Street  on  the  morning  of  May  10. 
She  readily  consented  to  accompany  Officer  Schuettler  to  the  station.  Mrs. 
Seliger  showed  plainly  that  she  had  not  been  in  sympathy  with  her  husband 
in  his  revolutionary  ideas,  and  proved  a  prompt  and  willing  witness,  demon- 


238  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

strating  before  she  got  through  that  she  had  done  incalculable  service  to  the 
people  of  the  city. 

It  was  in  her  house  that  Lingg  made  his  bombs,  and  when  I  questioned 
her  she  gave  me  a  great  deal  of  information  concerning  the  man  and  his 
methods.  All  the  statements  she  made  and  her  testimony  in  court  did  not 
vary  in  the  slightest  details,  even  under  the  most  rigid  cross-examination. 
She  was  found  to  be  a  very  industrious  woman,  a  neat  housekeeper,  and  she 
was  highly  esteemed  by  all  her  neighbors.  She  related  how  she  had  lived 
in  misery  ever  since  her  husband  began  to  take  an  active  part  in  the  An- 
archist meetings,  and  she  stated  that  after  Lingg  came  to  live  in  the  house 
she  had  not  seen  a  pleasant  hour.  She  had  often  remonstrated  with  her 
husband  and  pleaded  with  him  not  to  attend  the  meetings,  or  read  any  of 
the  Anarchist  papers,  but  to  remain  at  home  with  her. 

Seliger  was  so  completely  carried  away  by  the  doctrines  of  Johann  Most, 
Spies  and  the  others  that  he  refused  to  listen  to  his  wife.  The  moment  he 
got  into  trouble,  however,  he  became  very  penitent  and  readily  accepted  her 
advice  in  everything. 

Mrs.  Seliger's  experience  on  the  4th  day  of  May,  when  she  witnessed 
the  preparation  of  the  bombs,  she  described  as  terrible.  There  she  was 
forced  to  remain  all  day,  she  said,  seeing  eight  men  working  on  the  mur- 
derous weapons,  some  making  one  kind  of  bombs,  some  another,  others 
fitting  them  and  loading  them  with  dynamite,  and  others  again  putting  on 
the  caps  and  fuse.  Throughout  the  whole  operation  she  was  obliged  to 
listen  to  their  bloodthirsty  conversation,  how  they  would  blow  up  the  police 
stations,  patrol  wagons  and  fire-engine  houses,  kill  all  the  militia,  hurl 
bombs  into  private  residences,  and  murder  every  one  who  opposed  them. 

Mrs.  Seliger  viewed  affairs  differently  and  told  the  conspirators  that 
there  were  more  chains  than  mad  dogs.  Another  thing  they  overlooked,  she 
said,  was  their  own  families,  and  should  they  carry  all  their  threats  into  execu- 
tion their  families  would  be  made  to  suffer  to  the  end  of  their  days  in  misery 
and  want.  Remonstrances,  however,  were  useless. 

They  worked  until  dark,  and  then  they  separated  to  meet  in  the  evening 
at  No.  58  Clybourn  Avenue.  Her  husband  and  Lingg  ate  supper,  and  then 
the  two  put  a  lot  of  the  bombs  into  a  satchel  and  started  for  the  designated 
place.  Lingg  carried  the  satchel  down  stairs  and  was  followed  by  Seliger. 

This  was  a  trying  moment,  but  Mrs.  Seliger  proved  equal  to  the  emer- 
gency. Just  as  Seliger  reached  the  third  step,  she  grasped  his  arm,  threw 
her  arms  about  his  neck,  and,  like  a  loving,  devoted  wife,  asked  him  for  God's 
sake  not  to  become  a  murderer. 

"If  you  ever  loved  me  and  ever  listened  to  me  when  I  spoke,"  she 
whispered  fervently  into  his  ear,  "  I  want  you  to  listen  to  me  now.  I  don't 
ask  you  to  stay  at  home,  but  I  want  you  to  go  with  that  villain  and  see  that 
he  does  not  hurt  any  one.  Restrain  him  from  carrying  out  his  murderous 


A  NOBLE  WOMAN'S  INFLUENCE.     A  Kiss  THAT  PREVENTED  BLOODSHED. 


240  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

ideas.     If  you  do  this,  I  will  creep  on  my  knees  after  you  and  will  be  your 
slave  all  my  life." 

These  tender  words  touched  a  sympathetic  chord  in  the  heart  of  Seliger, 
and  he  promised  to  do  as  she  had  requested,  while  she  sealed  the  promise 
with  a  loving  kiss.  As  subsequent  events  and  his  testimony  in  court  proved, 
he  faithfully  carried  out  that  promise,  and  by  that  injunction  of  his  wife  and 
that  fervid  kiss  of  a  true  woman,  hundreds  of  lives  and  millions  of  property 
were  saved. 

From  the  time  they  left  the  house  until  their  return,  Seliger  never  left  for 
a  moment  the  side  of  Lingg.  During  the  evening  Lingg  was  continually 
prompted  by  his  own  treacherous  heart  to  throw  bombs,  now  at  a  passing 
patrol  wagon,  then  at  some  residence  or  into  a  police  station,  and  invariably 
Seliger  had  some  handy  reason  to  proffer  why  such  an  attempt  would  be  in- 
opportune at  the  moment.  Lingg  finally  became  suspicious  and  upbraided 
Seliger  for  being  a  coward.  The  night  passed,  and  the  only  harm  Lingg 
did  was  indirectly  in  the  explosion  of  one  of  his  bombs  at  the  Hay- 
market,  to  the  prospective  happening  of  which  he  frequently  alluded  during 
the  evening. 

It  is  my  deliberate  opinion  that,  had  it  not  been  for  this  intervention  of 
Mrs.  Seliger,  hundreds  of  people  would  have  been  killed,  and  probably  one- 
half  of  the  North  Side  destroyed,  that  eventful  night. 

After  giving  considerable  information  to  the  police  Mrs.  Seliger  was  re- 
leased, but  kept  under  strict  surveillance. 

Seliger  faithfully  carried  out  his  instructions  to  report  at  the  station 
daily  for  two  weeks,  and  then  he  suddenly  disappeared.  Officer  Schuettler 
was  detailed  to  visit  his  home  to  ascertain  the  cause,  and  was  there  in- 
formed that  Seliger  had  mysteriously  left. 

"Why,"  inquired  Mrs.  Seliger,  "  don't  you  know  where  he  is;  did  you 
not  arrest  him  again  ?  " 

On  being  answered  in  the  negative,  she  stated  that  it  had  been  her  in- 
tention to  call  on  me  that  afternoon  with  a  view  to  finding  out  something 
about  her  husband. 

It  looked  like  a  case  of  concealment,  and  Mrs.  Seliger  was  therefore 
taken  to  the  Larrabee  Street  Station.  She  immediately  desired  to  see  me, 
and,  when  I  called,  she  informed  me  that  three  days  before  her  husband 
had  said  :  "  I  am  going  away.  Don't  ask  me  any  questions.  You  will 
hear  from  me  later,"  and  then  bade  her  good-by. 

She  was  under  the  impression  that  since  leaving  her  he  had  been  at  the 
Chicago  Avenue  Station.  I  thought  it  a  ruse  and  subjected  her  to  a  severe 
examination.  I  asked  her  who  had  been  to  see  them  and  whether  they  had 
not  received  money  from  certain  lawyers  or  others.  But  Mrs.  Seliger  could 
tell  no  different  story  from  that  she  had  already  given,  and  she  finally  vol- 
unteered the  guess  that  possibly  her  husband  had  been  frightened  away. 


A  NOBLE   WOMAN'S  WORK.  241 

"If  you  will  only  allow  me  to  go,"  she  earnestly  pleaded,  "I  will  neither 
eat,  drink  nor  sleep  until  I  find  him." 

I  was  now  satisfied  that  she  was  in  earnest,  and,  having  confidence  in 
her,  I  ordered  her  release.  But  from  that  moment  she  was  watched  night 
and  day,  more  closely  than  ever.  It  was  found  that  she  visited  many  houses 
in  various  parts  of  the  city,  and  when  these  places  were  immediately  after- 
wards called  upon  by  the  detectives  it  was  ascertained  that  she  had  invariably 
inquired  for  her  husband  and  urged  those  who  knew  him  to  tell  him  to  come 
home  if  they  should  happen  to  meet  him ;  that  she  was  weary  of  life,  and  if 
he  remained  awaj'  much  longer  she  would  not  be  responsible  for  any  act  of 
hers  on  her  own  life. 

After  several  days'  ineffective  search,  Mrs.  Seliger  received  a  letter  from 
her  husband  asking  her  to  call  and  see  him.  She  hastened  at  once,  with  a 
throbbing  heart  and  a  light  tread,  to  my  office.  I  asked  her  if  she  would 
work  under  my  instructions,  and  she  promptly  consented  to  do  everything 
in  her  power  to  help  the  police.  I  had  come  to  the  conclusion  that  it  would 
be  no  easy  matter  to  find  the  slippery  Seliger,  but  that,  if  he  was  not  discov- 
ered that  day,  we  might  at  least  get  on  his  track. 

Mrs.  Seliger  was  accordingly  told  to  wait  in  the  office  a  few  minutes. 
Two  men  were  sent  for,  men  whom  the  woman  would  not  know.  I  instructed 
them  to  slip  through  a  side  door  and  get  a  good  view  of  her  while  unobserved. 
A  carriage  was  then  ordered,  and  the  driver  directed  to  take  the  woman  to 
whatever  place  she  might  desire,  and  remain  with  her  even  all  day  and  all 
night,  if  required.  Mrs.  Seliger  stepped  into  the  carriage,  and  the  horses, 
were  soon  in  a  sharp  trot.  But  the  conveyance  was  not  alone.  No  sooner 
had  it  started  than  the  two  men  I  have  spoken  of  jumped  into  a  buggy  and 
followed  the  carriage  south,  keeping  it  in  good  view  all  the  time. 

The  first  stop  made  was  at  a  place  on  West  Thirteenth  Street.  There 
Mrs.  Seliger  had  to  identify  herself  first,  and  thence  she  was  directed  to  a 
place  some  four  blocks  away.  Arriving  there,  she  was  sent  on  to  Sixteenth 
Street,  and  again  sent  to  Twelfth  Street,  near  the  limits.  She  was  here  sub- 
jected to  a  great  many  questions,  and  after  she  had  fully  proven  her  iden- 
tity she  was  taken  to  the  next  house  and  led  into  a  dark  bed-room,  where 
she  found  her  husband.  She  remained  there  about  three  hours,  and  then, 
under  direction  of  her  husband's  friends,  was  told  to  drive  to  several  other 
places  in  coder  to  throw  any  detectives  that  might  be  watching  off  the  scent. 
She  did  so,  but  the  two  men  had  kept  a  close  watch  and  were  not  to  be 
baffled. 

When  the  carriage  had  started  for  home,  one  of  the  officers  returned  to 
the  place  where  she  had  tarried  so  long.  He  represented  to  the  occupants 
that  he  was  working  for  Salomon  &  Zeisler,  attorneys  for  the  imprisoned 
conspirators,  to  whom  Seliger  had  written  a  letter,  and  that  in  accordance 
with  the  request  they  had  decided  to  protect  him  and  his  friends. 


242  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

"Seliger,"  said  the  officer,  "is  here,  and  I  want  to  talk  with  him." 

The  occupants  admitted  that  he  had  been  there  and  had  had  a  talk  with 
his  wife,  but  that  he  was  at  the  time  on  his  way  home  with  her. 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  Seliger  called  at  the  station  the  next  afternoon  (June  8). 
Both  entered  smiling,  but  it  was  quite  apparent  that  Seliger  was  very 
nervous. 

"  Captain,"  said  Mrs.  Seliger,  "  we  are  both  here." 

"  Yes,  madam,"  I  replied ;  "I  am  glad  you  are  both  here  —  on  your  own 
account." 

"Captain,"  again  spoke  Mrs.  Seliger,  "1  want  my  husband  to  testify  in 
court  against  that  villain  Lingg.  He  ruined  my  home.  He  is  the  cause  of 
the  slaughter  of  all  these  people  He  is  the  cause  of  the  sufferings  of  the 
women  and  children  whose  husbands  and  fathers  attended  the  Anarchist 
meetings.  Now,  Captain,  you  see  I  have  been  faithful  to  my  promises.  I 
have  done  as  I  agreed.  You  have  my  husband ;  he  is  in  your  power.  You 
can  do  with  him  as  you  please,  buf:  for  God's  sake  spare  his  life." 

Mrs.  Seliger  had  scarcely  finished  her  appeal  when  she  swooned  away. 
She  had  for  days  been  wrought  up  with  intense  excitement  and  haunted 
with  terrible  forebodings.  The  climax  was  reached  when  she  had  executed 
her  commission,  and,  trying  as  had  been  the  situation  for  nights  and  days, 
she  had  courageously  borne  up  in  order  that  she  might  atone  the  wrongs 
her  husband  had  committed  despite  her  most  earnest  entreaties,  and  to  help 
in  some  way  to  extricate  him,  who  had  so  cruelly  wronged  her,  from  the 
meshes  into  which  he  had  madly  and  ignorantly  rushed.  Her  keen  judg- 
ment and  innate  sense  of  right  had  swept  aside  every  consideration  of  the 
apparent  security  his  concealment  might  have  given  him,  and  her  whole 
soul  was  centered  in  his  delivery  to  the  authorities  that  he  might  not  eventu- 
ally be  found  and  sent  to  an  ignominious  death  on  the  gallows.  That  was 
her  hope,  and,  much  as  she  longed  for  his  safety,  she  had  bent  her  whole 
energies  to  seeing  him  brought  out  of  concealment  and  placed  where  there 
might  at  least  be  a  chance  for  his  life.  The  struggle  had  been  intense,  and 
it  culminated  when  she  so  pathetically  asked  that  her  husband's  life  might 
be  spared.  Her  emotions  then  were  at  their  highest  tension,  and  as  she 
recognized  the  fact  that  he  was  now  at  the  complete  mercy  of  the  law, 
from  which  he  had  sought  to  escape,  she  could  bear  up  no  longer. 

A  physician  was  immediately  sent  for,  and  after  applying  restoratives  it 
was  found  she  was  quite  a  sick  woman.  A  carriage  was  summoned,  and  she 
was  sent  home. 

Seliger  was  detained  at  the  station  until  after  the  trial  of  the  conspira- 
tors. Mrs.  Seliger  was  a  frequent  caller  after  that  trying  day,  and  remained 
with  him  much  of  the  time,  cheering  him  and  seeking  in  every  way  to 
lighten  his  burden,  like  a  true,  devoted  and  loving  wife.  In  a  subsequent 
conversation  the  circumstances  in  connection  with  her  visit  to  her  husband 


SAVED  BY  HIS  WIFE.  243 

at  his  place  of  concealment  were  learned.  It  appears  that  at  first  he  em- 
phatically declined  to  accompany  her,  and  then  gave  his  reasons.  One  day, 
while  on  his  way  to  report  at  the  station,  he  was  met,  he  said,  by  a  stranger, 
and  threatened  that  if  he  ever  went  near  the  station  again,  or  sent  word  ver- 
bally or  by  note  or  letter  to  me,  both  he  and  his  wife  would  be  murdered  in 
cold  blood.  The  threat  made  a  marked  impression  on  his  mind.  He 
returned  home,  but  made  no  mention  of  it  to  Mrs.  Seliger.  He  knew,  he 
said,  that  the  threat  was  meant,  and,  thinking  to  save  his  wife,  he  con- 
cluded to  act  on  the  warning  and  place  hirrtself  in  concealment  without  her 
knowledge.  He  left,  as  already  stated,  and  decided  to  keep  under  cover  to 
await  results. 

He  called  first  at  the  house  of  a  widow  named  Bertha  Neubarth,  No. 
1109  Nelson  Street,  Lake  View.  This  was  a  small  cottage,  with  a  base- 
ment used  as  a  tailor-shop,  and,  thinking  it  a  secure  place,  he  remained 
there  a  few  days.  Then  he  went  to  the  house  of  a  friend,  named  Gustav 
Belz,  who  lived  near  McCormick's  factory,  and  remained  there  several 
days.  His  next  move  was  to  a  house  on  West  Twelfth  Street,  near  the 
city  limits,  and  there  he  remained  until  discovered  by  his  wife.  The  letter 
he  had  sent  to  her  was  mailed  by  a  trusted  friend  named  Malinwitz,  and 
the  purpose  he  had  in  sending  it  was  to  ascertain  if  matters  had  changed 
any  and  if  I  was  angry  over  his  sudden  departure.  On  meeting  his  wife, 
the  first  question  he  asked  was  as  to  whether  the  police  had  been  watching 
their  house,  and,  on  being  answered  in  the  affirmative,  and  informed  that 
she  had  even  been  locked  up  again,  he  asked  for  particulars  and  the  cause 
for  her  release. 

" Capt.  Schaack,"  she  said,  "let  me  out  in  order  to  bring  you  back." 

"I  often  felt  sorry,"  answered  the  husband,  "for  going  away,  but  I  will 
never  go  back." 

His  wife  insisted  that  he  must  go  back,  and  said : 

"  I  told  the  Captain  that  I  would  come  and  see  you.  The  Captain  said 
that  he  would  give  you  six  hours  to  return,  and  that  if  you  did  not  report  to 
his  office  within  that  time,  he  would  surely  find  you  and  prosecute  you  for 
murder.  Your  chances  for  hanging,  he  said,  were  very  good,  and  you  need 
look  for  no  mercy  at  his  hands.  He  also  said  that  he  had  your  picture 
ready,  to  send  out  for  your  arrest  on  sight,  and  that  it  would  be  useless  for 
you  to  hide  or  run  away.  I  saw  the  picture  myself,  and  the  Captain  intends 
to  publish  a  large  reward  for  your  arrest." 

"I  believe  all  you  say,"  said  Seliger,  struggling  with  his  feelings,  "but 
what  would  you  prefer,  seeing  me  shot  or  killed  by  assassins,  or  hung 
by  law?" 

"All  these  cowards  making  threats,"  replied  the  wife,  "will  be  arrested. 
The  station-houses  on  the  North  Side  are  now  full  of  the  murderers.  I 
know  the  Captain  will  take  care  of  us,  and,  if  you  are  arrested,  you  will 


244  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

have  no  one  to  help  you  or  do  anything  for  you ;  then  you  are  sure  to  hang. 
You  had  better  come  with  me  to  Captain  Schaack." 

He  consented,  and  she  sent  word  that  they  would  be  at  the  station  the 
next  day.  Seliger  gave  himself  up,  and  Mrs.  Seliger  redeemed  her  promise. 
The  sacrifice,  in  view  of  the  uncertainties  of  the  time,  seemed  great,  but 
had  it  not  been  for  the  honesty  and  persistency  of  that  true  woman,  Seliger 
to-day  would  lie  in  an  unhonored  grave.  Both  proved  strong  witnesses  at 
the  trial,  and  shortly  after  his  release  they  left  the  city.  Reports  from 
them  show  that  he  has  been  cured  of  Johann  Most's  crazy  notions.  He 
now  denounces  Anarchy  both  in  America  and  Germany,  in  which  latter 
country  he  and  his  wife  were  born.  He  has  applied  himself  to  legitimate 
pursuits  as  a  law-abiding  citizen,  and  is  prospering. 

Seliger,  during  his  interview  with  me,  recounted  his  connection  with  the 
Anarchists  as  follows : 

"About  three  years  ago  I  noticed  an  article  in  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  that 
the  North  Side  group  would  give  lessons  to  all  who  desired,  in  the  English 
language.  I  went  to  Neff's  Hall  and  I  was  there  told  that  the  school  was 
only  for  members,  and  that,  if  I  wanted  to  join,  I  could  do  so.  I  did,  and  a 
year  afterwards  I  was  elected  financial  secretary.  In  looking  over  the 
books,  I  found  that  the  group  had  206  members,  the  most  of  them  being  in 
arrears,  but  no  one  ceased  to  be  a  member  on  account  of  it.  I  found  alsa 
that  there  was  a  great  deal  of  wrangling  and  trouble  among  the  members. 
One  faction  claimed  to  be  revolutionary,  as  they  were  at  war  with  capital. 
This  contention  drew  the  lines  pretty  sharply,  and  the  Socialistic  movement 
commenced  to  take  a  sharp  character.  Stellmacher,  I  believe,  was  executed 
in  Vienna.  It  was  on  Monday,  if  I  am  not  mistaken,  in  the  month  of 
August,  1884.  My  group  decided  to  commemorate  the  event  and  glorify 
the  man.  They  had  posters  printed,  and  about  twenty  men  went  to  work 
to  post  them,  especially  in  the  vicinity  of  the  churches.  From  that  day 
they  began  talking  force  and  dynamite.  At  every  meeting,  Stellmacher's 
name  was  mentioned  and  his  deeds  glorified.  Some  held  that  Stellmacher 
was  simply  a  burglar  and  murderer,  having  burglarized  the  premises  of 
Banker  Eifert  at  Vienna  and  killed  one  of  his  children.  Rau  and  Lange 
were  always  quarreling  over  this  question.  Lange  maintained  that  it  was 
a  shame  that  any  Socialist,  Communist  or  Anarchist  should  burglarize  and 
murder  under  a  pretext  of  getting  money  for  the  cause.  Every  member,  he 
said,  could  get  enough  money  in  a,n  honest  way  to  swell  the  fund  for  agita- 
tion and  the  destruction  of  capital.  Lange  said  that  he  was  not  opposed  ta 
the  killing  of  capitalists  in  the  right  way,  but  he  did  not  want  to  see  chil- 
dren killed.  Rau  would  uphold  a  contrary  view.  He  held  that  it  was  all 
the  same,  capitalist  or  child,  and  said  that  the  children  of  the  rich  would 
grow  up  only  to  learn  how  to  enrich  themselves  at  the  expense  of  the  work- 
ing people.  Schnaubelt  favored  murder  and  thought  that  it  would  be  best 
for  the  Anarchists  to  form  into  groups  of  four  or  five  with  a  view  to  killing 
any  one  who  would  work  against  the  laboring  people's  agitation.  One  or 
two  suddenly  removed  would  not  arouse  suspicion. 

"A  cigar-maker  named  Hoffman  became  a  member  of  the  North  Side 
group,  and  he  was  never  satisfied  with  the  rules,  as  he  regarded  them  too 
lenient.  He  wanted  the  whole  International  Working  People's  Association 


SELIGER'S   CONFESSIONS.  245 

made  an  armed  body,  but  Schwab  and  Hermann  opposed  it,  as  they  said  that 
the  Lehr  und  Wehr  Verein  filled  that  part  of  the  bill.  Hoffman  subse- 
quently withdrew  from  the  group  and  the  military  organization.  He  as  well 
as  Polling  and  Hermann  wanted  the  Anarchists  to  give  a  commemorative 
entertainment  on  the  anniversary  of  the  Paris  Commune,  in  March,  1885, 
and  of  the  clubbing  of  the  working  people  of  Philadelphia  by  the  police. 
His  idea  was  that  rifles  should  be  discharged,  and  then  a  woman  personat- 
ing the  goddess  of  liberty  should  throw  a  chain  away  from  her  body.  In 
this  way  the  three  men  believed  that  the  agitation  for  securing  arms  could 
be  greatly  helped.  The  committee  for  the  celebration  of  the  Commune 
opposed  this  plan,  especially  Neebe  and  Rau.  Neebe  held  that  the  cele- 
bration of  the  Commune  as  generally  planned  by  the  committee  was  for  the 
express  purpose  of  making  money  to  help  agitation,  and  the  other  features 
were  not  necessary.  Hoffman  endeavored  to  carry  through  his  plan,  but  he 
was  knocked  out.  After  some  further  wrangling  he  left  the  group  and  per- 
manently kept  away.  At  another  meeting  Rau  said  that  he  desired  to  bring 
dynamite  into  the  meetings  and  show  how  it  was  manufactured,  but  no 
definite  action  was  taken. 

"At  the  beginning  of  last  year  [1885],  a  man  named  Deters  declared 
that  he  was  an  Anarchist  and  was  very  loud  in  his  declarations,  but  he  was 
afterwards  expelled  for  stealing  tickets  from  the  Central  Labor  Union. 
Poch  always  claimed  to  be  a  Communist,  and  he  became  unpopular  on 
account  of  a  dereliction.  Haker  was  also  a  Communist,  but  he  was  expelled 
on  account  of  being  in  arrears  $3  as  a  member  of  the  Southwest  group. 
Then  Lingg  became  a  member,  and  from  that  time  served  as  president  of 
that  group.  He  was  always  in  hot  words  with  a  man  named  Hartwig. 
During  the  beginning  of  April  we  got  quite  a  number  of  new  members,  and 
they  all  became  strong  agitators  in  the  cause.  I  knew  as  members  of  the 
armed  sections  Schlomeker,  a  carpenter ;  Stahlbaum,  a  carpenter,  lieutenant 
of  the  first  company;  Petschke,  secretary  of  the  same  company;  Kitgus; 
the  Riemer  brothers,  one  a  carpenter  and  the  other  a  painter ;  Ted,  a  car- 
penter ;  Rau,  Bak,  Hirschberger,  the  Hermann  brothers,  all  members  of  the 
Lehr  und  Wehr  Verein;  the  Hageman  brothers;  the  Lehman  brothers; 
Messenbrink,  a  carpenter ;  Stak,  a  tinsmith  ;  Lauke,  Feltes  and  Kraemer, 
all  carpenters,  and  Siebach  and  Niendorf,  carpenters,  living  in  Lake  View. 
With  these  two  exceptions  and  those  of  Lenhard  and  Krueger,  who  belonged 
to  the  Northwest  group,  all  I  have  mentioned  lived  on  the  North  Side. 
There  were  also  Classner  and  Sisterer,  who  belonged  to  the  Southwest 
group.  I  know  a  great  many  others  who  belonged  to  the  armed  forces,  but 
J  don't  recall  their  names.  They  all  carried  revolvers.  All  I  knew  about 
bombs  at  that  time  was  what  I  heard  Lingg  say,  that  the  Northwest  group 
and  the  Southwest  groups  and  the  Bohemians  were  well  supplied  with  them. 
Among  the  Bohemian  Socialists  I  only  know  Mikolanda  and  Hrusha  and 
three  more  whose  names  I  can't  remember. 

"At  a  meeting  last  winter  [1885]  of  the  North  Side  group,  Neebe  stated 
that  it  was  time  that  every  comrade  should  supply  himself  with  arms  and 
should  lay  bombs  under  his  pillow  at  night  and  sleep  over  them.  Every 
one  should  practice  so  as  to  know  how  to  handle  them  when  necessary. 
Every  workingman,  he  said,  who  is  down  on  capitalists,  should  kill  every 
one  of  them,  and  they  should  not  neglect  the  police  and  the  militia,  because 
they  were  hired  and  supported  by  the  capitalists.  He  said  that  he  himself 
would  kill  one  of  these  loafers  and  would  not  turn  an  eye  on  him.  One  in 


246  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

the  audience,  a  barber,  whose  name  I  don't  know,  said  that  there  were  some 
among  the  militia  and  the  police  who  would  join  them  in  case  of  an  uprising 
and  cited  as  an  instance  that  during  the  riots  of  1877  he  had  spoken  to  some 
of  them  and  they  had  told  him  that  they  would  not  shoot  at  the  strikers. 
Neebe  declared  that  it  was  all  the  same.  'A  man  employed  by  the  capi- 
talists,' he  said,  'is  my  enemy,  even  though  he  is  my  brother.'  In  case  of 
an  uprising,  he  said,  every  revolutionist  should  use  force  on  every  corner 
and  on  the  sidewalks,  and  should  throw  dynamite  wherever  these  loafers 
stood  or  walked. 

"The  casting  of  one  bomb  Lingg  had  was  made  of  sheet-iron,  and  the 
man  who  manufactured  it  was  shown  to  me  at  the  office  of  the  Arbeiter- 
Zeitung.  Then  Lingg  had  another  casting  made  out  of  iron,  which  he  had 
made  at  some  iron  foundry.  I  saw  him  have  dynamite  twice  in  a  cigar-box. 
Before  this  he  said  to  me  that  he  had  seen  Spies  at  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung 
office,  and  that  Spies  had  told  him  that  he  would  give  him  dynamite.  This 
was  about  two  months  before  the  4th  of  May.  Friday  preceding  that  day 
Lingg  received  a  box,  1x2^  feet  in  dimensions,  from  the  West  Side,  at  the 
hands  of  a  man  whom  I  took  to  be  a  Bohemian.  Lingg  always  liked  the 
Bohemians.  With  a  view  to  learning  this  man's  address  I  walked  over  to> 
the  West  Side,  and  I  found  that  he  had  moved  to  No.  661  Blue  Island 
Avenue.  One  evening  two  others  came  to  see  Haker,  and  Haker  told  them, 
as  I  entered,  that  I  was  Seliger.  One  of  them  I  knew,  his  name  being 
Kaiser,  a  carpenter,  and  the  other  was  a  strongly  built  man  of  medium 
height  and  bow-legged.  They  were  a  little  embarrassed  and  said  that  they 
did  not  know  what  to  say  under  the  circumstances.  I  asked  them  if  they 
had  bombs,  and  Haker  spoke  up  and  said  that  he  would  not  say  anything; 
about  it,  even  to  his  brother,  as  he  expected  a  search  would  be  made  of  his 
house.  But  he  said  they  would  find  nothing,  and  the  other  two  confirmed 
his  story.  It  was  stated  that  every  one  should  buy  a  book,  which  could  be 
had  at  cost  price,  giving  directions  about  the  manufacture  of  dynamite, 
which  could  also  be  purchased  very  cheap.  The  North  Side  group  bought 
one  of  these  books.  I  was  so  informed  by  Thielen,  who  had  seen  it. 

"A  short  time  after  this  I  was  elected  a  member  of  the  central  com- 
mittee, with  four  other  delegates  from  the  North  Side  group,  who  were 
Neebe,  Ran,  Hermann  and  Hubner,  and  as  long  as  I  was  a  member  Neebe 
and  Rau  were  continued  as  delegates  to  that  committee.  Spies  was  at  the 
head  of  it.  I  attended  seven  of  its  meetings,  and  at  one  of  our  sessions, 
during  the  West  Side  street-car  drivers'  strike,  Spies  said  that  we  should 
take  part  in  that  strike.  In  case  the  strikers  should  resort  to  force  against 
the  company  and  the  policemen  who  protected  it,  Spies  said  that  he.  had  a 
few  bombs  on  hand,  and  he  would  distribute  some  of  them  to  people  whom 
he  knew.  At  the  same  meeting  it  was  proposed  that  a  meeting  should  be 
held  on  the  lake  front  the  following  Sunday,  but  there  was  some  opposition 
to  it.  Spies,  however,  declared  that  the  meeting  should  be  held  and  that 
every  one  should  be  present,  well  armed.  Then,  in  case  the  police  should 
interfere  to  disperse  the  gathering,  they  should  send  them  home  with  bloody 
heads.  The  meeting  was  held,  but  there  was  no  interference.  Spies  also 
proposed  that  meetings  of  the  committee  should  be  held  every  evening  at 
the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  office  during  the  strike,  to  hear  grievances,  and  that, 
whenever  necessary,  special  meetings  should  be  held  of  the  various  groups. 
The  leaders  in  the  committee  were  Spies,  Rau,  Neebe,  Hermann,  a  man 
named  Walter,  of  the  American  group,  and  a  small  man  from  the  Northwest 


SELIGERS  CONFESSIONS.  247 

group  with  an  illuminated  nose,  who  was  a  very  intimate  friend  of  Spies. 
This  man  was  the  founder  of  the  Freiheit  group. 

"Just  preceding  this  car  strike,  Haker,  who  belonged  to  Carpenters' 
Union  No.  i,  was  a  strong  advocate  of  the  use  of  dynamite.  At  one  meet- 
ing he  told  some  of  the  members  to  wait  till  after  adjournment,  as  he  ex- 
plained that  he  desired  to  show  them  something  very  interesting.  They 
remained,  and  he  produced  a  ball  of  clay,  having  two  parts  joined  together 
and  a  cavity  in  the  center.  He  told  them  that  he  manufactured  them,  and 
if  any  one  desired  any  they  could  get  them  from  him  at  a  dollar  each.  I 
then  left. 

"  Subsequently  I  called  upon  Secretary  Lotz  and  asked  for  the  book  of 
membership  of  the  North  Side  group.  I  found  that  Charles  Bock  was  its 
financial  secretary  ;  Hubner,  librarian  ;  and  Rau,  delegate  to  the  central 
committee,  which  position  he  held  almost  continuously.  Abraham  Hermann 
was  also  a  delegate  and  agent  for  the  sale  of  arms  to  the  whole  organiza- 
tion. The  principal  speakers  at  our  meetings  were  Schwab,  Feltes  or 
Veltes,  Neebe,  Grottkau  and  (while  living  in  the  city)  Kraemer.  During 
1885  an  Austrian,  whose  name  I  don't  remember,  spoke  very  often,  but  he 
is  now  at  the  Jefferson  Insane  Asylum.  Fischer  is  one  of  the  founders  of 
the  North  Side  group  and  always  spoke  most  strongly  in  favor  of  Anarchy. 
Rau,  an  employe  of  the  Ar better -Zeitungy  Lingg,  Schnaubelt  and  Emil  Hoffman, 
the  cigar-maker,  also  spoke  frequently.  Hoffman  claimed  that  he  was  a 
great  friend  of  Most  and  one  of  the  founders  of  Freiheit  of  London.  He  had 
lived  in  London  several  years  and  was  an  active  member  until  he  left  our 
organization,  as  I  have  already  stated.  Hermann  would  sometimes  take  the 
places  of  speakers  who  might  happen  to  be  absent  from  some  of  the  meet- 
ings. Hirschberger,  of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung,  and  Menz,  a  carpenter,  born 
in  America,  generally  participated  in  some  of  the  discussions. 

"A  man  named  Kiesling  was  a  member,  and  after  my  liberation  from 
the  station  I  was  informed  by  Haker,  Kaiser  and  another  man  that  he  had 
helped  a  member  to  escape  arrest.  Commes,  or  Commens,  had  shot  and 
wounded  two  Jews,  and  Kiesling  was  delegated  to  take  him  in  an  express 
wagon  to  Lake  View,  where  he  turned  him  over  to  some  members  of  the 
Southwest  Side  group,  who  then  assisted  him  in  effecting  his  escape." 

Seliger  then  gave  a  number  of  names  of  members  who  belonged  to  the 
groups  he  was  most  familiar  with,  as  follows: 

"  North  Side  Group. —  Asher,  a  mason  ;  Turban,  carpenter  ;  Huber,  car- 
penter ;  Heuman,  railroad  laborer  ;  Stak,  cornice-maker  ;  Reuter;  Habitz- 
reiter,  of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung ;  Kasbe,  shoemaker;  Menge,  carrier  of 
Arbeiter-Zeitung  ;  Hoelscher,  carrier  of  same  paper;  Jebolinski,  carpenter  ; 
Behrens,  shoemaker.  Members  no  longer  with  group  :  Wichman,  a  saloon- 
keeper, expelled  from  Berlin,  Germany  ;  Ammer,  bookbinder ;  the  Thiesen 
brothers,  One  a  shoemaker  and  the  other  a  carpenter,  and  Polling. 

"  Northwest  Side  Group.  —  Blume,  carpenter  ;  Elias,  carpenter  ;  Fischer, 
Engel,  Lehnhard,  Breitenfeld.  Blume  and  Elias  left  because  they  were 
quarreling  all  the  time  with  Fischer,  and  they  founded  the  Karl  Marx 
group. 

"Southwest  Side  Group. —  Scholz  ;  Fehling,cigarmaker ;  Kaiser,  carpenter  ; 
Haker,  carpenter  ;  Schoening." 


248  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

THE  next  arrest  was  that  of  JOHN  THIELEN.  Thielen  was  a  man  about 
37  year  of  age,  born  near  the  city  of  Coblentz,  Germany,  a  carpenter  by  oc- 
cupation, and  a  rabid  "red,"  living  in  Chicago  at  No.  509  North  Halsted 
Street.  He  had  been  an  Anarchist  in  the  old  country,  and  there  had  divided 
his  time  between  talking  up  the  social  revolution  and  running  a  small 
grocery  store,  until  business  had  got  so  dull  that  he  was  obliged  to  sell  out. 
He  then  fell  back  upon  his  trade  for  a  living.  Much  as  it  went  against  his 
grain  to  labor,  he  had  no  alternative  except  to  starve.  It  occurred  to  him 
that  the  stronger  a  Socialist  he  became  the  less  hard  work  he  would  have  to 
•do,  and  he  accordingly  availed  himself  of  every  opportunity  to  talk  on  his 
pet  hobby.  At  last  the  officials  of  Emperor  William  got  after  him,  and, 
packing  up  a  few  things,  he  emigrated  to  America,  reaching  Chicago  about 
five  years  before  his  arrest.  He  had  been  here  only  a  short  time  when  he 
learned  that  there  were  a  number  of  men  in  the  city  who  talked  to  working- 
men  about  the  shortest  way  to  get  rich  without 
work",  how  to  have  a  good  time  playing  cards, 
drinking  beer,  attending  picnics  and  balls,  wear- 
ing good  clothes,  and  smoking  good  cigars.  This 
struck  Thielen's  fancy,  and  he  concluded  that 
at  last  he  had  found  the  place  he  had  longed 
for  during  many  years.  He  decided  to  identify 
himself  with  these  men,  and  accordingly  made 
haste  to  attend  all  their  meetings.  It  was  not 
long  before  he  proved  himself  as  good  an  An- 
archist as  the  rest  of  the  leaders.  His  wife  also 
had  become  imbued  with  his  doctrines,  and  had 
grown  indeed  more  positive  than  her  husband. 

JOHN    THIELEN.  They  had  &    sonj   ^    years  Qf    age?  a  ^    sljm 

From  a  Photograph.  r    i,  XT    ^i   •  ij         ^-    r      ii  «i 

fellow.     Nothing  would  satisfy  the  mother  except 

his  induction  into  the  order.  After  the  stripling  had  become  a  member, 
she  was  still  unsatisfied  ;  he  must  join  the  Sharpshooters.  This  the  boy 
did,  and  thus  he  fell  in  with  the  most  rabid  of  the  Anarchists  —  into  the 
very  crowd  that  gathered  in  secret  session  at  63  Emma  Street  on  Sunday, 
May  2,  at  ten  o'clock  in  the  morning,  to  hear  Engel  unfold  his  murderous 
plan. 

The  youth  was  a  close  listener  and  an  ardent  admirer  of  the  leaders. 
He  also  attended  the  Haymarket  meeting,  and  went  there  for  a  purpose. 
It  appears  that  the  order  had  established,  in  furtherance  of  this  conspiracy, 
a  line  of  runners,  composed  of  all  the  young  men  who  were  swift  and  light 
of  foot,  the  object  being  to  furnish  means  of  rapid  communication  between 
a  "commander"  and  his  men.  For  instance,  in  the  execution  of  Engel's 
plan,  a  number  of  Anarchists  had  gone  to  Wicker  Park,  some  to  Humboldt 
Park,  and  others  to  Garfield  Park,  on  the  evening  of  May  4.  Their  instruc- 


A  BOY  CONSPIRATOR.  249 

tions  were  to  stand  ready  to  obey  orders,  and,  on  receipt  of  a  signal,  to 
advance  into  the  city  and  shoot  down  all  who  opposed  them.  The  "com- 
mander" attended  the  Haymarket  meeting,  accompanied  by  young  Thielen, 
and  it  was  his  intention,  the  moment  the  proper  signal  was  given,  to 
despatch  the  boy  on  his  mission.  The  boy  was  then  to  start  on  a  keen  run 
to  a  certain  place,  where  he  was  to  meet  another  runner  ;  the  second  was  to 
take  the  message  to  a  third,  and  so  on  until  the  men  posted  at  the  parks 
were  reached. 

Fortunately,  however,  young  Thielen  missed  his  "commander"  when  the 
bomb  fell  and  the  shooting  commenced  at  the  Haymarket.  The  boy  then 
lost  his  courage,  like  his  superior,  and  applied  his  speed  to  getting  home 
as  fast  as  possible. 

Young  Thielen  had  been  selected  because  of  his  supposed  coolness.  He 
had  been  a  great  favorite  of  Lingg's,  and  had  been  in  that  worthy's  room  on 
that  very  afternoon  up  to  7:30  in  the  evening.  He  had  even  helped  to  load 
dynamite  bombs  there.  When  the  work  had  been  completed,  Lingg  had 
distributed  a  lot  of  the  dynamite  left  over  to  his  friends  present.  Three 
boxes  had  been  given  to  Thielen  and  the  boy,  and  the  "stuff"  was  subse- 
quently found  buried  under  their  house,  together  with  fire-arms  and  ammu- 
nition. 

When  trouble  finally  surrounded  the  Thielen  household,  the  wife  and 
mother  showed  true  grit.  On  being  shown  the  evidence  of  their  complicity 
in  a  conspiracy,  she  neither  flinched  nor  quivered. 

"  Our  whole  family  are  Anarchists,"  she  defiantly  remarked,  "  and  what 
of  it  ?  Try  your  best,  you  can't  scare  me  !  " 

The  son  was  ordered  by  the  officers  to  come  with  them  to  the  station,  and 
as  they  left  the  house  Mrs.  Thielen  said  to  him  : 

"  I  want  you  to  brace  up  and  be  firm,  as  you  have  been  taught  by  your 
comrades.  This  is  for  a  good  cause.  Bear  it  all  like  a  man." 

The  boy  was  taken  to  the  Larrabee  Street  Station  and  put  under  cross- 
fire. He  was  decidedly  firm  at  first,  but  after  he  had  become  involved  in  a 
number  of  false  statements  and  shown  that  the  police  knew  a  good  deal 
about  him,  he  looked  at  every  officer  in  the  station  and  asked  : 

"  If  I  tell  all  I  know  and  tell  the  truth,  what  will  you  do  with  me  ?'• 

He  was  informed  that  such  a  course  would  be  the  best  for  him  and  that 
it  might  afford  him  a  chance  to  get  out  of  his  troubles.  This  satisfied  the 
youth,  and  he  gave  a  long  and  strong  statement,  which  others  subsequently 
corroborated.  He  then  explained  that  he  had  been  misled  into  reading  all 
sorts  of  nonsense  on  Anarchy.  He  had  eagerly  studied  all  books  on  the 
question,  and,  being  encouraged  by  his  parents,  had  taken  a  deep  interest 
in  all  the  meetings.  He  worked  whenever  he  could  find  employment,  but 
at  all  times  his  mind  was  centered  in  the  success  of  the  cause. 

He  was  detained  at  the  station  only  a  few  days,  and  then  released  on  a 


250  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

promise  to  hold  himself  subject  to  the  orders  of  the  State  and  testify  when 
called  on.  But  the  State  did  not  need  his  evidence,  and  soon  thereafter  I 
secured  him  employment  in  a  factory.  He  is  still  at  work  and  is  now  prov- 
ing himself  an  exemplary  youth. 

The  father  proved  a  rather  elusive  individual  after  the  police  began 
searching  for  him.  But  at  the  time  of  Mrs.  Seliger's  arrest  he  ventured 
too  near  the  Chicago  Avenue  Station.  It  was  on  the  morning  of  May  12 
that  a  man  was  noticed  in  the  company  of  two  women.  The  man  remained 
on  the  outside  at  a  good  distance,  but  the  women  entered  the  court-room  of 
the  station  and  sat  there  for  some  time,  watching  the  prisoners  brought 
before  the  magistrate.  The  women  asked  no  questions  of  any  one  in  the 
room,  and  it  was  soon  discovered  that  they  had  no  business  there.  Officer 
Loewenstein  approached  them  and  asked  if  they  had  come  to  see  Mrs. 
Seliger.  One  replied  that  they  did  not  know  her. 

"  But,"  interposed  the  other,  with  some  hesitancy,  "is  she  here?" 

"I  can't  tell,"  remarked  the  officer.  "I  was  going  to  make  some 
inquiries,  but  as  you  do  not  know  her,  it  will  save  me  the  trouble." 

"  Say,  young  man,"  said  one  of  the  women,  who  was  getting  interested 
as  well  as  curious,  "  what  is  your  business  here  ?  " 

"  Well,  madam,  I  am  known  here  as  a  '  straw-bailer. '  I  go  bail  for  all 
people  who  pay  me  well,  and  I  am  all  O.  K.  with  the  police.  If  you  want 
anything  done  for  Mrs.  Seliger,  you  must  be  very  careful  here.  Don't  let 
the  police  know  your  object.  As  you  are  Germans,  I  will  not  charge  you 
anything  for  my  trouble,  if  I  can  do  anything  for  you." 

"  Well,  we  will  talk  to  you  later,"  they  said.  "  Can  we  remain  here  for 
awhile  ?  " 

"  Oh,  yes  ;  I  will  take  care  of  you  so  that  no  one  will  disturb  you,"  replied 
the  officer,  in  a  patronizing  tone  of  voice.  "  By  the  way,  when  I  came  to 
the  station  this  morning,  I  saw  you  standing  at  the  corner  talking  to  a  gen- 
tleman with  black  whiskers,  and  he  is  now  standing  across  the  street.  If  he 
is  a  friend  of  yours,  I  will  call  him  in  here." 

"Oh,  yes,"  responded  the  women,  "  he  is  our  friend  and  a  friend  of  Mr, 
and  Mrs.  Seliger.  He  is  a  good  man." 

"  What  is  his  name  ?     I  will  call  him  in  at  once." 

"  His  name  is  John  Thielen.  He  lives  at  No.  509  North  Halsted  Street 
and  is  all  right." 

Officer  Stift  meantime  had  kept  his  eye  on  the  individual  across  the 
street,  with  instructions  not  to  arrest  him  so  long  as  he  hovered  about  the 
station,  but,  in  the  event  of  his  going  away  any  distance,  to  take  him  in 
charge.  The  man  at  no  time  went  far  from  his  post ;  he  was  too  anxious 
to  hear  from  the  women.  The  moment  Officer  Loewenstein  had  secured 
the  information  about  his  identity,  he  posted  across  the  street,  and,  hailing 
the  man,  said  : 


AN    "INNOCENT"    TAKEN  IN.  251 

"John,  I  think  you  have  been  'ransacking  '  around  here  long  enough. 
Come  with  me ;  the  boys  want  to  see  you." 

"  Who  are  the  boys  ?  "  inquired  Thielen. 

"Capt.  Schaack,"  answered  the  officer. 

"I  don't  want  to  see  him  or  have  anything  to  do  with  him."  Thielen 
was  surprised  as  well  as  indignant. 

"  Well,"  said  the  officer,  "he  would  like  to  make  your  acquaintance." 

"  You  tell  him  that  he  don't  know  me  and  I  don't  know  him  ;  so  what 
the  d 1  does  he  want  ?  Good-day,  I  am  going  home." 

"You  must  come  in  first  and  give  an  account  of  yourself." 

"  I  am  a  good  man  ;  I  am  not  afraid." 

He  went  to  the  station  rather  reluctantly,  still  with  an  air  of  innocence 
and  bravery.  The  moment  he  stepped  inside  the  office,  I  said  to  him  : 

"  John,  you  are  an  Anarchist.  You  are  one  of  the  rioters.  You  were  at 
the  Haymarket  meeting.  You  knew  about  the  bombs.  You  are  under 
arrest." 

"I  am  no  Anarchist,"  responded  John,  rather  warmly.  "I  am  a 
carpenter. " 

"Yes,"  said  I,  "you  are  both,  and  you  live  at  509  North  Halsted  Street. 
I  have  no  time  now  to  talk  to  you.  Whenever  you  want  to  see  me  send 
word  by  the  turnkey." 

On  the  second  day,  John  sent  word  that  he  wanted  to  see  me.  He  was 
taken  up  into  the  office,  and  there  he  asked  what  benefit  it  would  be  to  him 
if  he  told  all  he  knew.  He  was  informed  that  we  would  expect  him  to  tell 
only  the  truth  and  not  lie  about  any  one  or  shield  any  one  who  was  guilty 
of  wrong-doing.  If  he  did  all  this  honestly  and  conscientiously  the  State 
would,  no  doubt,  reward  him  for  his  information.  Thielen  assented  to  the 
proposition,  but  he  told  very  little  at  this  interview.  He  was  brought  up 
again  the  next  day,  and  from  the  questions  put  he  soon  discovered  that 
some  one  had  been  telling  the  truth  about  him. 

"Now  I  will  tell  you  all  I  know,"  he  said,  "and  let  it  fall  where  it 
belongs.  What  I  say  I  will  swear  to.  I  see  every  one  is  trying  to  get  out. 
First  I  will  tell  you  what  I  did  myself,  and  then  what  the  others  did." 

He  accordingly  made  a  long  statement,  but  as  substantially  the  same 
facts  were  brought  out  in  the  trial  by  other  witnesses,  he  was  never  called 
on  to  testify.  Since  then  Thielen  has  abandoned  Anarchy  and  is  a  better 
man. 

The  statement  Thielen  made  runs  as  follows,  and  it  will  be  noticed  by 
reference  to  the  trial  proceedings  that,  had  he  been  a  witness,  he  would 
have  fully  corroborated  the  testimony  given  by  Seliger  and  his  wife.  On 
being  shown,  at  the  station,  some  round  lead  bombs,  he  said  : 

"  I  saw  Louis  Lingg  have  twenty-two  pieces  like  these  in  his  room. 
They  were  not  all  finished.  I  saw  them  when  they  were  being  cast.  They 


25 2  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

were  in  halves  and  placed  in  Louis  Lingg's  trunk.  If  that  trouble  had  not 
occurred  at  McCormick's  factory  that  Monday,  they  would  not  have  been 
finished  yet,  but  after  that  trouble  with  the  officers  he  completed  them. 
That  is,  he  loaded  them  with  dynamite,  ready  to  be  used.  I  never  knew  of 
any  one  or  heard  of  anybody  who  could  make  these  bombs  except  Lingg. 
I  had  two  of  these  gas-pipe  bombs,  loaded  with  dynamite.  I  got  them  from 
Lingg,  and  I  threw  them  away  as  soon  as  I  got  them.  There  were  only  a 
few  left  of  these  long  ones.  There  were  seventeen  pieces  loaded  at  Seli- 
ger's  house.  Bonfield  had  better  look  out  for  himself,  as  these  bombs  are 
for  the  most  part  made  for  him,  and  he  will  get  one  yet.  He  was  shooting 
the  people  during  the  West  Side  car  strike  and  at  McCormick's.  I  prom- 
ised to  give  you  the  round  bombs  that  I  had,  but,  as  I  said,  I  threw  them 
•  away  and  out  of  danger.  I  will  tell  you,  before  all  these  men,  that  these 
two  iron  shells  now  lying  before  me  at  this  table  I  got  from  Lingg  at  his 
house,  No.  442  Sedgwick  Street,  on  May  4,  1886.  He  gave  them  to  me, 
and  I  took  them  along  home.  They  were  loaded,  and  there  was  a  fuse  in 
each  of  them.  This  was  Tuesday  night,  May  4,  8  o'clock.  The  very  same 
night  he  also  gave  me  those  two  cigar-boxes  here  now  before  me,  filled 
with  dynamite.  He  wanted  me  to  take  them  and  throw  them  in  the  alley. 
He  said  they  were  empty,  but  I  saw  that  they  were  filled.  They  were  too 
heavy  to  be  empty.  I  took  them  home  myself,  together  with  my  boy.  We 
buried  them  under  our  house.  The  last  time  I  saw  any  bombs  was  at 
Florus'  place,  where  a  search  was  made  by  the  police.  I  would  have  given 
up  those  bombs  to  you  to-night  if  you  had  not  found  them.  In  these  boxes 
is  finished  dynamite  ready  to  be  used.  I  know  Seliger  had  charge  of  sell- 
ing arms.  We  paid  $7.00  for  a  revolver  and  $10.00  for  a  gun.  I  saw 
Lingg  and  Seiiger  at  Seliger's  house,  Tuesday,  May  4,  at  about  8  P.M.,  and 
9:30  P.M.  I  saw  them  together  at  Larrabee  Street.  There  were  twenty- 
two  lead  bombs  that  I  saw  in  Lingg's  room.  They  were  made  on  a  Sunday 
afternoon.  Lingg,  Seliger  and  myself  made  them.  They  had  been  cast 
about  two  weeks  before  Tuesday,  May  4.  I  saw  in  a  satchel  in  Lingg's 
room  about  fifteen  pieces  of  these  long  iron  shells,  on  Tuesday,  May  4. 
There  were  alsp  some  round  lead  bombs,  and  they  were  all  loaded.  The 
time  I  was  in  Lingg's  room,  May  4,  I  saw  one  man  take  along  with  him, 
when  he  left,  three  round  lead  bombs  loaded  with  dynamite,  and  Lingg 
gave  those  bombs  to  the  man  himself.  I  know  the  man,  and  I,  John  Thie- 
len,  will  get  them  from  that  man  and  give  them  to  you  this  evening.  After 
what  happened  at  the  Haymarket  on  that  Tuesday  evening,  May  4,  you 
could  not  hear  of  any  one  having  bombs  in  their  possession.  I  should 
judge  that  two  men  more  received  from  Lingg  six  round  bombs  loaded 
with  dynamite.  In  Greif's  Hall,  54  West  Lake  Street,  on  the  evening  of 
May  3,  at  the  meeting  there,  Lingg  said  to  the  people  present  that  he  would 
furnish  the  dynamite  bombs  if  any  one  would  throw  them.  I  told  him  to 
throw  the  bombs  himself.  Then  I  said  to  Lingg  that  it  would  cost  a  man 
his  life  to  throw  them.  Lingg  replied  that  no  man  could  see  any  one  throw 
one  of  them.  He  said  if  necessary  he  would  throw  some.  He  also 
stated  that  if  any  one  would  come  to  him  he  would  show  him  how  to 
make  bombs  with  dynamite.  I  saw  Lingg  and  Seliger  together  at  Thiir- 
inger  Hall  —  Neff's  place  —  58  Clybourn  Avenue,  on  the  evening  of  May  4. 
Lingg  had  a  satchel.  The  satchel  was  placed  near  a  little  passage-way 
leading  to  the  'gents'  closet.'  It  was  a  gray  canvas-covered  satchel  about 
two  feet  long,  one  foot  wide  and  one  and  a  half  feet  high.  Seliger,  Lingg 


JOHN  THIELEN'S  REVELATIONS.  253 

• 

and  myself  went  away  together  to  Clybourn  Avenue.  We  then  went  up 
on  Larrabee  Street,  at  9:30  P.M.  I  left  Lingg  and  Seliger  at  the  corner 
of  Clybourn  Avenue  and  Larrabee  Street.  The  satchel  was  brought  by 
Lingg  to  Neff's  Hall  that  night,  and  any  one  there  could  help  himself  to 
bombs.  Lingg  said  to  some  people  :  '  There  are  bombs  in  that  satchel,  and 
now  help  yourselves. '  These  words  were  spoken  in  the  saloon  of  Neff's 
place  to  a  crowd  of  armed  men." 

The  above  confession  was  given  on  the  i4th  of  May.  On  the  next  day 
Thielen  was  brought  face  to  face  with  Lingg  —  with  what  results  the  next 
chapter  will  show.  On  the  i6th  of  May  Thielen  supplemented  his  first 
statement  with  additional  particulars.  He  said  : 

"On  Tuesday,  May  4,  1886,  about  9:30  P.M.,  myself  and  old  man  Leh- 
man were  together  on  the  corner  of  North  Avenue  and  Larrabee  Street, 
near  the  police  station,  and  afterwards  we  went  back  to  Neff's  Hall.  Three 
men  came  into  the  saloon  and  said  that  there  had  been  a  terrible  explosion 
on  the  West  Side  at  the  Haymarket  meeting  and  that  a  great  many  were 
killed  and  wounded  ;  that  Fielden  had  made  a  speech,  and  a  radical  one. 
The  police  came,  and  a  shot  was  fired.  Some  one  in  the  crowd  said  :  '  Now, 
do  not  spare  powder  or  lead. '  A  friend  of  mine  got  shot  through  the  cheek. 
The  man  works  for  Mr.  Christal,  corner  of  Lake  and  State  Streets,  in  a 
basement  —  a  carpenter-shop.  That  man  stated  that  he  was  there  at  the 
meeting,  standing  near  the  speaker,  and  about  fifteen  feet  away  from  where 
the  bomb  was  thrown.  The  understanding  with  us  when  we  left  Neff's 
Hall  on  that  Tuesday  night,  May  4,  was  to  make  a  racket  that  would 
call  out  the  police.  It  was  a  failure  because  the  West  Side  police  did  not 
come  out  any  sooner  to  interfere  with  the  meeting  or  the  mob.  The  grudge 
we  had  was  the  score  of  the  police  shooting  our  men  at  McCormick's  fac- 
tory. We  wanted  revenge.  The  order  came  from  the  International  armed 
men  or  the  group.  I  was  at  Greif's  Hall,  54  West  Lake  Street,  May  3.  I 
there  saw  a  circular  calling  for  revenge.  I  was  at  the  meeting  Monday 
night  at  Zepf's  Hall,  and  there  an  order  was  given  for  the  armed  men  to  go 
to  54  West  Lake  Street,  in  the  basement.  The  password  to  get  into  that 
meeting  was  '  Y  komme. '  I  went  there  to  the  meeting.  I  found  George 
Engel  there,  and  he  made  a  speech.  The  whole  plan  was  then  unfolded  by 
Engel.  He  said  that  there  would  be  a  meeting  held  on  Tuesday  night,  May 
4,  at  the  Haymarket,  and  that  the  North  Siders  should  stay  on  the  North 
Side,  and  there  they  should  wait  until  it  had  started  —  meaning  the  riot  on 
the  West  Side.  Engel  said  that  some  of  those  who  had  arms  should  come 
to  the  meeting,  and  those  who  had  no  arms  should  stay  away  from  the  meet- 
ing at  the  Haymarket.  At  the  meeting  in  the  basement  a  man  by  the  name  of 
Waller  was  chairman.  George  Engel  did  the  speaking.  There  were  about 
fifty  men  present  belonging  to  the  armed  sections.  Engel  explained  that  the 
plan  would  have  to  be  worked  in  this  way  :  As  soon  as  they  had  commenced 
on  the  West  Side,  then  they  should  commence  on  the  South  Side  and  the 
North  Side.  Engel  stated  that  the  signal  would  be  a  fire  which  would  be 
set,  and  seen  at  Wicker  Park,  and  by  the  noise  of  the  shooting.  That  would 
be  the  signal  for  commencing,  and  they  should  all  attack  the  police  stations  ; 
should  throw  dynamite  bombs  into  the  stations,  to  either  kill  or  keep  the 
officers  in  the  stations,  and  should  shoot  the  horses  on  the  patrol  wagons  to 
prevent  the  police  from  helping  one  another.  Engel  is  the  man  who  pro- 


1254  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

posed  this  plan.  Engel  is  the  only  man  that  gave  us  any  orders.  And 
under  the  orders  Engel  gave  us  that  night,  May  3,  in  that  basement,  54  West 
Lake  Street,  we  started  out  May  4  on  the  North  Side  to  do  harm  —  that  is, 
to  shoot  and  kill  anything  that  opposed  us.  The  word  '  Ruhe '  in  the 
'  Briefkasten  '  was  adopted  at  our  meeting  May  3.  It  was  to  be  used  as  a 
signal  word.  If  it  should  appear  the  next  day  in  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung,  then 
every  man  was  to  be  ready  with  his  arms  or  guns  ;  that  then  the  riot  would 
commence,  and  they  should  watch  for  the  signal.  '  Right  and  fest '  were 
passwords  for  the  armed  men  should  there  be  any  fighting  at  McCormick's. 
With  the  signal  they  should  all  come  out  with  their  bombs  and  arms,  no 
matter  whether  it  happened  in  the  day  or  in  the  night.  They  should  attack 
the  armed  officers  of  the  law  and  the  State  militia.  All  of  us  armed  men 
thought  at  one  time  that  the  police  would  not  fight  us,  because  they  were  all 
married  men,  and  if  they  should  fight  us  they  would  not  do  it  so  very  hard. 
The  plan  was  to  call  out  a  meeting  first  and  have  no  speakers  there.  The 
police  would  then  come  and  drive  us  away.  They  then  should  fire  on  the 
police.  There  were  a  lot  of  armed  people  at  the  meeting,  I  know.  But  the 
police  did  not  interfere,  so  they  got  speakers  at  the  meeting.  Finally  the 
police  came  out,  and  the  mob-did  what  they  had  agreed  to  do.  Afterwards 
fault  was  found,  and  they  said  the  North  Siders  were  cowards.  When  Spies 
and  others  were  arrested,  the  armed  men  all  said  that,  should  anything  hap- 
pen to  those  men,  there  would  be  a  riot.  In  reference  to  the  report  about 
the  shooting  of  six  of  our  men  at  McCormick's  factory,  I  will  say  that  what 
I  saw  and  read  in  that  circular  calling  for  revenge  made  me  mad  at  the  offi- 
cers. At  that  meeting  Engel  called  on  us  to  take  revenge  on  the  police 
officers,  because  they  had  killed  six  of  our  men.  There  were  about  seventy- 
five  of  us,  so  far  as  I  know,  on  the  North  Side,  to  do  the  work  on  Tuesday 
night,  May  4,  and  Lingg  was  mad  because  there  were  no  more  men  coming 
after  bombs.  At  Neff's  Hall  Tuesday  night,  May  4,  we  all  looked  to  Lingg 
as  a  leader  of  the  North  Siders.  I  know  of  no  one  else  who  could  make 
bombs.  Some  one  found  fault  with  Lingg  at  Neff's  Hall  on  Tuesday  night 
because  he  came  so  late  with  his  bombs.  Then  Lingg  asked  why  they  had 
not  come  after  the  bombs.  They  all  knew,  he  said,  where  he  lived.  Lingg 
was  very  angry.  Schablinsky  lives  near  me,  and  he  got  bombs  from  him. 
There  were  about  nineteen  men  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Chicago  Avenue  Sta- 
tion on  the  night  of  May  4,  to  attack  the  station  when  the  police  should 
come  out  on  the  wagons  to  answer  a  call  from  the  West  Side  Haymarket. 
The  men,  seeing  all  this,  lost  their  courage  because  the  police,  they  said, 
passed  them  so  quick,  and  then  they  said  to  one  another,  *  Why  should  we 
attack  and  lose  our  own  lives  for  the  sake  of  others  ? '  When  the  wagon 
was  gone,  they  saw  lots  of  officers  coming  on  foot  to  the  station.  Then  the 
men  went  away.  The  North  Siders,  the  armed  men,  were  to  meet  in  Neff's 
Hall  May  4,  in  the  afternoon.  I  was  at  Thalia  Hall,  Northwest  Side,  where 
the  Lehr  und  Wehr  Verein  met,  on  Wednesday,  May  5,  in  the  forenoon. 
I  saw  Fischer,  and  he  said  Spies  and  others  had  been  arrested.  I  always 
knew  that  Fischer  was  one  of  the  leaders  in  this  affair  —  the  riot.  Fischer 
said  the  riot  was  a  failure.  It  was  botched,  and  nothing  could  be  done  any 
more.  On  Tuesday  afternoon  there  was  a  tall  young  fellow  at  Lingg's  room 
about  six  o'clock.  He  had  a  smooth  face  and  was  about  six  feet  tall.  The 
tall  man  and  Lingg  were  working  at  the  bombs  and  dynamite.  The  tall 
man,  I  think,  worked  at  Brunswick  &  Balke's  factory." 


A  BIBULOUS  SOCIALIST.  255 

The  foregoing  was  read  to  Thielen  and  its  correctness  acknowledged 
before  Mr.  Furthmann,  the  officers  and  myself,  and  his  signature  is  affixed 
to  the  margin  of  each  sheet  of  the  paper  on  which  it  is  written.  Thielen's 
stepson,  William  Schubert,  confirmed  the  statement  of  his  father  with  refer- 
ence to  the  dynamite  bombs  and  the  cigar-boxes  filled  with  dynamite,  and 
added : 

"I  went  under  the  house  and  dug  a  hole  in  the  ground,  and  father  and 
myself  put  those  things  in  the  hole  and  then  covered  them  up." 

ABOUT  the  time  of  Thielen's  arrest  Officers  Hoffman  and  Schuettler  ran 
across  FRANZ  LORENZ  on  North  Avenue  near  Sedgwick  Street,  in  the  very 
stronghold  of  Anarchy,  and  as  the  man  seemed  to  be  suffering  from  an 
overdose  of  Anarchy  and  liquor,  they  took  him  to  the  station.  This  was 
on  the  loth  of  May.  He  was  a  German,  48  years  of  age,  and  lived  with  a 
man  named  Jaeger,  at  No.  31  Burling  Street.  He  did  not  seem  to  be 
known  much  in  Socialist  circles,  and  no  one  seemed  specially  interested  in 
him.  He  was  locked  up  at  the  Larrabee  Street  Station,  and  for  four  days 
he  was  as  stupid  as  an  owl.  He  would  eat  and  drink  very  little,  but 
managed  to  sleep  every  day.  On  the  sixth  day  he  was  taken  to  the  Chicago 
Avenue  Station  and  remained  there  two  days  longer  before  he  recovered  his 
normal  condition.  When  brought  into  the  office,  he  told  me  that  he  had 
been  drinking  very  hard,  and,  being  asked  for  the  reason,  he  said  that  he 
had  attended  many  Anarchist  meetings,  had  heard  all  the  speeches  and  had 
learned  that  soon  they  would  all  have  plenty  of  money.  Whenever  such 
assurances  were  given,  it  always,  he  said,  made  him  feel  so  good  that  he 
would  go  and  get  one  more  drink.  Between  speeches  and  drinks,  he  said,  he 
had  come  near  dying.  He  assured  me  that  if  he  was  released  he  would  go 
right  to  work  and  give  Anarchy  and  all  meetings  a  wide  berth.  On  being 
questioned  as  to  his  acquaintances,  he  said  he  knew  "all  the  boys" — the 
leading  Anarchists — and  had  admired  them  warmly. 

"1  heard  Lingg  speak,"  said  he,  "and  he  is  a  good  one.  I  tell  you  he 
is  a  radical." 

"I  suppose,"  said  I,  "you  took  two  drinks  on  his  speech?" 

"Yes,  I  took  more  than  that,"  replied  Lorenz.  "The  last  time  I  heard 
Lingg  speak  in  Zepf's  Hall,  I  went  and  got  drunk.  On  May  4,  I  heard  all 
the  boys  speak  on  the  wagon  at  the  Haymarket,  but  I  did  not  stay  there 
until  it  was  over.  I  went  into  a  saloon  a  block  away  from  there  and  got 
drunk  in  no  time,  and  when  I  woke  up  the  next  morning  I  was  in  bed  in 
one  of  the  cheap  lodging-houses." 

Not  knowing  anything  definite,  he  was  released  by  the  State's  Attorney, 
and  he  has  not  since  been  heard  from.  He  has  probably  retired  to  some 
other  city  to  renew  his  drunks  at  Anarchist  headquarters  on  the  free  beer 
usually  provided. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

Completing  the  Case  —  Looking  for  Lingg — The  Bomb-maker's  Birth  — 
Was  he  of  Royal  Blood? — A  Romantic  Family  History  —  Lingg  and  his  Mother  — 
Captured  Correspondence  —  A  Desperate  and  Dangerous  Character  —  Lingg  Disappears 
—  A  Faint  Trail  Found  —  Looking  for  Express  Wagon  1999  —  The  Number  that  Cost 
the  Fugitive  his  Life  —  A  Desperado  at  Bay  —  Schuettler's  Death  Grapple — Lingg  in 
the  Shackles — His  Statement  at  the  Station  —  The  Transfer  to  the  Jail  —  Lingg's  Love 
for  Children  —  The  Identity  of  his  Sweetheart  —  An  Interview  with  Hubner  —  His 
Confession  —  The  Meeting  at  Neff 's  Place 

WITH  the  information  already  obtained  we  had  managed  to  secure  a 
pretty  clear  insight  into  the  diabolical  plots  of  the  "revolutionary 
groups. "  It  was  apparent  that  Chicago  had  been  regarded  by  Anarchists 
everywhere  as  the  head  center  of  Socialism  in  America,  and  that  it  had  been 
decided  that  here  should  be  the  first  test  of  strength  in  the  establishment  of 
the  new  social  order.  Any  reasoning,  sentient  being  ought  to  have  seen  the 
utter  folly  of  such  an  undertaking  in  the  very  midst  of  millions  of  liberty- 
loving,  law-abiding  citizens,  but  these  Anarchists,  hypnotized  as  they  were 
by  the  plausible  sophisms  and  the  inflammatory  writings  of  unscrupulous 
men  bent  on  notoriety,  could  view  it  in  no  other  light  than  as  a  grand  stride 
towards  their  goal.  As  boys  are  led  astray  by  yellow-covered  literature, 
these  poor  fools  were  crazed  by  Anarchistic  vaporings.  Day  or  night, 
sleeping  or  waking,  the  beauties  of  the  new  social  order  to  be  inaugurated 
by  the  revolution  were  continually  before  their  minds. 

It  was  clear  that  such  people  were  capable  of  desperate  deeds,  and  that 
it  was  not  only  necessary  to  bring  to  justice  the  instigators  of  the  massacre, 
but  to  show  their  deluded  followers  the  inevitable  result  of  carrying  out 
ideas  repugnant  to  our  free  institutions  and  inconsistent  with  common  sense 
and  right. 

With  so  many  facts  before  us,  we  redoubled  our  efforts  to  capture  every 
dangerous  Anarchist  leader  in  the  city,  and  the  next  one  to  fall  into  the  toils 
was  no  less  a  personage  than  the  bomb-maker,  Louis  Lingg. 

This  notorious  Anarchist  came  to  Chicago  when  about  twenty-one  years  of 
age.  He  had  learned  the  carpenter's  trade  in  Germany,  and  when  not  engaged 
in  spreading  Anarchy's  doctrines,  he  pursued  that  calling  to  liquidate  his 
board  bills  and  personal  expenses.  He  was  a  tall,  lithe,  well-built,  hand- 
some fellow,  and,  while  not  of  a  nervous  disposition,  his  nature  was  so 
active  and  aggressive  that  he  never  appeared  at  rest.  Sleeping  or  waking, 
Anarchy  and  the  most  effective  methods  of  establishing  it  were  uppermost 
in  his  thoughts.  By  reason  of  his  very  restlessness  it  was  not  difficult  to 
trace  him  in  Socialistic  circles  when  on  his  tours  of  agitation,  and  it  was 
noticeable,  too,  that  he  never  remained  at  any  one  point  for  any  regular 

256 


LOUIS  LINGO'S  CAREER. 


257 


length  of  time.  His  make-up  was  a  queer  combination  of  nerve,  energy 
and  push.  His  mind  seemed  always  weighted  with  some  great  burden. 
Perhaps  there  was  a  reason  for  this  not  alone  in  his  radical  beliefs,  but  in 
his  blood  and  birth. 

Louis  Lingg  was  born  in  Schwetzingen,  Germany,  on  the  gth  day  of 
September,  1864,  and,  while  his  childhood  was  spent  pleasantly  enough,  a 
cloud  gradually  gathered  which  overshadowed  his  life  and  embittered  him 
against  society.  His  mother,  at  the  age  of  eighteen  or  twenty,  had  worked 
as  a  servant,  and,  possessing  a  very  handsome  face,  a  shapely  figure  and 
attractive  manners,  had  caught  the  eye  of  a  Hessian  soldier  in  the  dragoons. 
This  man  was  young,  dashing  and  handsome,  and  mutual  admiration  soon 
ripened  into  undue  intimacy. 
One  day  the  soldier  left  town 
on  short  notice  —  whether 
because  of  military  orders 
or  through  his  own  inclina- 
tion is  not  known.  It  is  cer- 
tain, however,  that  she  never 
heard  of  him  from  that  day, 
and  that  a  son  was  born  to 
her  out  of  wedlock.  That 
son  was  Louis  Lingg.  The 
name  of  that  dragoon  has 
never  been  made  public,  but 
it  is  believed  with  reason 
that  Lingg  was  born  of  royal 
blood. 

Several  years  after  her 
escapade  the  mother  wed- 
ded a  lumber-worker  named 
Link.  Louis  was  then  four  LOU  is  LINGG,  THE  BOMB-MAKER. 

years      old.  When       young  From  a  Photograph  taken  by  the  Police. 

Lingg  had  arrived  at  the  age  of  twelve,  his  foster-father,  while  engaged  in 
his  occupation  of  floating  logs  down  the  river  Main,  contracted  heart  disease, 
through  over-exposure,  and  died.  The  widow  was  left  in  poor  circum- 
stances, and  she  was  obliged  to  do  washing  and  ironing  in  order  to  support 
herself  and  family,  a  daughter  named  Elise  having  been  born  since  her 
marriage. 

Louis,  in  the  course  of  years,  grew  strong,  robust  and  muscular.  He 
had  received  a  fair  education,  and,  desiring  to  relieve  his  mother's  burdens 
as  much  as  possible,  he  learned  the  carpenter's  trade  under  the  tutelage  of 
a  man  named  Louis  Wuermell  in  Mannheim.  He  remained  there  until 
May  13,  1879,  and  then,  quitting  his  apprenticeship,  proceeded  to  Kehl,  on 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 


the  Rhine.  There  he  found  employment  with  a  man  named  Schmidt  until 
the  fall  of  1882.  He  next  went  to  Freiburg,  in  the  Grand  Duchy  of  Baden, 
where  he  worked  for  several  contractors.  At  this  place  he  began  to  change 
his  employment  frequently,  and  his  mother,  learning  of  it,  wrote  several  let- 
ters, in  which  she  advised  him  against  such  a  course  and  admonished  him 
to  become  a  good  man,  to  save  his  money  and  keep  out  of  bad  company,  so 
that  he  might  become  useful  to  himself  and  to  society  and  make  her  proud 
of  him.  But  the  son  did  not  heed  this  motherly  advice.  He  fell  in  with 
free-thinkers  who  were  set  against  religion  in  particular  and  against  society 
in  general,  and  soon  began  reading  and  absorbing  Socialistic  literature.  It 
was  not  long  before  he  became  an  avowed  Socialist,  attending  Socialistic 
meetings  and  eagerly  listening  to  all  the  speeches. 

Finally  young  Lingg  grew  weary  of  Baden  and  wandered  to  the  repub- 
lic of  Switzerland.  Here  he 
spent  the  fall  of  1883  at  Lu- 
zerne,  working  at  his  trade 
with  a  man  named  Rickley, 
but  his  roving  nature  soon 
brought  him  to  Zurich. 

It  was  there  that  he  met 
the  famous  Anarchist  Reins- 
dorf,  and  for  this  man  he 
speedily  formed  a  warm  at- 
tachment. While  in  Zurich 
Lingg  also  affiliated  with  a 
German  Socialistic  society 
called  "Eintracht,"  and 
threw  his  whole  soul  into  the 
cause.  After  a  time  he  turned  up  at  Aarau,  but  here  he  was  unable 
to  find  employment  and  had  to  write  home  for  assistance.  The  mother 
loved  her  son  dearly,  despite  his  wanderings,  and  he  did  not  appeal  to 
her  in  vain.  She  wrote  him  enclosing  a  small  sum  of  money  to  help  him 
bridge  over  his  idleness,  and  at  the  same  time  informed  him  that  she  had 
again  married  (August  6,  1884),  her  second  husband's  name  being  Christian 
Gaddum.  This  man  had  been  a  neighbor  of  the  family  at  Mannheim 
for  years.  In  writing  to  her  son,  Mrs.  Link  indicated  that  the  marriage 
was  not  prompted  by  love  or  admiration,  but  came  about  on  account 
of  her  feeble  health  and  her  desire  to  secure  support  for  herself  and  her 
daughter.  Louis'  mother  had  frequently  expressed  a  wish  that  he  visit 
home,  but,  as  the  boy  had  now  reached  the  age  for  military  service  under 
the  German  Government,  he  concluded  to  remain  away,  and  in  casting 
about  for  a  permanent  location  he  decided  to  emigrate  to  America.  He 
presented  the  matter  to  his  mother.  At  first  she  opposed  it,  but  finally 


LINGG'S     TRUNK. 
From  a  Photograph. 


A  FOND  MOTHER'S  LETTERS.  259 

gave  her  consent.  With  what  money  he  secured  from  his  mother  and  from 
his  friends,  he  proceeded  to  Havre,  France,  in  June,  1885,  and  boarded  a 
steamer  for  the  United  States. 

After  the  wayward  boy  had  left  home,  he  and  his  mother  corresponded 
regularly.  She  always  expressed  deep  solicitude  for  his  welfare,  and  when 
he  was  in  financial  distress  she  would  write  him  :  "  Dear  Louis,  I  will 
share  with  you  as  long  as  I  have  a  bite  in  the  house."  All  her  letters 
breathed  encouragement ;  she  sent  money  frequently,  although  at  times  in 
need  herself,  and  concluded  invariably  by  giving  good  counsel  and  urging 
Louis  to  write  her  soon  and  often.  When  Lingg  had  arrived  in  the  United 
States  the  fond  mother  wrote  him  that  she  would  soon  be  able  to  send  him 
money  enough  to  come  home  on  a  visit. 

That  Lingg  had  great  love  and  affection  for  his  mother  is  evidenced  by 


COILS   OF   FUSE. 

Found  in  the  secret  bottom  of  Lingg's  Trunk. 
From  a  Photograph. 

the  fact  that  he  had  carefully  preserved  all  her  letters  from  the  time  of  his 
leaving  home  until  he  died  a  suicide's  death.  From  these  letters  it  appears 
also  that  Lingg  had  several  lady  admirers  at  home. 

There  were  many  expressions,  such  as  "kindest  regards"  or  "  heartiest 
respects,"  conveyed  to  him  by  his  mother  on  behalf  of  this  or  that  lady 
friend.  Another  fact  made  apparent  by  the  letters  was  that  there  was  some 
great  burden  on  his  mind.  It  would  seem  that  he  had  plied  his  mother  with 
many  questions  respecting  his  birth.  That  seemed  a  dark  spot  in  his  life. 
He  wanted  a  solution  as  well  as  satisfaction.  This  worried  the  mother, 
but  she  always  managed  to  give  him  some  consolation,  saying  she  "  would 
guard  against  everything  "  and  have  "  all  things  set  right."  In  one  of  her 
letters  occurs  the  following  : 

As  regards  your  birth,  it  grieves  me  that  you  mention  it.  While  you  did  not  know  it 
before,  I  will  now  say  that  you  were  born  in  Schwetzingen  on  the  gth  day  of  September, 
1864,  at  your  grandfather's  house,  and  baptized.  Where  your  father  is  I  don't  know.  My 


260  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

father  did  not  want  me  to  marry  him  because  he  did  not  desire  me  to  follow  him  into  Hessia,  and 
as  he  had  no  real  estate  he  could  not  marry  me  in  Schwetzingen  according  to  our  laws.  He 
left  and  went,  I  do  not  know  where.  If  you  want  a  certificate  of  birth  you  can  get  it  at 
Schwetzingen  any  time.  If  you  make  a  proper  presentation  everything  will  be  all  right,  but 
don't  hold  on  six  months. 

The  original  of  the  above,  which  is  in  German  and  which  was  found  in 
Lingg's  trunk,  had  no  signature.  Another  letter  regarding  his  paternity 
reads  as  follows,  showing  that  Lingg's  mind  had  been  sorely  distressed  over 
the  matter : 

MANNHEIM,  June  29,  1884. 

Dear  Louis: — You  must  have  waited  a  long  time  for  an  answer.  John  said  to  Elise 
that  I  had  not  yet  replied  to  your  last  letter.  The  officials  of  the  court  you  cannot  push. 
For  my  part  I  would  have  been  better  pleased  if  they  had  hurried  up,  because  it  would  have 
saved  you  a  great  deal  of  time.  But  now  I  am  glad  that  it  has  finally  been  accomplished. 
After  a  great  deal  of  toil,  I  put  myself  out  to  go  to  Schwetzingen  and  see  about  the  certifi- 
cate of  your  birth.  I  know  you  will  be  glad  and  satisfied  to  learn  that  you  carry  the  name 
of  Lingg.  This  is  better  than  to  have  children  with  two  different  names.  He  had  you 
entered  as  a  legitimate  child  before  we. got  married.  I  think  this  was  the  best  course,  so 
that  you  will  not  worry  and  reproach  me.  Such  a  certificate  of  birth  is  no  disgrace,  and  you 
can  show  it.  I  felt  offended  that  you  took  no  notice  of  the  "confirmation."  Elise  had 
everything  nice.  Her  only  wish  was  to  receive  some  small  token  from  Louis,  which  would 
have  pleased  her  more  than  anything  else.  When  she  came  from  church,  the  first  thing  she 
asked  for  was  as  to  a  letter  or  card  from  you,  but  we  had  to  be  contented  with  the  thought 
that  perhaps  you  did  not  think  of  us.  Now  it  is  all  past.  ...  I  was  very  much  troubled 
that  it  has  taken  so  long  [to  procure  certificate] ,  but  I  could  not  help  it.  I  have  kept  my 
promise,  and  you  cannot  reproach  me.  Everything  is  all  right,  and  we  are  all  well  and 
working.  I  hope  to  hear  the  same  from  you.  It  would  not  be  so  bad  if  you  wrote 
oftener.  I  have  had  to  do  a  great  many  things  for  you  the  last  eighteen  years,  but  with  a 
mother  you  can  do  as  you  please  —  neglect  her  and  never  answer  her  letters. 

The  certificate  sent  him  reads  as  follows  : 

No.  9,681.  CERTIFICATE  OF  BIRTH. 

Ludwig  Link,  legitimate  son  of  Philipp  Friedrich  Link  and  of  Regina  Von  Hoefler,  was 
born  at  Schwetzingen,  on  the  ninth  (gth)  day  of  September,  1864.  This  is  certified  accord- 
ing to  the  records  of  the  Evangelical  Congregation  of  Schwetzingen. 

SCHWETZJNGEN,  May  24,  1884.  [SEAL.]  County  Court :  CLURICHT. 

To  the  letter  of  Mrs.  Link,  given  above,  no  signature  appears,  but 
that  is  not  strange.  What  seems  more  singular  is  that. whenever  her  letters 
were  signed,  they  closed  with  simply  "Your  Mother."  Another  thing 
appears  from  the  above,  and  that  is  that  at  home  Louis'  name  was  Link. 
Other  documents,  some  of  them  legal,  also  found  in  his  trunk,  show  that  his 
name  was  formerly  written  Link.  His  name  must  have  been  changed 
shortly  before  leaving  Europe  or  just  after  reaching  the  United  States. 

It  would  seem  that,  with  such  a  certificate,  Lingg  would  have  been 
measurably  happy,  but  the  fact  of  his  illegitimacy,  despite  court  records, 
rankled  in  his  blood.  The  thought  of  it  haunted  him  continually,  and  no 
doubt  it  helped  to  make  him  in  religion  a  free-thinker,  in  theory  a  free- 
lover,  and  in  practice  an  implacable  enemy  of  existing  society.  His  moth- 


A  MAGNETIC  LEADEJt. 


261 


or  nine  months  before  the 
time     he      succeeded    in 
Anarchist    circles.      No 
when    Socialism    had 

tached  himself  was 


er's  letters  showed  that  she  wished  him  to  be  a  good  man,  and  it  was  no 
fault  of  her  early  training  that  he  subsequently  became  an  Anarchist.  She 
still  lives  at  the  old  place,  and  when  Lieut.  Baus,  of  the  Chicago  police 
force,  was  on  a  visit  to  Mannheim,  some  time  ago,  he  called  on  her  and 
found  her  very  pleasant  and  affable  in  her  manner,  with  a  strong,  robust 
constitution,  and  still  a  good-looking  woman. 

No  sooner  had  Lingg  reached  Chicago  than  he  looked  up  the  haunts  of 
Socialists  and  Anarchists.  He  made  their  acquaintance,  learned  the 
strength  of  the  order  in  the  city  as  well  as  in  the  United  States,  and  was 
highly  gratified.  At  that  time  the  organization  was  not  only  strong  in 
numbers,  but  it  fairly  "smelt  to  heaven"  in  its  rankness  of  doctrine. 

Lingg  was  not  required  to  look  around  very  hard  for  the  haunts  of  Anar- 
chy, for  a  blind  man  could  plainly  see,    A.     feel  and  smell  the   disease  in 
the  air.      Lingg  arrived  here  only  eight 
eventful    4th  of  May,    but    in  that    short 
making  himself  the   most  popular  man  in 
one  had  created  such  a  furore  since  1872, 
its  inception  in  the  city. 

The    first   organization  to  which  Lingg   at- 
the    International     Carpenters'     Union     No.     i. 
Every    member  of  this   society    was    a  rabid    An- 
archist.     All    of  them   had    supplied   themselves 
with  arms,  and   a    majority    of    them  drilled    in 
military  tactics.    Lingg  had  not  been  connected 
with  the  organization  long  before  he  became  a 
recognized  leader  and  made  speeches  that  en- 
thused them  all.      While  young  in  years,  they 
recognized  in  him  a  worthy  leader,  and  the 
fact    that  he    had    sat  at  the    very    feet    of 
Reinsdorf  as  a  pupil  elevated  him  in  their 
estimation.      This  distinction,  added  to    his 
personal  magnetism,  made  him  the  subject 
for  praise   and  comment,  which  pleased   his  vanity  and  spurred  his  am- 
bition. 

Men  longer  in  the  service  and  more  familiar  with  the  local  and  general 
phases  of  Anarchy  at  times  reluctantly  yielded  to  him  where  points  of 
policy  were  at  stake.  No  committee  was  regarded  as  complete  without 
him,  and  this  brought  him  in  contact  with  August  Spies  and  Albert  Par- 
sons. He  was  often  at  the  office  of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung,  which  was  the 
headquarters  of  the  governing  body,  with  reports  and  suggestions,  and  by 
his  admirable  tact  soon  won  their  esteem  and  good  graces.  He  there  also 
made  the  acquaintance  of  Fielden,  Fischer,  Schnaubelt,  Rau,  Neebe, 
Schwab,  and  of  some  of  the  more  noted  women  in  the  Anarchist  movement. 


COMPOSITION  BOMB. 
Found  in  Lingg's  room,  ready  for  use. 


262 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 


He  was  frequently  complimented  for  his  work  and  became  quite  a  favorite 
with  the  ladies. 

When  Lingg  first  became  actively  identified  with  the  party  of  assassi- 
nation and  annihilation  here,  he  was  cautious  and  secretive.  He  knew 
that  secrecy  in  the  old  country  was  not  only  essential  to  success,  but  abso- 
lutely requisite  for  self-preservation.  He  supposed  that  the  same  sort  of 
tactics  prevailed  here,  but  when  he  saw  how  bold,  aggressive  and  open 
were  the  utterances  of  the  Anarchists  in  Chicago  and  elsewhere,  he  came  to 
believe  that  the  government  and  the  municipal  administration  existed 
simply  through  their  sufferance.  At  first,  whenever  Lingg  was  doubtful  on 
any  point,  he  would  seek  knowledge  and  inspiration  from  Spies,  and  it  was 


through  Spies 
ment  in  the 
Lingg  implicit- 
looked,  as  he 
published  in 
rect.  While  not 
printed  in  that 
Socialistic 
and  million- 
p  e  n  d  o  u 
such  lies 


that  he  gained  his  information  of  the  move- 
United  States.  They  became  firm  friends,  and 
ly  believed  everything  Spies  told  him,  and 
informed  the  police  officers,  upon  every  line 
the'  Arbeiter-Zeitung  as  absolutely  true  and  cor- 
able  to  read  English,  he  regarded  all  papers 
language,  as  well  as  in  the  German,  not  of  the 
faith,  as  published  for  the  benefit  of  capitalists 
aires.  They  were  all,  in  his  estimation,  stu- 
frauds,  and  existed  simply  because  they  printed 
pleased  the  rich  and  those  in  power.  Being  a 
man  of  sincere  convictions  and 
earnest  zeal,  Lingg  won  the 
confidence  of  his  confreres  and 
always  knew  just  what  was 
going  to  be  done  and  how  it 
was  to  be  accomplished.  He 
was  a  faithful  ally  and  was 
invariably  counted  upon  to 
take  a  leading  part  in  all  the 
movements  of  the  reds.  How 
he  was  regarded  by  his  fel- 
lows in  this  respect  is  shown  in  the  fact  that  to  him  was  intrusted  the  task 
of  organizing  the  people  of  the  Southwest  Side  and  directing  their  plans 
against  the  McCormick  factory. 

His  communications,  which  I  have  given  in  a  prior  chapter,  to  the 
Bohemians  and  others  in  that  locality,  show  that  he  was  bent  on  riot  and 
destruction,  and  in  that  mad  and  frenzied  movement  he  had  the  hearty 
cooperation  of  the  colleagues  who  had  with  him  concocted  it  at  the  office 
of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung.  They  alone  knew  of  it,  and  worked  out  the  details 
at  a  meeting  held  near  the  factory  on  the  3d  of  May.  Lingg,  being  braver 


CAST-IRON  AND  LARGE  GAS-PIPE  BOMBS. 

From  Photographs. 

The  long  bomb  in  center  weighs  five  Ibs.,  and  was  thrown 
at  a  patrol  wagon  on  Blue  Island  Avenue,  but  failed  to  explode. 
The  round  bombs  were  lined  on  the  inside  with  a  coating  of 
cement  saturated  with  a  deadly  poison. 


AN  ACTIVE  CONSPIRATOR. 


263 


and  more  daring  than  the  other  leaders,  was  the  chosen  instrument  to 
inspire  the  men  to  an  attack  upon  the  works,  and  he  subsequently  claimed 
that  he  had  been  clubbed  by  the  police  during  the  affray. 

During  the  turbulent  and  momentous  days  preceding  May  4,  Lingg's 
comrades  saddled  upon  him  a  great  responsibility,  but  he  never  flinched. 
On  the  contrary,  he  proved  the  mettle  of  his  make-up,  not  only  volun- 
teering to  carry  out  certain  ends  he  himself  outlined,  but  cheerfully  assum- 
ing every  task  imposed  upon  him  and  always  willing  to  take  all  responsi- 
bility for  the  consequences.  He  was  found  on  the  North  Side  actively 
engaged  in  calling  Anarchists  to  arms,  on  the  Southwest  Side  endeavor- 
ing to  form  a  compact  body  of  fighters  in  view  of  the  near  approach  of 
May  i  ;  he  was  busy  at  Seliger's  house  constructing  bombs,  and  at 
meetings  giving  instructions  how  to  make  infernal  machines.  His  work 
was  never  finished,  and  never  neglected.  At  one  time  he  taught  his 
followers  how  to  handle  the 
bombs  so  that  they  would 
not  explode  in  their  hands, 
and  showed  the  time  and 
distance  for  throwing  the 
missiles  with  deadly  effect; 
at  another  he  drilled  those 
who  were  to  do  the  throw- 
ing, instructing  them  how 
to  surround  themselves  with 
friends  so  that  detection  by 
an  enemy  would  be  impos- 
sible. 

All  these  things  kept 
him  busy,  but  his  whole 
soul  was  in  the  work.  He 
was  not  alone  a  bomb-maker  ;  he  also  constituted  himself  an  agent  to  sell 
arms.  He  sold  a  great  many  large  revolvers  and  rifles.  This  is  shown 
by  a  note  found  in  his  trunk,  addressed  to  Abraham  Hermann.  It  reads  as 
follows  : 

Friend:  —  I  sold  three  revolvers  during  the  last  two  days,  and  I  will  sell  three  more  to-day 
(Wednesday).     I  sell  them  from  $6.00  to  $7.80  apiece. 

Respectfully  and  best  regards,  L.  LINGG. 

At  this  time  Hermann  was  the  general  agent  in  this  city  for  buying  and 
selling  arms  to  the  Anarchists.  Engel  had  been  an  agent  at  one  time,  but 
the  men  claimed  that  he  had  fleeced  them,  and  he  was  dropped. 

Lingg  thus  proved  himself  a  very  useful  man  to  the  order.  He  could 
make  an  effective  speech ;  he  was  a  good  organizer  ;  he  could  make  bombs 
with  dynamite  whose  power  had  been  enhanced  manifold  through  his  skill ; 


GAS-PIPE   BOMBS. 
Found  in  Lingg's  Room.     From  a  Photograph. 


264 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 


he  would  carry  handbills,  and  he  would  do  anything  to  help  along  the  cause. 
In  truth,  he  was  the  shiftiest  as  well  as  the  most  dangerous  Anarchist  in 
all  Chicago. 

Having  been  a  pupil  of  Reinsdorf,  Lingg  was  an  opponent  of  all  peace- 
able agitation.  He  believed  in  organizing  armed  forces  and  conquering 
everything  by  main  force.  He  had  no  love  at  all  for  those  who  talked 
peaceable  agitation  ;  he  called  them  fools  and  cranks.  Of  this  class  were 
the  old-time  Socialists,  and  he  looked  upon  them  with  haughty  disdain. 
He  found  better  material  to  work  on  for  helping  him  in  the  revolution  he 
proposed,  and,  although  he  molded  many  an  Anarchist  out  of  the  softer  clay 
of  humanity,  still  he  was  not  satisfied,  but  complained  continually  that 
they  iid  not  move  fast  enough,  did  not  take  hold  with  celerity  and  failed  to 
develop  such  heroic  qualities  as  h^  wished  to  see.  The  restless  spirit 
within  him,  his  implacable  hatred  of  society,  tinged  with  the  bitterness  of 
his  doubtful  birth,  t,- d  his  strong  impulses  manifested  themselves  in  all  his 

acts  and  utterances.  An  illustration  of  these 
traits  is  the  impatience  he  exhibited  over  the 
failure  of  trusted  men  to  come  early  to  the  house 
of  Seliger  to  secure  bombs  on  the  evening  of 
May  4,  and  his  departure  with  the  bombs  to 
Neff's  Hall  to  have  them  speedily  distributed. 
Another  example  is  found  in  the  bitter  reproaches 
he  heaped  on  those  who  had  failed  to  carry  out 
their  part  after  the  inauguration  of  the  Hay- 
market  rict.  His  hopes,  his  ambitions,  had  been 
set  on  the  successful  consummation  of  that  plot. 
It  was  to  have  overthrown  all  government  and 
all  law,  which  he  declared  were  good  enough  for 
old  women  to  prevent  them  from  quarreling,  but  needless  for  men  of  intel- 
ligence and  independence. 

For  four  weeks  prior  to  the  4th  of  May  he  was  out  of  work,  but  he  was 
by  no  means  idle.  He  worked  early  and  late  attending  meetings  and  mak- 
ing bombs,  so  that,  the  moment  the  signal  for  the  general  revolution  was 
given,  every  member  of  the  armed  sections  might  be  supplied  with  the 
destructive  agent.  He  wanted  the  whole  city  blown  up,  every  capitalist 
wiped  off  the  face  of  the  earth ;  and  he  and  his  trusted  comrades,  Sunday 
after  Sunday,  in  anticipation  of  the  uprising,  practiced  in  the  suburbs  with 
rifles  and  44-caliber  revolvers.  Lingg  became  the  most  expert  of  them  all 
and  was  looked  upon  by  his  associates  as  a  crack  shot. 

Lingg's  money  and  time  were  freely  given  to  the  purchase  of  arms  and 
to  the  manufacture  of  dynamite  bombs.  His  room  at  Seliger's  became  a 
veritable  arsenal,  and,  the  more  deadly  "stuff"  he  brought  into  the  house, 
the  more  pleased  he  became,  and  the  more  bitter  grew  the  enmity  of  Mrs. 


GAS-PIPE  BOMBS,  WITHOUT  FUSE. 
Found  in  Lingg's  Room. 


THE  BOMB-MAKER'S  PLIGHT. 


265 


Seliger  toward  him.  How  careful  and  elaborate  were  his  preparations  for 
the  coming  day  is  not  only  shown  by  the  deadly  implements  found  in  his 
room,  but  is  evidenced  in  the  statements  of  his  trusted  lieutenants.  These 
statements — made  to  me  by  men  anxious  to  save  themselves,  prostrate 
suppliants  for  mercy,  whose  every  material  revelation  was  corroborative 
of  the  others,  although  given  independently  and  under  different  circum- 
stances and  without  knowledge  of  what  others  had  said — unmistakably 
pointed  to  a  most  gigantic  conspiracy.  Read  any  of  these  statements,  and 
no  doubt  can  exist  that,  had  it  not  been  for  the  hand  of  Providence  on  the 
night  of  May  4,  thousands  of  people  would  have  been  killed  and  vast  dis- 
tricts of  the  city  laid  waste.  Lingg  expected  it  as  certainly  as  he  believed 
in  his  own  existence  at  the  time,  and  his  intimate  comrades  bent  all  their 
energy  in  the  direction  of  carrying  out  the  villainous  plot. 

But  "the  best  laid  plans  of  mice  and  men  gang  aft  agley,"  and  the 
Haymarket  riot  proved  a  most  bitter  disappointment.  Lingg  was  fairly 
beside  himself  with  chagrin 
and  mortification.  The  one 
consuming  desire  of  his  life 
had  utterly  and  signally 
failed  of  realization.  He 
clearly  foresaw  dire  trouble 
in  consequence  of  the  at- 
tempt, and  his  mind  was 
bewildered  with  perplexi- 
ties as  to  his  future  move- 
ments. On  the  night  of  May 
4,  about  11:30  o'clock,  when  the  full  truth  of  the  failure  of  the  riot  had 
flashed  upon  him,  he  stood  in  front  of  No.  58  Clybourn  Avenue,  not  knowing 
exactly  whither  to  turn  for  refuge  from  possible  arrest,  and,  while  in  this 
dilemma,  he  broached  the  subject  to  Seliger,  finally  asking  to  be  permitted 
to  remain  at  the  house  over  night  until  next  morning,  when  he  promised  he 
would  move  away.  He  was  without  a  cent  in  his  pocket,  having  squan- 
dered all  his  money  in  the  manufacture  of  bombs,  confident  of  plenty  when 
he  and  his  fellows  had  secured  control  of  the  city.  Seliger,  knowing  his 
condition,  finally  consented. 

The  next  morning  came,  but  Lingg  manifested  no  disposition  to  carry 
out  his  promise 

"  I  would  move  from  here  now,"  said  he,  very  adroitly,  "but  if  I  do  so  it 
would  create  suspicion." 

Seliger  saw  the  force  of  the  argument,  and,  being  implicated  also  in  the 
manufacture  of  bombs,  shrewdly  concluded  to  let  him  remain  until  matters 
quieted  down.  Lingg  accordingly  remained  until  the  yth  of  May.  On  this 
date  officers  began  to  appear  in  the  vicinity,  looking  into  the  haunts  and 


UNFINISHED  GAS-PIPE  BOMBS. 
Found  in  Lingg's  Dinner-Box.     From  a  Photograph. 


266  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS, 

resorts  of  Anarchists.  This  startled  Lingg,  and,  lest  they  might  pounce 
down  upon  his  room,  he  decided  to  speedily  vacate  the  premises.  He  did 
move,  but  with  such  haste  that  he  left  his  implements  of  destruction  and 
nearly  all  his  personal  effects  behind  him.  When  the  house  was  finally 
searched  the  "  bird  had  flown." 

I  sent  out  eight  good  detectives,  and  kept  them  working  night  and  day 
looking  for  the  bomb-maker,  but  no  one  could  furnish  a  clue.  It  was 
learned  that  Lingg  had  a  sweetheart,  and  her  movements  were  closely 
watched.  The  houses  of  his  known  friends  were  also  watched,  and  all  his 
acquaintances  shadowed.  Anarchists  who  had  hopes  of  saving  their  own 
necks  if  he  could  be  found  were  pressed  into  the  service,  and  decoy  letters 
were  sent  out.  Money  was  even  held  out  as  an  inducement  to  divulge  his 
hiding-place,  but  all  to  no  purpose. 

These  expedients  were  kept  up  until  the  i3th  of  May,  when  I  sent  for 
Mrs.  Seliger  to  ascertain  where  Lingg  had  last  been  employed  and  secure 
the  addresses  of  all  his  friends.  Nearly  all  the  places  she  mentioned  had 
been  visited,  but  she  spoke  of  one  place  that  seemed  to  me  to  hold  out 
some  promise  of  a  successful  result.  Mrs.  Seliger  stated  that  there  was  a 
place  near  the  river,  where  there  was  a  bridge  that  she  had  beard  spoken 
of,  and  that  Lingg  had  said  to  her  husband  that  he  would  call  on  a  friend 
of  his  near  that  place,  on  Canal  Street.  This  place  I  at  once  recognized 
as  being  only  a  few  blocks  from  the  shop  where  Lingg  had  worked.  Mrs. 
Seliger  further  stated  that  her  husband  had  told  her  that  this  shop  was  only 
a  few  blocks  from  a  Catholic  church.  All  this  I  regarded  as  a  good  clue, 
and  Officers  Loewenstein  and  Schuettler  were  promptly  detailed  to  follow  it 
up  —  first  going,  however,  to  a  planing-mill  on  Twelfth  and  South  Clark 
Streets  to  ascertain  if  Lingg  had  ever  worked  there. 

The  officers  carried  out  these  instructions,  and  a  few  hours  later  they 
returned  to  the  office,  their  faces  wreathed  in  smiles.  They  informed  me 
that  they  had  secured  a  clue,  that  only  a  few  days  before  Lingg  had  sent 
there  for  his  tool  chest,  and  that  they  had  learned  of  a  man  who  had  noticed 
the  number  of  the  express  wagon  that  had  carted  it  away.  But  this  man, 
they  said,  they  would  be  unable  to  see  until  the  next  day. 

Bright  and  early  the  next  morning  the  officers  started  out  with  new 
instructions  and  visited  the  house  of  the  person  who  had  so  singularly  taken 
note  of  the  express  number.  They  found  him,  and  he  gave  them  all  the 
information  he  possessed.  About  eleven  o'clock  the  officers  found  the  resi- 
dence of  the  expressman,  whose  name  was  Charles  Keperson  and  whose 
wagon  was  numbered  1,999.  He  lived  at  No.  1095  Robey  Street.  The 
officers  rapped  on  the  door,  and  a  little  girl  about  ten  years  of  age  answered. 
On  being  asked  after  her  father  she  informed  them  that  he  was  not  at  home. 
They  inquired  if  her  father  had  not  brought  in  a  trunk.  She  replied  that 
her  father  had  brought  no  trunk  into  their  house,  but  he  had  hauled  a  tool 


A  DESPERATE  STRUGGLE.  267 

chest  from  down  town,  which  he  had  taken  to  a  house  on  an  adjoining 
street.  She  pointed  out  a  little  cottage  at  No.  80  Ambrose  Street,  and  on 
being  asked  if  she  had  seen  her  father  take  it  there  she  answered  : 

"Oh,  yes,  it  was  a  gray-colored  box,  and  I  heard  my  father  say  it 
belonged  to  Louis  Lingg." 

The  officers  went  over  to  the  cottage  and  learned  that  a  family  named 
Klein  lived  there.  Schuettler  knocked  on  the  door,  and  Mrs.  Klein  responded. 
He  asked  if  Louis  was  at  home.  She  replied  that  he  was  not  and  that  he 
had  gone  out  with  some  gentlemen  about  nine  o'clock.  She  inquired  what 
he  desired  to  see  Louis  for,  and  Schuettler  told  her  that  he  owed  Louis  $3 
and  had  come  to  pay  him.  He  further  informed  her  that  they  were  good 
friends,  both  carpenters,  and  belonged  to  the  same  union.  She  inquired 
after  his  name,  and  Schuettler  responded  that  it  was  "Franz  Lorenz. " 
Lorenz  was  a  well  known  Anarchist,  and  it  was  thought  the  name  would 
prove  effective  in  winning  the  woman's  confidence.  She  said  that  her 
father  lived  only  a  short  distance  from  the  house,  and  she  would  step  over 
and  ask  him  if  he  knew  where  Louis  had  gone.  This  conversation  had 
taken  place  in  a  rear 
room  of  the  house.  The 
woman  excused  herself, 

and    ostensibly    started  J3UOK"W -•  :^r  LINGG'S  REVOLVER. 

for    the    house    of    her 

father.       She  passed  into        jS[  X^as^  Cocked  as   found  when  wrested  from 

,1       r  j     ,  f  X'  Lingg's  hands  after  the  struggle  with  Officer  Schuettler. 

the  front  room  and  slam-   J|j 

i        ,  i  i  «Si  From  a  Photograph. 

med     the     outer     door.  I^s^lH 

Loewenstein  stepped  out  of  the  back  room  to  see  if  she  had  really  gone, 
but  he  saw  no  Mrs.  Klein.  At  the  same  time  he  noticed  Lingg's  chest 
standing  on  the  rear  porch,  covered  with  a  piece  of  carpet.  Loewenstein 
returned,  and  he  had  hardly  joined  Schuettler  when  Mrs.  Klein  stepped  in. 
She  said  she  had  seen  her  father,  but  that  he  did  not  know  where  Louis 
had  gone.  The  officers  were  suspicious,  of  course,  but  they  said  nothing, 
simply  withdrawing  with  the  assurance  that  they  would  call  again  and  see 
Lingg  some  other  time. 

After  leaving,  the  officers  walked  for  two  blocks  and  talked  over  the  mys- 
terious actions  of  Mrs.  Klein.  They  concluded  to  go  back  and  search  the 
house.  They  secured  entrance  from  the  rear,  and,  while  Loewenstein 
guarded  the  front  door,  Schuettler  entered  the  rear  room.  There  he  found 
a  man  smoothly  shaven.  Lingg  had  been  described  as  having  chin  whis- 
kers. Schuettler  stepped  up  to  the  man,  however,  and  asked  his  name. 
In  an  instant  Lingg  —  for  it  was  none  other  —  whipped  out  a  44-caliber 
revolver,  which  he  had  had  concealed  in  front  inside  his  trousers,  and,  with 
the  glare  of  a  tiger  held  at  bay,  he  turned  on  the  officer.  Schuettler  saw  the 
movement,  and,  quick  as  a  flash,  sprang  on  Lingg  and  seized  the  weapon. 


268  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

They  clinched,  and  while  the  one  was  struggling  to  save  himself  and  secure 
his  prisoner,  the  other  was  bent  upon  killing  the  officer  and  effecting  his  own 
escape.  Both  were  strong,  muscular  and  active,  and  the  cottage  shook 
from  foundation  to  rafters  as  the  bodies  of  the  contestants  swayed  in  the 
•equal  contest.  Lingg  quivered  with  rage  and  aroused  himself  to  his  utmost 
to  vanquish  the  foe.  He  realized  that  the  result  meant  life  or  death.  At 
one  moment  his  revolver  was  pressed  close  to  the  officer's  breast,  and  with 
a  superhuman  effort  the  Anarchist  tried  to  send  a  bullet  on  its  fatal  mission. 
But  Schuettler  had  a  firm  grasp  of  the  cylinder  and  wrenched  the  weapon 
aside.  In  another  second,  while  the  mastery  was  still  undecided,  Lingg,  by 
a  quick  movement  of  his  hand,  brought  the  revolver  square  into  the  officer's 
face.  At  that  moment,  however,  Schuettler  managed  to  get  Lingg's  thumb 
between  his  teeth.  The  Anarchist  made  a  sudden  dash  to  release  his  thumb 
and  succeeded  in  breaking  loose. 

All  this  took  place  in  less  time  than  it  takes  to  tell  it.  The  moment 
Lingg  was  foot-loose,  Schuettler  found  time  to  shout  for  his  companion, 
who  had  stood  on  the  outside  in  front  of  the  house,  all  unconscious  of  the 
short  but  desperate  struggle  within.  Loewenstein  did  not  stop  a  moment 
to  determine  what  was  wanted,  but  sprang  into  the  room.  He  entered  just 
at  the  moment  when  Schuettler  had  bounded  after  Lingg  on  his  release  and 
found  him  holding  Lingg  tightly  by  the  throat  with  one  hand  and  the 
revolver  with  the  other.  Loewenstein  saw  the  situation  at  a  glance,  and, 
raising  his  loaded  cane,  brought  it  down  on  the  Anarchist's  head.  This 
stunned  Lingg,  and  he  was  overpowered.  The  revolver  was  wrenched  from 
his  hand  and  placed  on  a  table,  and  the  officers  adjusted  the  handcuffs. 
These  had  no  sooner  been  placed  in  position  than  Lingg  made  a  sudden 
dash  for  his  revolver.  But  the  detectives  were  too  quick  for  him. 

Lingg's  teeth  gnashed  with  rage,  and  his  eyes  fairly  bulged  from  their 
sockets  with  savage  scorn.  The  arch-Anarchist  looked  the  picture  of  des- 
peration. He  had  been  vanquished,  however,  and  he  saw  that  further 
resistance  was  useless. 

Mrs.  Klein  had  meanwhile  been  an  excited  spectator,  but  before  she 
could  collect  her  thoughts  and  decide  what  course  to  take  under  the  circum- 
stances, Lingg  was  in  the  power  of  the  law.  Seeing  this,  she  hurried  out. 
It  was  not  long  before  the  whole  neighborhood  heard  of  what  had  happened, 
and,  as  the  officers  started  to  take  their  prisoner  to  the  Hinman  Street  Sta- 
tion, a  true-hearted  Irish-American  came  up,  accosted  them  and  said  : 

"  My  dear  boys,  your  lives  are  in  danger  here.  Nearly  every  one  who 
lives  about  here  is  an  Anarchist.  Wait  for  a  minute,  and  I  will  give  you 
protection." 

He  disappeared,  but  meanwhile  the  street  had  become  crowded  with  an 
excited  populace.  He  soon  returned  with  a  double-barreled  shot-gun,  ready 
for  action  in  case  of  emergency.  No  sooner  had  he  placed  himself  at  the 


A   DESPERATE    STRUGGLE.     Louis  LINGO'S  ARREST. 


^70  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

disposal  of  the  officers  than  a  loyal  Bohemian-American  came  running 
across  the  street,  and  said  : 

"Officers,  I  will  also  protect  you  against  this  mob." 

He  had  in  his  hand  a  large  navy  revolver,  and  he  showed  that  he  was 
ready  to  assist  the  officers,  even  at  the  cost  of  his  own  life. 

Schuettler  and  Loewenstein,  under  this  volunteer  escort,  marched  Lingg 
to  the  Hinman  Street  Station,  reaching  there  about  twelve  o'clock.  Ser- 
geant Enwright  was  in  charge  of  the  station  that  day,  and,  lest  any  attempt 
at  rescue  might  be  made,  he  called  in  all  his  officers  and  gave  them 
instructions  as  to  what  should  be  done  to  protect  the  station.  He  also 
ordered  out  the  patrol  wagon,  and  detailed  five  officers  to  accompany 
Schuettler  and  Loewenstein  to  the  Klein  residence  to  investigate  the  prem- 
ises. They  made  a  thorough  search,  but  could  discover  nothing  except  a 
lot  of  cartridges.  They  also  investigated  the  houses  at  Nos.  64,  66,  68  and 
70  on  the  same  street,  all  occupied  by  Anarchists,  but  they  found  nothing. 
The  presence  of  the  police,  however,  speedily  cleared  the  street,  and  all  the 
low-browed,  shaggy-haired  followers  of  the  red  flag  hunted  their  holes. 
Schuettler  and  Loewenstein  then  sent  for  the  Chicago  Avenue  patrol  wagon 
and  transferred  Lingg  to  new  quarters  at  that  station.  On  the  way  Lingg  con- 
tinually ground  his  teeth,  and,  looking  savagely  at  Schuettler  and  turning 
slightly  towards  Loewenstein,  hissed  out : 

"  If  I  had  only  got  half  a  chance  at  that  fellow,  he  would  be  a  dead  man 
now. " 

The  officers  of  the  Hinman  Street  Station  did  not  relax  their  vigilance 
over  Ambrose  Street,  and  one  day  some  molds  made  of  clay  were  found  in 
the  alley  in  the  rear  of  the  Klein  residence,  proving  that  Lingg  had  not 
abandoned  hope,  but  was  getting  ready  to  prepare  a  new  supply  of  bombs 
for  a  future  attack. 

When  Lingg  had  been  ushered  into  the  office  of  the  East  Chicago  Avenue 
Station,  the  shackles  were  removed  from  his  wrists,  and  he  was  given  a 
chair.  He  became  quiet  in  his  new  surroundings,  and  grudgingly  answered 
a  few  simple  questions.  His  thumb  giving  him  considerable  pain,  some 
liniment  was  procured  from  a  neighboring  drug  store,  and  the  wound  dressed. 
He  was  then  assigned  to  an  apartment  below,  and  left  to  his  own  thoughts. 

In  the  afternoon  he  was  brought  up  to  the  office. 

"What  is  your  name?"  I  asked  him. 

"  Lingg,"  curtly  replied  the  prisoner. 

' '  Ah,  yes  ;  but  how  do  you  spell  it  ?  " 

"L-i-n-gg,"  came  the  spelling. 

"Yes ;  but  give  us  your  full  name." 

"  It  is  Louis  or  Ludwig  Lingg.  I  am  twenty-one  years  and  eight 
months  old." 

He  was  asked  a  great  many  questions.      Some  he  refused  to  answer,  and 


LINGG  IN  THE  TOILS.  271 

others  he  answered  promptly  and  with  pleasure,  especially  when  they 
touched  on  killing  capitalists  and  capitalistic  editors,  as  he  called  them.  He 
had  no  use,  he  said,  for  these  people,  and  thought  that  if  they  could  be 
taken  away  suddenly  the  world  would  be  satisfied  and  happy.  He  remarked 
that  he  did  not  blame  the  police  very  much,  because  they  were  workingmen 
themselves,  but  there  v/as  one  officer,  he  said,  that  he  perfectly  despised. 
It  was  John  Bonfield.  If  he  could  have  blown  him  to  atoms,  he  thought, 
he  might  become  reconciled  to  a  great  many  things  as  they  then  existed. 
He  finally  gave  to  me  and  to  Assistant  State's  Attorney  Furthmann,  in  the 
presence  of  Officers  Stift,  Rehm,  Loewenstein,  Schuettler  and  Hoffman,  a 
brief  account  of  himself  and  his  movements,  but  he  said  that  he  would 
rather  die  than  give  information  against  any  one.  He  did  not  deny 
what  others  had  stated  about  him,  but  further  he  would  not  go.  He  was 
informed  by  Mr.  Furthmann  how  strict  the  law  was  against  conspiracies, 
but  the  only  answer  he  vouchsafed  was  that  the  laws  would  not  remain  in 
force  much  longer  ;  that  the  working  people  would  make  laws  to  suit  them- 
selves, and  they  would  not  allow  any  higher  power  to  dictate  to  them.  For 


IRON  BOLT  FOUND  IN  LINGO'S  TRUNK.     From  a  Photograph. 

Designed,  according  to  Lingg's  own  statement,  to  connect  the  halves  of  a  composition  bomb  weighing 
twelve  pounds.  "The  Haymarket  bomb,"  said  he,  "killed  six.  The  one  which  I  was  going  to  make  with 
that  bolt  would  kill  six  dozen."  Four  such  bolts  were  found. 

his  own  part,  he  could  work  and  was  willing  to  work,  he  said,  but  he  wanted 
his  share  of  the  profits.  He  thought  the  police  had  made  fools  of  them- 
selves in  the  movement  the  Anarchists  had  inaugurated.  If  they  had  only 
known  enough,  he  said,  to  have  held  back,  the  capitalists  would  have  been 
forced  to  submit ;  but  now  the  police  had  spoiled  their  own  chances  for  gain 
for  years  to  come.  They  would  be  sorry  for  it,  he  added.  If  the  Anarchists 
had  won  in  Chicago,  he  further  stated,  all  the  other  large  cities  would  have 
fallen  into  line,  and  wretchedness  and  poverty  would  have  been  banished 
forever. 

After  Lingg  had  been  taken  away  from  the  Ambrose  Street  house,  Gus- 
tav  and  Kate  Klein  became  anxious  about  their  friend.  They  traced  him 
to  the  Chicago  Avenue  Station  and  called  there  later  in  the  day,  after 
his  arrest.  When  they  reached  the  office  I  questioned  them,  although  they 
were  not  under  arrest,  and  they  answered  without  hesitancy.  They  stated 
that  Lingg  had  come  to  their  house  on  the  yth  of  May,  and  had  remained 
indoors  nearly  all  the  time  up  to  his  arrest  that  day  —  May  14.  He  had 
only  been  out  twice  to  secure  books  from  some  neighbors,  and  he  had  felt 
measurably  safe  in  the  locality.  This  section,  it  was  found,  as  already 


272  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

stated,  was  a  hotbed  of  Anarchy,  and  as  the  neighbors  knew  the  man,  they 
were  anxious  to  protect  him.  It  had  even  been  whispered  in  the  locality 
that  he  was  the  one  who  had  thrown  the  bomb  at  the  Haymarket,  but, 
knowing  that  he  was  a  man  not  to  be  trifled  with,  and  out  of  sympathy  for 
the  cause,  none  would  betray  him.  He  could  not  have  selected  a  better 
place  for  concealment.  Mr.  Klein  had  known  him  for  some  time  and  had 
noticed  a  great  change  in  him  since  the  Haymarket  bloodshed. 

"  He  was  always  cheerful,"  he  said,  "up  to  that  time,  but  since  then  he 
acted  very  strangely.  He  would  not  converse  with  any  one,  but  always 
sought  to  be  alone.  Whenever  any  one  came  near  the  house  he  was 
uneasy." 

"I  noticed  that  too,"  interposed  Mrs.  Klein.  "He  always  used  to  fool 
and  play  with  me  before  the  Haymarket  event,  and  was  good  company, 
but  since  then  he  was  a  changed  man  altogether." 

Mrs.  Klein  described  the  scene  of  Lingg's  arrest,  and  told  how  at  first 
she  had  regarded  it  simply  as  fun  between  two  friends,  and  how  frightened  she 
had  become  when  she  discovered  that  it  was  a  serious  affair.  She  also 
described  the  terrible  look  which  came  over  Lingg's  face  when  he  found  him- 
self powerless  to  fire  the  revolver. 

I  subsequently  thought  it  best  to  bring  Lingg  face  to  face  with  one  of 
his  former  comrades,  who  had  furnished  information  about  him,  and  this 
was  accordingly  done.  The  moment  he  was  brought  into  the  presence  of 
the  informer  his  face  assumed  a  terrible  scowl,  but  he  remained  obstinately 
silent. 

One  day  Lingg  was  again  brought  into  the  office,  and  I  questioned  him 
as  to  the  real  strength  of  the  Anarchists  in  the  city  and  country. 

He  smiled  and  said : 

"  Don't  you  know  that  yet  ?  This  I  cannot  answer,  but  I  will  tell  you 
that  you  only  know  the  noisy  fellows.  The  real  Anarchists  in  this  city  or 
country  you  do  not  know  yet,  because  they  are  not  ready  to  take  hold,  but 
you  will  be  taken  by  surprise  unless  you  die  soon.  I  only  hope  that  I  will 
live  long  enough  to  see  this  hidden  power  show  its  strength." 

During  the  time  Lingg  remained  at  the  station  his  hand  was  regularly 
attended  to,  he  was  treated  very  kindly,  had  plenty  to  eat,  and  was  made  as 
comfortable  as  possible.  All  these  attentions  somewhat  mollified  his  bitter- 
ness against  us. 

Some  time  after  the  other  interviews,  I  visited  him  and  asked  him  if  he 
entertained  any  hostility  towards  the  police.  He  replied  that  during  the 
McCormick  factory  riot  he  had  been  clubbed  by  an  officer,  but  he  did  not 
care  so  much  for  that.  He  could  forget  it  all,  but  he  did  not  like  Bonfield. 
If  it  had  not  been  for  Bonfield,  he  said,  the  street-car  men,  in  their  strike 
in  the  summer  of  1885,  would  have  had  things  all  their  own  way,  and  that 
would  have  changed  everything  all  over  the  city  in  a  business  way. 


THE  BOMB-MAKER  IN  JAIL.  273 

"  If  I  could  only  kill  Bonfield, "  he  vehemently  declared,  "I  would  be 
ready  to  die  within  five  minutes  afterwards." 

Lingg  was  a  singular  Anarchist.  In  every  act  and  word  he  showed  no 
care  for  himself,  but  he  always  expressed  sympathy  for  men  who  had  ip.vni- 
lies  and  who  were  in  trouble.  He  showed  that  he  was  a  man  with  a  will, 
and  that  if  he  set  his  mind  to  the  accomplishment  of  an  end  he  would  bei.d 
all  his  energies  to  attain  it. 

There  was  another  peculiarity  about  Lingg  which  distinguished  him 
from  the  rest  of  his  associates.  Although  he  drank  beer,  he  never  drank  to 
excess,  and  he  frowned  upon  the  use  of  bad  or  indecent  language.  He 
was  an  admirer  of  the  fair  sex,  and  they  reciprocated  his  admiration,  his 
manly  form,  handsome  face  and  pleasing  manners  captivating  all. 

On  the  ayth  of  May,  Lingg  and  Engel  were  taken  in  a  patrol  wagon  to 
the  Harrison  Street  Station,  where  the  "art  gallery"  of  the  Police  Depart- 
ment was  kept,  to  have  their  photographs  taken.  On  the  way,  Loewen- 
stein  remarked  to  Lingg  : 

"  Louis,  you  want  to  look  your  prettiest,  so  that  you  will  make  a  good 
picture." 

"  What  difference  does  it  make  whether  a  dead  man's  picture  looks  good 
or  bad,"  was  the  reply,  uttered  in  a  most  serious  manner  and  in  a  strong 
tone  of  voice. 

From  the  gallery  the  Anarchists  were  driven  to  the  County  Jail,  and 
that  was  the  last  time  they  ever  saw  the  streets  of  Chicago  or  breathed  the 
.air  outside  of  prison  walls. 

From  the  day  Lingg  entered  the  jail  he  became  surly  and  ugly  to  all  the 
officers,  but  he  implicitly  obeyed  all  prison  rules.  He  held  himself  aloof 
from  everybody  except  his  fellow  Anarchists,  and  would  have  nothing  to  say 
to  any  one  except  his  friends  or  his  sweetheart. 

Lingg  was  very  fond  of  children,  and  when  those  of  Neebe,  Schwab  or 
others  called  at  the  jail  he  would  play  with  them  and  seemed  to  extract 
much  amusement  from  their  little  pranks  and  antics. 

Mrs.  Klein  often  visited  him  and  always  brought  a  baby,  in  which  Lingg 
seemed  to  take  a  special  interest.  Lingg  and  Mrs.  Klein  conversed  freely 
together,  and  he  seemed  to  enjoy  her  visits  greatly.  Whenever  she  called 
she  brought  him  fruit  of  the  season  and  choice  edibles  with  which  to  vary 
his  prison  fare. 

Lingg  and  his  associates  proved  quite  a  drawing  card,  and  Anarchists 
from  all  parts  of  the  country  called  at  the  jail.  But  while  his  fellows 
appeared  pleased  to  hold  receptions,  so  to  speak,  Lingg  did  not  desire  the 
•company  of  strangers.  He  gave  his  time  only  to  the  few  ladies  who  called 
on  him  and  to  his  nearest  friends.  He  disliked  being  gaped  at  by  curiosity- 
seekers,  and  when  he  had  no  good  friend  to  keep  him  company  he  traveled 
the  corridors  of  the  jail  beyond  the  reach  of  public  gaze.  He  also  whiled 


274 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS, 


time  away  by  cutting  pretty  little  carvings  out  of  cigar-boxes  with  his  jack- 
knife,  and  in  this  he  displayed  considerable  ingenuity.  Tiring  of  this 
diversion,  he  would  pick  up  a  book  or  a  paper ;  but,  however  monotonous 
prison  life  at  times  became,  he  never  thrust  himself  before  the  visitors'  cage 
to  pose  before  the  idle  throng.  Many  callers  came  to  sympathize  with 
Lingg  as  well  as  to  admire  his  handsome  physique,  and,  as  he  would  not 
allow  his  hair  to  be  cut  after  his  incarceration,  his  flowing,  curly  locks  added 
to  his  picturesque  appearance. 

But  there  was  one  visitor  he  always  welcomed.  It  was  his  sweetheart, 
whose  acquaintance  he  had  made  before  his  arrest,  and  who  became  a  reg- 
ular caller.  She  invariably  wore  a  pleasant  smile,  breathed  soft,  loving 

words  into  his  ears  through  the  wire 
screen  that  separated  the  visitors'  cage 
from  the  jail  corridor,  and  contributed 
much  toward  keeping  him  cheerful. 
This  girl  had  lived  at  one  time  with 
a  family  on  West  Lake  Street,  in  the 
heart  of  an  Anarchist  camp,  but,  for 
some  reason,  while  her  lover  was  at  the 
Chicago  Avenue  Station  she  never  paid 
him  a  visit.  The  second  day  after  he 
had  been  locked  up  at  the  County  Jail 
she  promptly  made  her  appearance, 
however,  and  became  a  regular  visitor. 
She  simply  passed  with  the  jail  officials 
at  first  as  "Lingg's  girl,"  but  one  day 
some  one  called  her  Ida  Miller,  and 
thereafter  she  was  recognized  under 
that  name.  She  was  generally  accom- 
panied by  young  Miss  Engel,  the 
daughter  of  Anarchist  Engel,  and  during  the  last  four  months  of  her  lover's 
incarceration  she  could  be  seen  every  afternoon  entering  the  jail.  She  was 
always  readily  admitted  until  the  day  the  bombs  were  found  in  Lingg's  cell. 
After  that  neither  she  nor  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Klein  were  admitted.  While  it  has 
never  been  satisfactorily  proven  who  it  was  that  introduced  the  bombs  into 
the  jail,  it  is  likely  that  they  were  smuggled  into  Lingg's  hands  by  his  sweet- 
heart. She  enjoyed  Lingg's  fullest  confidence,  and  regarded  his  every  wish. 
It  is  not  known  whether  Miller  is  the  real  name  of  the  girl,  but  it 
is  supposed  to  be  Elise  Friedel.  She  is  a  German,  and  was  twenty-two 
years  of  age  at  the  time,  her  birthplace  being  Mannheim,  which  was  also 
Lingg's  native  town.  She  was  robust  in  appearance,  with  fair  complexion, 
and  dark  hair.  She  had  quite  a  penchant  for  beer,  and  could  sit  in  a  crowd 
of  her  Anarchist  friends  and  drink  "schnitts"  with  the  proficiency  of  a  vet- 


Li  N  G  G  '  S    SWEETHEART. 
From  a  Photograph. 


LINGO'S  STATEMENT.  275 

eran.  She  always  entertained  hope  of  executive  clemency,  but  when  Lingg 
died  at  his  own  hands  she  somewhat  surprisingly  failed  to  evince  great  sor- 
row. Perhaps  the  consciousness  of  having  aided  him  in  escaping  the  gal- 
lows had  prepared  her  for  the  worst. 

Lingg's  terrible  death  did  not  perceptibly  change  her  demeanor.  She 
was  seen  at  several  dances  shortly  afterwards,  and  seemed  to  enjoy  herself 
as  much  as  anybody.  She  even  danced  with  detectives,  unconscious  of 
their  calling,  and,  in  jesting  with  them,  her  laugh  was  as  hearty  and  ringing 
as  though  she  were  bent  on  capturing  a  new  beau. 

During  all  the  long,  weary  days  Lingg  remained  in  jail  his  demeanor  was 
the  same  as  during  the  trial  —  cool,  collected  and  unconcerned.  No  special 
trouble  apparently  burdened  his  mind.  His  constant  companions  —  when- 
ever they  were  permitted  to  be  together  —  were  Engel  and  Fischer.  They 
appeared  to  believe  that  their  fellow  prisoners  and  co-conspirators  would 
turn  on  them  to  save  their  own  lives. 

The  statement  Lingg  made,  on  the  I4th  of  May,  omitting  the  part  per- 
taining to  his  occupation,  age  and  residence,  was  as  follows : 

"Whenever  I  did  any  work  at  home  [Seliger's  house]  I  did  it  as  care- 
fully as  possible,  so  that  no  one  could  see  me.  I  did  make  dynamite  bombs 
out  of  gas-pipe,  and  I  generally  found  the  gas-pipe  on  the  street.  Finding 
them  two  or  three  feet  long,  I  would  cut  them  into  pieces.  After  cutting 
them  about  six  inches  long  I  would  fill  them  with  dynamite  and  attach  a 
fuse  to  each.  I  then  would  call  them  bombs." 

"Who  showed  or  taught  you  how  to  make  those  bombs?" 

"No  one.      I  learned  it  from  books." 

"What  books?" 

"I  read  it  in  a  book  published  by  Herr  Most  of  New  York.  It  explains 
how  to  make  dynamite  and  other  articles  used  in  war.  I  once  had  four 
bombs  in  my  dinner-box  —  two  were  loaded  and  two  empty.  I  bought  two 
pounds  of  the  stuff  on  Lake  Street,  near  Dearborn.  I  also  bought  one  coil 
of  fuse  and  one  box  of  caps  at  the  same  place,  and  that  is  all  I  bought.  I 
paid  65  cents  for  the  box  of  caps,  60  cents  for  two  pounds  of  dynamite,  and 
50  cents  for  the  coil  of  fuse." 

"  Did  you  work  all  the  material  into  the  bombs?  " 

"No,  there  is  some  of  it  left  in  my  trunk.  I  do  not  deny  making  bombs. 
I  made  them  for  the  purpose  of  being  used  in  a  war  or  a  revolution  during 
these  workingmen's  troubles.  The  bombs  found  in  my  room  I  intended  to 
use  myself.  I  have  been  at  August  Spies'  office  several  times,  and  I  have 
known  him  for  some  time.  I  always  received  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung,  and  I 
like  to  read  it.  I  made  some  of  those  round  lead  bombs.  I  made  the 
molds  myself  and  cast  the  bombs.  The  iron  bolts  I  used  to  connect  and 
hold  them  together  I  bought  in  a  hardware  store.  1  bought  five  small  ones 
and  two  big  ones.  I  could  only  use  the  molds  to  cast  bombs  with  a  few 
times  ;  then  they  would  be  useless.  At  the  time  I  bought  the  dynamite  I 
was  alone.  On  Tuesday  night,  May  4,  Seliger  and  I  were  on  Larrabee 
Street,  between  Clybourn  Avenue  and  the  city  limits,  and  we  remained 
there  until  about  ten  o'clock.  We  then  went  home  and  had  several  glasses 
of  beer.  We  did  not  meet  any  one  we  knew.  We  were  on  Larrabee 


276 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 


Street  all  the  time.  When  we  came  home  Mrs.  Seliger  was  abed.  I  was 
at  the  meeting  held  in  the  hall  at  No.  71  West  Lake  Street,  Monday  night, 
May  3.  I  saw  there  the  circular  which  called  the  workingmen  to  arms  and 
to  seek  revenge  on  the  police  because  they  had  killed  six  of  our  brothers 
at  McCormick's  factory  on  that  day.  I  also  attended  a  meeting  the  same 
night,  at  No.  54  West  Lake  Street,  which  was  held  by  the  armed  sections. 
I  was  out  to  Lake  View  and  tried  one  of  my  dynamite  bombs  to  find  out 
what  strength  it  had.  I  put  the  bomb  in  a  tree  between  two  limbs.  I  lit 
the  fuse  ;  the  bomb  exploded  and  split  the  tree,  damaging  it  considerably.  I 
had  my  hair  cut,  and  mustache  and  whiskers  shaven  off,  about  May  8th  or 
gth.  I  want  to  say  right  here  to  you  men  that  I  did  make  dynamite  bombs 
and  intended  to  use  them.  I  am  down  on  capital  and  capitalists.  I  knew 
that  if  we  sought  our  rights — I  mean  the  workingmen  —  they  would  turn  out 
the  police  and  militia  against  us  with  their  Gatling  guns  and  cannon.  We 
knew  that  we  could  not  defend  ourselves  with  our  revolvers,  and  therefore 

turned  to  the  adoption  of 
dynamite.  For  one,  I  was 
not  going  to  get  hurt.  I 
made  bombs  of  lead  and 
bombs  of  metal,  and  I  made 
them  with  the  two  materials 
mixed.  I  tried  both  the  lead 
and  gas-pipe  bombs,  and  I 
found  that  they  could  do 
good  service.  If  you  cut  the 
fuse  ten  inches  long  and  light 
it  you  can  run  away  forty 
steps  before  the  explosion 
takes  place.  The  armed  men 
of  the  so-called  International 
Group  of  the  North  Side 
always  met  at  Greif's  Hall, 
No.  54  West  Lake  Street. 
We  used  to  go  to  the  Shoot- 
ing Park  in  Lake  View  and 
shoot  at  targets  on  Sundays. 
I  have  been  there  about  ten  times.  I  admit  that  the  two  Lehmans  came 
to  see  me  at  my  room  at  No.  442  Sedgwick  Street,  and  I  will  confess  that 
on  Tuesday,  May  4,  six  men  came  to  my  room  to  see  me." 

At  this  interview  there  were  present,  besides  myself,  Furthmann,  Stift, 
Rehm,  Loewenstein,  Schuettler  and  Hoffman.  On  the  i7th  of  May,  Lingg 
again  remarked  to  Officer  Schuettler  that  he  regretted  that  he  had  not  had 
a  chance  to  kill  him. 

On  the  24th  of  May  Lingg  and  Hubner  were  brought  together,  and 
Assistant  State's  Attorney  Furthmann  asked  the  latter  if  he  knew  the 
bomb-maker. 

"Oh,  yes,  I  was  at  his  room  on  Tuesday  afternoon,  May  4,  helping  him 
to  make  dynamite  bombs,  and  what  I  stated  in  my  affidavit  is  true." 

Lingg   scowled  furiously,  and  emphatically  denied  the  statement.      All 


CAN   OF   ENGLISH   DYNAMITE   AND   LADLE. 
Used   by  Lingg  in   Casting  Bombs.     From   a  Photograph. 


THE  DEVIL'S  PRAYER-BOOK.  277 

he  could  be  made  to  say  in  explanation  of  the  affair,  however,  was  that  he 
"had  been  a  Socialist  all  his  life  and  ever  since  he  could  think." 

ERNST  HUBNER  was  arrested  by  Officers  Schuettler  and  Whalen  on 
the  morning  of  May  18,  at  six  o'clock,  while  he  was  on  his  way  to  his 
work.  He  is  a  German  by  birth  and  a  carpenter  by  trade,  and  worked 
for  a  man  by  the  name  of  Schombel,  on  the  corner  of  Clybourn  Avenue  and 
Larrabee  Street.  He  was  about  forty  years  of  age,  married,  wore  very 
shabby  clothes,  and  lived,  at  the  time  of  his  arrest,  at  No.  n  Mohawk 
Street,  in  three  small  and  dirty  rooms.  His  house  was  searched,  and  the 
officers  found  one  breech-loading  rifle,  one  large  44-caliber  Remington 
revolver  and  half  a  pailful  of  ammunition  for  both  guns.  While  they 
were  searching  the  house,  Mrs.  Hubner,  a  sickly,  delicate  woman,  said  to 
Officer  Schuettler : 

"My  dear  man,  if  my  husband  had  gone  more  to  his  shop  and  to  work 
instead  of  running  to  meetings,  you  would  not  find  my  house  in  this  shape. 
I  am  all  broken  up.  I  am  sick,  and  now  he  is  arrested.  I  suppose  this  is 
the  last  of  our  family." 

The  search  still  going  on,  Mrs.  Hubner  crossed  the  room  to  a  closet, 
saying  to  Schuettler  : 

"  Here,  officers,  take  this  devil's  print  out  of  my  house.  This  is  what 
my  husband  prayed  with  night  and  day,  and  what  got  him  into  trouble.  If 
you  don't  want  to  take  it,  I  will  throw  it  into  the  stove.  I  don't  want  any 
more  families  made  miserable  by  it." 

The  officer  opened  the  bundle,  and  the  first  thing  he  saw  was  a  picture 
of  the  burly  face  of  John  Most.  This  led  to  the  exchange  of  a  few  pleas- 
antries between  the  officers. 

"I  have  got  him,"  shouted  Schuettler. 

When  Officer  Whalen  got  a  glimpse  of  the  portrait,  which  was  printed 
on  the  cover  of  a  pamphlet,  and  not  knowing  what  the  title  on  the  cover 
had  reference  to,  as  it  was  printed  in  German,  or  whom  the  picture  repre- 
sented, he  facetiously  remarked  : 

"I  see  the  face  of  a  Scotch  terrier." 

"You  fool,"  replied  Schuettler,  with  a  twinkle  in  his  eye,  "that  is 
Johann  Most." 

"Well,"  retorted  Whalen,  "if  that  is  the  great  Anarchist,  he  ought  to 
have  two  more  legs.  He'd  make  a  fine  ratter." 

In  the  bundle  were  found  a  number  of  Communistic,  Socialistic  and 
Anarchistic  documents,  and  a  complete  collection  of  hand-bills  of  all 
the  meetings  that  had  been  held  for  years  past.  Hubner  had  been  an 
active  worker  at  all  times.  He  would  post  bills,  carry  hand-bills  and  do 
any  kind  of  work  for  the  "good  of  the  cause."  No  meetings  were  ever 
held  too  far  from  his  home.  He  was  well  known  in  all  the  "groups"  and 
to  all  the  leaders.  He  attended  all  the  picnics  and  parades.  Nothing 


278  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

delighted  him  more  than  to  carry  the  big  banner  belonging  to  the  Interna- 
tional Carpenters'  Union  No.  i.  How  he  strutted  and  flaunted  that  banner 
as  he  passed  churches,  police  stations  and  the  residences  of  the  wealthy. 
Next  to  Host's  book,  that  banner  was  his  principal  source  of  inspiration. 
He  would  even  neglect  his  meals  for  the  sake  of  bearing  aloft  that  crimson 
standard.  Whether  this  was  the  cause  of  his  emaciated  look  at  the  time 
of  his  arrest  is  problematical,  but  certain  it  is  his  appearance,  when 
brought  before  me,  indicated  want  and  starvation,  and  his  voice  was  weak 
and  husky. 

"  From  what  I  can  hear  about  you,"  I  said,  "  it  appears  that  you  are 
one  of  the  '  boys.'  " 

"Oh,  well,"  drawled  Hubner,  "you  may  hear  a  great  deal." 
"Yes,''  I  replied,  "  I  hear  so  much  it  keeps  me  busy  thinking." 
"Have  you  been  thinking  any  of  me  ?"  queried  Hubner. 
"I  have,  and  I  think  you  are  the  worst  I  have  heard  of  yet.'1 
"Ah,  but  you  have  got  others  far  more  dangerous  than  I  am." 
"If  you  want  to  give  credit  to  any  one  else,  name  the  parties." 
Hubner  finally  stated  that  only  on  the  evening  previous,  at  a  meeting  of 
the  Carpenters'  Union,  a  member  had  said  that  their  attorneys,   Messrs. 
Salomon  &  Zeisler,  held  that  there  was  no  law  to  convict  any  one,  and  that 
they  would  secure  the  release  of  the  "boys"  as  fast  as  the  police  locked 
them  up.     They  advised  all  to  "  keep  their  mouths  shut,"  and  that,  in  the 
event  of  an  arrest,  the  police  could  not  hold  them  longer  than  two  days. 
"  Do  you  want  to  try  that  and  see  how  it  works  ?  "  I  asked. 
"That's  what  I  want,"  responded  Hubner,  bent  on  an  experiment. 
"Well,  I  guarantee  you,"  said  I  smilingly,  "that  you  will  remain  here 
with  us  as  long  as  we  like  your  company.      When  we  get  tired  of  you  we 
will  send  you  to  the  big  jail.     Officer,  take  this  man   and  tell  the  lockup- 
keeper  that  he  will  probably  stay  with  us  a  week." 

Hubner  was  escorted.down  stairs,  given  a  good  cell  and  allowed  to  met- 
aphorically wrap  "that  banner"  around  him  as  he  lay  down  to  dream  of 
Anarchy.  Things  got  monotonous,  however.  The  very  next  day  he  sent 
word  that  he  desired  to  see  me.  He  was  brought  up  and  made  a  long 
statement.  He  assured  me  that  every  word  was  true,  that  he  would  face 
any  of  those  mentioned  and  defy  them  to  contradict  his  assertions.  He 
told  the  day  and  date  of  almost  every  transaction.  He  said  he  would 
swear  to  everything  he  had  stated. 

"  I  don't  believe  in  a  God,"  he  added,  "  but  when  I  swear,  I  understand 
that  if  I  should  tell  a  lie  or  an  untruth  I  can  be  punished  for  it.  I  am  dis- 
gusted with  the  way  things  are  now.  There  are  no  more  brave  men." 

After  a  few  days  he  was  released  by  order  of  the  State's  Attorney. 
Before  leaving,  he  promised  that  he  would  testify  in  court  in  accordance 
with  his  statement,  and  afterwards,  for  a  time,  he  was  on  hand  whenever 
sent  for. 


ERNST  HUBNER  S  CONFESSIONS.  279 

The  parties  arrested  were  required  to  report  regularly.  At  the  com- 
mencement of  the  trial,  they  were  all  kept  in  a  large  room  in  the  station, 
where  ten  officers  guarded  them  night  and  day.  They  were  taken  out  for 
exercise  every  evening,  but  were  not  allowed  to  talk  to  any  one.  Their 
wives  had  the  privilege  of  seeing  them,  but  an  officer  was  always  present  to 
hear  what  was  said. 

Hubner  after  a  time  showed  signs  of  weakening.  He  had  been  seen  by 
the  attorneys  for  the  defense  and  changed  his  mind.  He  also  began  talk- 
ing to  others,  urging  them  not  to  testify.  He  finally  said  he  would  not 
take  the  stand,  and,  as  he  was  not  wanted  to  testify,  he  was  again  released. 
After  the  trial  he  went  back  to  his  comrades,  attended  some  of  their 
meetings  and  talked  for  the  cause.  When  the  time  approached  for  the 
execution,  he  suddenly  left  the  city,  and  subsequently  sent  for  his  family. 
He  has  returned  to  Chicago,  however,  and  is  working  on  Division  and 
Clark  Streets,  in  a  little  carpenter-shop. 

The  following  is  his  statement,  to  the  correctness  of  which  he  would 
have  testified  had  he  not  been  a  poltroon  and  a  simpleton.  It  fully  bears 
out  the  truth  of  the  witnesses  who  appeared  for  the  State  during  'the  trial 
as  to  the  conspiracy  and  the  parties  thereto  : 

"  I  know  Gottfried  Waller.  I  belong  to  the  armed  men.  I  know  George 
Engel.  At  one  time  he  published  a  paper  called  the  Anarchist.  I  know 
Louis  Lingg.  I  was  a  Greif's  Hall,  54  West  Lake  Street,  Monday  after- 
noon about  five  o'clock.  I  left  there  at  nine  o'clock  and  got  home  at  eleven 
the  same  night.  I  read  and  saw  a  circular  that  called  for  revenge  and  to 
arm  ourselves.  I  saw  August  Spies  in  the  hall,  and  he  told  us  that  the  police 
had  been  shooting  our  workingmen  at  McCormick's,  and  we  should  be  ready 
with  our  arms.  Then  Rau  came  into  the  meeting,  very  much  excited  and 
said  that  a  number  of  our  people  had  been  shot  at  McCormick's  by  the 
police.  He  called  us  to  arms.  Then  Rau  and  Spies  left  the  hall  together. 
Both  were  much  excited.  The  speech  and  talking  of  Spies  in  the  hall  hap- 
pened in  this  way.  Spies  would  catch  a  man  alone  and  talk  about  the 
shooting,  or  when  he  saw  a  crowd  of  four  or  five  standing  together  he  would 
talk  to  them  to  excite  them  and  urge  them  on.  The  effect  of  his  talking  to 
us  brought  our  temper  to  such  heat  that  I  and  others  were  ready  to  take 
revenge  on  the  police  officers  and  the  law.  And  we  would  have  done  almost 
anything  to  get  revenge.  If  Spies  and  Rau  had  there  and  then  started  out 
and  we  had  had  our  arms  with  us,  we  would  have  followed  them  to  do  harm 
at  once." 

Such  was  the  confession  the  brave  Hubner  first  made  to  the  police.  On 
the  1 8th  of  May  he  made  a  second  statement,  as  follows,  adding  a  few 
further  details  as  to  the  conspiracy : 

"On  Tuesday,  May  4,  about  4  P.M.,  I  went  to  the  house  of  William 
Seliger,  at  442  Sedgwick  Street,  and  there  I  found  William  Seliger  and 
Louis  Lingg.  I  had  been  in  Seliger's  house  the  day  before,  and  I  took 
along  with  me  when  I  left  three  bombs  —  that  is,  three  empty  shells.  Lingg 
also  gave  me  the  dynamite  with  which  to  fill  them.  Not  knowing  how,  I 


28o  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

was  afraid  to  fill  them,  and  I  brought  them  back  to  Lingg  to  fill  them  for 
me.  When  I  got  there,  Seliger  and  Lingg  were  working,  filling  bombs  or 
shells  with  dynamite.  I  went  to  work  and  helped  them  and  got  the  bombs 
ready  for  use.  They  had  some  of  them  filled  when  I  got  there,  but  in  all 
they  filled  and  finished  twenty  round  lead  or  metal  bombs  and  about  fifteen 
or  eighteen  long  ones — that  is,  I  mean  to  say,  made  of  gas-pipe,  about  six 
inches  or  more  long.  I  saw  there  a  lot  more  of  dynamite  and  fuse.  As  I 
went  away  from  there  —  Seliger's  house  —  that  evening,  I  took  along  with 
me  four  long  bombs,  but  before  I  left  we  had  all  the  bombs  finished,  ready 
for  use.  I  saw  about  six  men  at  5  P.M.  in  Seliger's  house,  and  when  any 
one  came  Lingg  always  went  to  the  door  and  waited  upon  them.  That 
evening,  May  4,  at  eight  o'clock,  I  went  to  Neff's  Hall,  58  Clybourn 
Avenue,  and  when  I  had  been  there  only  a  few  minutes  I  saw  Lingg, 
Seliger  and  a  little  stout  man,  who  carried  a  heavy  satchel  with  a  gray  cloth 
cover.  They  came  in  together  in  Neff's  Hall  and  placed  the  satchel  in  a 
little  hallway  leading  to  a  '  gents'  closet.'  I  was  sent  to  Neff's  Hall  to  see 
and  report  if  there  were  many  of  our  armed  men  in  the  hall  who  were  wait- 
ing for  bombs.  As  I  had  not  been  there  long  enough  to  find  out  and  report 
back,  Lingg  and  Seliger  got  tired  of  waiting  at  442  Sedgwick  Street  and 
brought  the  satchel  filled  with  bombs  to  Neff's  Hall  themselves.  When 
Lingg  saw  me  he  came  up  to  me  and  found  fault  with  me  for  not  reporting 
back  sooner.  He  said  there  might  have  been  lots  of  people  there  who 
failed  to  get  bombs  or  shells.  After  that  I  went  to  supper,  since  Lingg 
was  in  the  hall  to  look  after  things  himself.  The  men  I  saw  there  were 
Hageman  and  Hermann.  On  Monday  night,  May  3,  I  was  at  Greif's  Hall, 
54  West  Lake  Street,  up  to  ten  o'clock,  and  afterwards  I  also  went  into  the 
saloon.  There  were  about  forty  men  sitting  and  standing  around  the  bar- 
room. Some  one  called  out  that  the  so-called  armed  sections  should  go 
down  into  the  basement,  as  there  would  be  a  meeting  for  them.  Then  forty 
of  us  went  down,  and  we  decided  to  hold  a  meeting  there.  This  was  about 
nine  o'clock  in  the  evening.  Gottfried  Waller  was  chosen  president. 
George  Engel  was  one  of  the  speakers  and  originator  of  the  plan  then  and 
there  given  to  us  to  shoot  and  kill  people  and  destroy  property.  He  told 
us  what  to  do  and  began  in  this  way.  He  asked  us  if  we  knew  about  his 
plan.  The  majority  said  '  no.'  Then  he  began  to  tell  us  that  his  plan  was 
to  call  a  meeting  for  the  next  evening  at  the  Haymarket,  and  there  draw 
out  as  many  police  as  possible,  so  that  the  outside  parts  of  the  city  would 
not  be  strongly  protected  by  the  police.  The  signal  for  action  would  be 
given,  and  they  should  set  fire  to  buildings  in  several  places  and  in  all  parts 
of  the  city.  One  building  at  Wicker  Park  was  mentioned,  and  as  soon  as 
they  saw  it  on  fire,  then  they  should  attack  the  police  stations,  throw  dyna- 
mite bombs  into  the  stations,  kill  the  police  officers  and  destroy  the  stations. 
In  case  a  patrol  wagon  came,  they  should  throw  a  bomb  among  the  police- 
men, and  if  that  did  not  stop  them,  then  they  should  kill  the  horses  attached 
to  the  wagons  with  their  revolvers  or  guns.  After  that  they  should  destroy 
all  the  property  they  could.  The  circular  that  called  for  revenge  and  to 
arms  I  saw  at  the  Monday  night  meeting  in  the  basement,  54  West  Lake 
Street,  where  Engel  spoke  and  gave  us  the  plan  of  revolution.  The  lying 
of  Engel  about  the  killing  of  six  of  our  brothers  at  McCormick's  factory 
started  me  so  that  I  was  ready  to  do  anything  desperate.  The  speech  of 
Engel  in  the  basement  that  evening  worked  on  me  so  that  I  went  to  Seli- 
ger's house  on  Tuesday  afternoon,  May  4,  and  helped  to  finish  the  bombs, 


ERNST  HUBNERS  CONFESSION. 


281 


as  I  stated  before.  George  Engel  told  those  that  had  no  arms  to  stay  at 
home  away  from  the  Hay  market  meeting,  and  that  men  who  had  arms  but 
no  courage  should  also  stay  at  home.  In  that  meeting  there  were  present 
Adolph  Fischer,  Gottfried  Waller,  George  Engel,  Breitenfeld,  Schnaubelt, 
John  Thielen,  Abraham  Hermann,  Herman  Hageman,  the  two  Lehmans  and 
Hubner.  Waller  told  us  to  go  ahead  and  do  our  work,  that  he  would  be 
with  us.  The  meeting  lasted  from  nine  o'clock  to  eleven.  Fischer  and 
others  agreed  to  have  the  circular  printed  calling  the  meeting  at  the  Hay- 
market  for  Tuesday  night,  May  4.  After  all  the  plans  had  been  explained 
to  us  Fischer  said  '  That  is  the  one  ' —  meaning  the  murderous  plan  — '  that  we 


adopted  in  our  group  meeting.'  Every  division  group  were  to  make  their 
own  arrangements.  The  North  Side  armed  men  should  meet  Tuesday 
evening,  May  4,  at  the  foot  of  Webster  Avenue  and  Lincoln  Park,  at  the 
Schiller  monument.  I  went  there.  I  could  not  find  enough  of  our  people 
there,  as  the  night  was  dark  and  those  present  were  scattered.  I  got  tired 
of  waiting  for  others.  The  four  bombs  I  had  with  me  that  night  I  took  to 
the  North  Avenue  Pier  and  threw  them  into  the  lake.  Then  I  went  home 
and  went  to  bed.  This  was  about  ten  o'clock.  I  did  not  hear  anything  of 
the  shooting  or  the  explosion  of  the  bomb  or  the  killing  of  the  policemen  at 
the  Haymarket  until  the  next  morning  when  I  got  up.  I  went  home  so 
early  on  that  evening  because  I  had  a  headache  from  the  smell  of  the  dyna- 


282  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

mite  used  in  filling  the  bombs.  We  filled  thirty-five  in  all.  The  word 
'  Ruhe '  was  intended  as  the  signal  word.  If  it  should  appear  in  the 
Arbeiter-Zeitung  May  4,  in  the  'Briefkasten,'  then  that  would  be  a  notifica- 
tion to  be  ready  for  the  revolution.  We  were  to  watch  also  for  the  fire  and 
shooting  signals  as  well  as  the  appearance  of  that  word  in  the  paper.  We 
were  then  all  to  get  ready.  I  only  know  of  Lingg  as  a  manufacturer  of 
bombs.  The  plan  was  presented  to  the  men  to  go  and  blow  up  the  Chicago 
Avenue  Station.  Also  many  others  were  to  blow  up  the  Larrabee  Street 
Station  and  the  Webster  Avenue  Station.  The  work  I  did  on  the  bombs 
was  drilling  holes  in  them.  This  statement  I  make  of  my  own  free  will  and 
accord  in  the  presence  of  the  officers  named,  and  it  is  true  and  correct. 
And  I  furthermore  will  say  that  I  will  not  take  any  bribe  to  change  my 
statement  or  make  denials  ;  neither  will  I  leave  the  city  or  the  State  as  long 
as  this  case  is  pending  in  court,  unless  I  have  the  consent  of  Capt.  Schaack ; 
that  I  always  will  be  ready  to  give  testimony  for  the  people,  whenever  I  am 
called  on  in  this  case,  and  that  I  will  never  make  a  second  statement,  that 
is  to  say,  to  a  notary  public  or  a  justice  of  the  peace,  in  writing  or  verbally ; 
that  I  will  only  make  a  statement  under  oath  for  the  grand  jury  of  the  Crim- 
inal Court,  or  Capt.  M.  J.  Schaack." 

Here  follow  the  signature,  etc.,  and  the  notarial  acknowledgment. 
On  the  24th  of  May,  Hubner,   among  other  things,  stated  that  he  knew 
Herman  Muntzenberg. 

"I  met  him,"  he  said,  "as  I  was  carrying  around  hand-bills  for  the 
meeting  called  May  4  at  the  Haymarket.  Muntzenberg  went  with  me  to 
Seliger's  house  that  afternoon.  We  saw  Lingg  and  Seliger  making  the 
dynamite  bombs,  and  we  helped  them  to  make  them.  Muntzenberg  and  I 
spent  about  three  hours  in  Seliger's  house  that  afternoon.  Muntzenberg 
was  there  when  it  was  stated  that  the  dynamite  bombs  should  be  carried 
down  to  Neff  s  Hall,  58  Clybourn  Avenue,  that  night.  Muntzenberg  and  I, 
by  order  of  Lingg,  went  down  to  Neff's  Hall  to  see  how  things  looked  there 
and  report  back  to  him.  That  is  why  Muntzenberg  went  to  meet  Lingg 
and  Seliger  to  help  them  to  carry  the  bombs  to  Neff's  place." 

Since  the  trial  I  have  learned  that  Hubner  knew  a  great  deal  more  than 
he  divulged  in  his  confession,  and  that  he  was  one  of  the  parties  chosen  to 
aid  in  blowing  up  the  Webster  Avenue  Station. 


CHAPTER   XV. 

Engel  in  the  Toils  —  His  Character  and  Rough  Eloquence  —  Facing  his 
Accusers  —  Waller's  Confession — The  Work  of  the  Lehr  und  Wehr  Verein  —  A 
Dangerous  Organization  — The  Romance  of  Conspiracy  —  Organization  of  the  Armed 
Sections  —  Plans  and  Purposes  —  Rifles  Bought  in  St.  Louis — The  Picnics  at  Sheffield 
— A  Dynamite  Drill  — The  Attack  on  McCormick's  —  A  Frightened  Anarchist  — 
Lehman  in  the  Calaboose  —  Information  from  many  Quarters  — The  Cost  of  Revolvers 
—  Lorenz  Hermann's  Story  —  Some  Expert  Lying. 

ENOUGH  was  at  this  time  known  to  make  George  Engel  a  mark  for 
speedy  police  attention.  It  had  been  established  beyond  a  doubt  that 
he  was  one  of  the  central  figures  in  the  conspiracy,  and  it  was  not  long  be- 
fore a  warrant  was  secured  charging  him  with  murder.  I  detailed  Officers 
Stift  and  Whalen  to  serve  the  document,  and  they  found  him  at  his  home, 
No.  286  Milwaukee  Avenue.  He  was  a  man  about  fifty  years  old*,  stoutly 
built,  round-shouldered,  weighing  about  170  pounds,  and  about  five  feet 
eight  inches  in  height.  He  was  married  and  had  a  daughter  about  sixteen 
years  of  age.  He  was  by  trade  a  painter,  but  he  and  his  wife  conducted  a  toy- 
store  at  the  place  where  they  lived.  In  addition  to  toys,  they  sold  cigars 
and  tobacco.  The  building  he  lived  in  was  a  two-story  frame,  and  his  sup- 
port came  principally  from  his  business.  He  always  claimed  to  be  a  very 
good  friend  of  policemen,  many  of  whom  he  said  he  knew,  and  they  all,  he 
claimed,  liked  him.  He  was  very  radical  in  his  ideas,  however,  and  at  all 
times  took  an  active  interest  in  Anarchist  meetings.  In  fact,  he  was  one  of 
the  most  rabid  of  them  all.  He  was  a  successful  organizer  and  a  hard,  per- 
sistent worker  for  the  cause.  He  was  one  of  the  most  positive,  determined 
speakers  in  the  German  language  in  Chicago.  He  could  hold  a  house  all 
night,  and  his  auditors  were  always  charmed  with  his  ingenious  argument, 
his  powerful  invective  and  his  captivating  sophistry.  He  was  well  read  on 
all  topics  bearing  upon  Anarchy,  had  a  wonderful  memory,  and  he  could 
always  promptly  give  a  plausible  "reason  for  the  faith  that  was  in  him." 
His  speeches  were  always  plain,  and,  although  he  talked  rapidly,  he  spoke 
with  a  directness  and  force  that  took  complete  possession  of  the  illiterate  and 
unthinking  rabble.  He  could  work  up  his  auditors  to  the  point  of  despera- 
tion, and  with  a  word  he  could  have  sent  them  out  to  pillage  and  murder. 
It  was  his  brain  alone  that  evolved  the  gigantic  plan  of  murdering  hundreds 
of  people  and  laying  waste  thousands  of  dollars'  worth  of  property  in  Chi- 
cago, and  the  fact  that  he  found  so  many  willing  to  execute  his  purpose 
fully  proved  his  power  and  influence  over  his  Anarchist  followers.  Like  all 
rabid  Anarchists,  he  had  no  use  for  clergymen  or  the  church,  Sisters  of  Char- 
ity or  anything  else  that  had  a  tinge  of  religion  in  it.  He  called  them 
all  hypocrites  and  frauds.  He  was  a  great  admirer  of  Louise  Michel,  the 

283 


284 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 


French  Anarchist,  because  of  her  fearlessness  and  courage,  and  he  never 
failed  to  bestow  words  of  praise  on  Most,  whose  work  he  fairly  worshiped. 
The  organs  of  the  Anarchists  in  Chicago  he  did  not  think  radical  enough,, 
and  so  he  ventured  to  publish  a  paper  of  his  own  called  the  Anarchist, 
which,  however,  did  not  survive  long.  He  was  known  as  an  honest  man  in 
all  his  dealings  with  his  fellow-men,  earnest  in  his  convictions,  but  withal  a. 
most  dangerous  leader  and  most  unrelenting  in  his  hatred  of  existing 
society,  and  thoroughly  unscrupulous  in  the  methods  to  be  used  to  bring 
about  a  change. 

Engel  was  always  cool  and  collected,  rarely  exhibiting  signs  of  excite- 
ment. This  fact  was  brought  out  most 
strikingly  when  the  officers  found  him 
at  his  home,  on  the  i8th  of  May,  at 
five  o'clock,  and  informed  him  that 
they  had  a  warrant  for  his  arrest  on 
the  charge  of  murder.  He  was  paint- 
ing in  his  house  at  the  time,  and,  turn- 
ing to  the  officers  with  a  smile  on  his 
face,  he  nonchalantly  remarked  : 
"Well,  this  is  very  strange." 
The  officers  then  told  him  that  I 
desired  to  see  him  immediately,  and 
he  responded  that  if  that  was  the  case 
he  supposed  he  must  go  with  them. 

When  he  arrived  at  the  station  he 
was  informed  again  of  the  nature   of 
the  charge  against  him,  and  the  floor, 
so  to  speak,  was  accorded  him  for  any 
explanations  he  might  desire  to  make. 
"I  am  the  most  innocent  man  in 
the  world,"  he  began,  in  a  slow,  delib- 
erate voice.     "  I  could  not  hurt  a  child  or  see  any  one  hurt. " 

Engel  was  then  subjected  to  some  close  questioning,  and  all  he  could 
be  made  to  say  was  this  : 

"  On  Monday,  May  3,  I  was  working  for  a  friend  of  mine  named  Koch. 
I  was  doing  some  painting  for  him  that  evening  between  the  hours  of  eight 
and  nine  o'clock.  I  then  went  to  a  meeting  at  Greif's  Hall,  54  West  Lake 
Street.  The  meeting  was  held  in  the  basement.  I  don't  know  Mr.  Waller. 
I  do  not  belong  to  the  Northwest  Side  group.  I  don't  belong  to  any  armed 
men.  I  don't  know  of  any  plan  or  conspiracy.  I  did  not  give  any  plan  at: 
that  meeting.  I  was  there  at  the  meeting  only  a  little  while.  I  did  not 
speak  there,  nor  had  I  anything  to  say  to  any  one.  I  did  not,  and  was  not 
authorized  by  any  one  to  give  a  plan." 


GEORGE   ENGEL. 
From  a  Photograph  taken  by  the  Police. 


THE   CURSE   OF  ELOQUENCE. 


285 


He  thus  flatly  contradicted  every  charge  and  seemed  determined  to  put 
a  bold  front  upon  the  situation.  Confronted  by  the  facts,  he  never  winced, 
but  kept  up  a  bold  exterior.  He  was  then  locked  up  at  the  station.  Sub- 
sequently his  wife  called  and  met  him  in  my  office. 

"Papa,  see  what  trouble  you  have  got  yourself  into,"  she  sadly 
remarked. 

"Mamma,"  he  responded,  "I  cannot  help  it.  What  is  in  me  must 
come  out." 

"Why,"  I  interposed,  "don't  you  stop  that  nonsense?" 

"I  know,"  replied  Engel,  "I  have  promised  my  wife  so  many  times  that 
I  would  stop  it.  But  I  cannot  do  it. 
I  cannot  help  it  that  I  am  possessed  of 
some  eloquence  and  enthusiasm.  It 
is  a  curse  to  some  people  to  be  pos- 
sessed of  this  knowledge.  I  cannot 
help  it  that  I  am  gifted  in  that  way.  I 
am  not  the  first  man  that  has  been 
locked  up  for  this  cause,  but  I  will  bear 
it  like  a  man.  Louise  Michel  is  a  great 
woman.  She  has  been  locked  up  and 
suffered  for  principle.  I  am  willing  to 
do  the  same." 

When  Engel  was  asked  where  he 
had  been  on  Tuesday  evening,  May  4, 
he  responded  :  "  At  home  all  night, 
lying  on  a  lounge." 

Two  days  after  Engel's  arrest  I 
secured  a  statement — in  addition  to 
that  of  Hubner  —  from  Gottfried  Wal- 
ler, implicating  the  nervy  Anarchist 
in  the  conspiracy  in  connection  _with 
"the  plan." 

I  therefore  thought  it  best  to  have  Engel  face  his  accuser,  Waller,  and, 
on  the  evening  of  May  24,  at  9:30  o'clock,  the  two  men  were  brought  together 
in  my  office.  Mr.  Furthmann,  who  was  present,  with  the  officers,  asked 
Engel,  the  moment  he  was  brought  in,  if  he  knew  the  party  before  him. 
Engel,  without  the  slightest  hesitancy  or  tremor,  answered  in  the  negative. 
He  was  next  asked  if  he  had  not  attended  the  meeting  at  No.  54  West 
Lake  Street,  and  Engel  stated  that  he  had  come  in  late  during  the  proceed- 
ings. 

Waller  then  reiterated  his  charge,  that  Engel  was  not  only  a  speaker  on 
that  occasion,  but  the  man  who  had  submitted  apian  for  murder  and  destruc- 
tion. 


MISS    MARY    ENGEL. 
From  a  Photograph. 


286  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

"  In  fact,"  said  Waller,  "you  were  the  only  man  who  urged  a  revolution 
and  spoke  about  your  plan." 

When  questioned  as  to  what  he  had  to  say  to  this,  Engel  retorted  that 
"it  was  not  true,"  as  he  had  not  been  authorized  by  any  one  to  propose  a 
plan.  Inasmuch  as  the  accusation  of  Waller  failed  to  make  any  perceptible 
impression  on  Engel's  mind,  I  decided  to  see  how  the  presence  of  another 
accuser  would  affect  his  deportment  and  answers.  Accordingly  Ernst  Hub- 
ner  was  asked  if  he  would  face  Engel,  and,  an  answer  being  given  firmly  in 
the  affirmative,  Engel  was  again  brought  back  into  the  office.  There  were 
present  at  this,  as  well  as  at  the  former  interview,  Furthmann,  Whalen, 
Stift,  Schuettler,  Hoffman,  Loewenstein  and  Rehm.  The  moment  Engel 
was  brought  up  by  an  officer,  Assistant  State's  Attorney  Furthmann  asked 
Hubner  if  he  was  acquainted  with  Engel.  Hubner  replied,  "Yes,  I  know 
him." 

Addressing  Engel,  I  said  : 

"This  is  Ernst  Hubner.  "He  says  that  he  knows  you,  and  he  also  has 
made  a  statement  against  you." 

Engel  replied  that  he  did  not  know  the  man,  whereupon  Hubner  reiter- 
ated his  acquaintanceship,  and  added  : 

"Your  name  is  Engel,  and  you  keep  a  toy-store  on  Milwaukee  Avenue. 
You  made  speeches  at  58  Clybourn  Avenue.  I  saw  and  heard  you  several 
times.  I  saw  you  in  a  meeting  May  3,  9  P.M.,  at  54  West  Lake  Street." 

"Engel,"  I  interrupted,  "listen,  and  I  will  read  you  what  Hubner  said 
about  you." 

Engel  assented,  and  the  statement  of  Hubner,  as  already  given,  was 
read. 

"It  is  false,"  replied  Engel;  "but  if  that  good  man  says  I  did  say  so, 
then  you  can  believe  him.  I  do  not  care." 

"Where  did  you  see  Engel  last?  "  inquired  Furthmann  of  Hubner. 

"  I  saw  him  at  the  meeting  held  at  Greif's  Hall,  54  West  Lake  Street, 
where  I  heard  him  speak  about  the  revenge  circular  and  his  plan,  which  he 
said  had  been  adopted  by  the  Northwest  Side  group.  He  spoke  of  the 
plan  as  I  have  heretofore  explained  in  my  affidavit  to  the  officers." 

"  You  still  say  that  that  affidavit  is  true  in  every  respect  ?  " 

"  I  do,"  emphatically  replied  Hubner. 

"  It  is  not  so,  and  it  is  not  true,"  stoutly  replied  Engel. 

"Well,"  said  I,  "there  are  other  people,  and  we  will  have  more,  who 
will  prove  that  you  did  make  a  revolutionary  speech  and  submitted  a  plan 
calling  on  your  people  to  get  ready  with  their  arms  and  do  violence.  If 
other  witnesses  are  produced,  will  you  still  have  the  same  answer  to 
give  ?  " 

"  It  would  not  be  true  ;  it  is  not  so,"  reiterated  Engel. 

"But,"  I  added,  "suppose  I  produce  twenty  more  men  who  will  accuse 


THE  HARDEST  OF  THEM  ALL. 


287 


you  the  same  as  Waller  and  Hubner  have  accused  you,  what  then  would  you 
have  to  say  ?  " 

"  My  answer,"  responded  Engel,  "would  be  that  I  have  never  spoken  as 
charged  against  me.     It  is  not  true." 

Engel  had  evidently  made  up  his  mind  to  deny  everything,  and,  knowing 
his  character  for  stubbornness,  I  made  no  further  efforts  to  secure  a  state- 
ment from  him.  A  man  who  could  originate  such  a  cold-blooded  scheme  as 
he  had  proposed  —  and  part  of  it  was  actually  carried  out  in  bloodshed  —  was 
evidently  not  the  kind  to  yield,  and  I  allowed  him  to  ruminate  over  his  pre- 
dicament in  a  cell  below  until  the  ayth  of  May,  when  he  was  sent  to  the 
County  Jail.  As  will  subsequently  appear,  he  never  showed  signs  of  weak- 
ness during  his  incarceration  from  the  time  he  was  taken  from  his  house 
that  night  until  he  dropped  from  the 
gallows,  dying  the  hardest  of  them  all. 
A  half  dozen  such  men  at  a  critical 
time  could  upset  a  whole  city,  and  it 
was  fortunate  for  Chicago  that  there 
were  not  more  like  him  during  the 
troublous  days  of  1886. 

SOME  two  days  before  Engel  was 
brought  in,  GOTTFRIED  WALLER  was 
arrested  by  Officer  Whalen.  It  ap- 
peared that  he  had  been  selling  revol- 
vers to  workingmen,  and  after  being 
taken  to  the  station,  on  the  i4th  of 
May,  he  was  released  on  bail.  His 
importance  then  as  a  conspicuous 
figure  in  the  Monday  night  meeting, 
when  the  murderous  "plan"  was 
adopted,  was  not  clearly  apparent, 
but  he  was  kept  under  surveillance 
and  his  antecedents  carefully  inquired 
into.  Thielen,  in  his  confession  on  the  very  day  Waller  was  arrested, 
referred  to  him  as  having  presided  at  that  meeting,  and,  in  describing 
a  man  who  called  at  Lingg's  room  on  Tuesday  afternoon,  May  4,  said 
he  "  believed  he  worked  at  Brunswick  &  Balke's  factory."  Hubner,  in  his 
affidavit  on  the  i8th  of  May,  stated  that  Waller  had  presided  on  the  occasion 
referred  to,  and  had  even  urged  them  to  go  ahead  and  do  their  work,  and  he 
would  be  with  them  —  meaning  their  work  of  destruction.  On  these  and 
other  facts  a  warrant  was  secured  for  his  arrest  for  murder,  and  on  the  2oth 
of  May  he  was  again  taken  into  custody  by  Officers  Whalen  and  Stift.  He 
was  a  Swiss  by  birth,  a  cabinet-maker  by  occupation,  and  worked  at  the 
Brunswick,  Balke  &  Collender  billiard  factory.  His  age  at  the  time  of  his 


GOTTFRIED    WALLER. 
From  a  Photograph. 


288  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

arrest  was  thirty-six  years,  and  he  was  a  married  man  with  one  child.  At 
the  time  of  his  first  arrest  he  was  living  at  No.  590  Milwaukee  Avenue,  and 
at  his  second  arrest  he  was  found  at  No.  105  North  Wells  Street.  He  had 
been  only  three  years  in  America,  and  had  scarcely  settled  in  Chicago  before 
he  began  attending  the  Anarchist  meetings.  He  always  frequented  the 
gatherings  where  Swiss  people  assembled,  and  on  a  search  being  made  of 
their  meeting-place,  105  North  Wells  Street,  on  the  yth  of  May,  the  police 
found  twelve  guns.  It  had  been  the  headquarters  for  the  most  dangerous 
element  in  the  order,  and  on  Waller's  visiting  the  place  after  the  trial  of  the 
Anarchists  a  serious  attempt  was  made  on  his  life.  He  was  called  a  spy, 
and  was  pursued  until  he  found  safety  under  the  shadow  of  the  Chicago 
Avenue  Station.  Several  parties  were  afterwards  arrested  for  this  assault. 
They  subsequently  threw  a  piece  of  iron  through  the  window  of  the  house 
where  Waller  was  stopping,  but  this  was  the  last  futile  exhibition  of  their 
rage. 

In  view  of  his  testimony^  which  appears  further  on  in  the  review  of  the 
trial,  Waller  was  given  an  unconditional  release,  and  he  has  since  con- 
ducted himself  as  a  peaceable  citizen. 

After  his  confession  bearing  directly  on  the  principal  parties  in  the  con- 
spiracy, Waller  wrote  out  his  experience  with  the  Lehr  und  Wehr  Verein 
in  particular  and  his  connection  with  Anarchy  in  general.  His  story  is  as 
follows  : 

"On  the  25th  of  January,  1884,  I  arrived  in  Chicago  from  Easton,  Pa. 
I  lived  sixteen  months  on  Grove  Avenue,  Humboldt.  I  was  never  a  Social- 
ist or  Anarchist.  1  understood  very  little  of  the  former  and  nothing  at  all 
of  the  latter.  After  residing  for  a  while  at  the  place  mentioned,  I  moved  to 
Milwaukee  Avenue,  near  No.  636,  Thalia  Hall,  on  that  street.  Here  I 
noticed  people  uniformed  and  armed  about  twice  a  week.  They  would 
enter  this  hall,  and,  by  making  inquiries,  I  was  informed  that  these  people 
belonged  to  the  second  company  of  the  Lehr  und  Wehr  Verein  and  that  they 
were  a  sort  of  'Schuetzen  Verein,'  which  practiced  twice  a  week  in  the 
North  Chicago  Schuetzen  Park  (Sharpshooters'  Park).  Their  principles 
were  kept  secret.  As  I  was  an  expert  sharpshooter  and  had  a  passion  for 
military  exercises,  I  accepted  an  invitation  from  their  commander  to  par- 
ticipate in  their  practices.  We  met  on  the  following  Sunday  at  Thalia 
Hall,  at  five  o'clock  in  the  morning,  and  continued  for  some  time.  We  dis- 
persed by  each  going  in  different  directions  toward  the  park,  so  as  not  to 
arouse  any  suspicion.  On  account  of  cold  weather  only  fourteen  of  us 
came  together.  It  was  no  fun  to  walk  knee-deep  in  the  snow  ;  still  we  were 
feeling  good  since  we  were  going  to  practice  shooting.  After  several 
rounds  of  drinks,  which  were  called  for  in  payment  of  the  stand  we  used  on 
such  occasions,  we  erected  two  targets  and  commenced  practicing.  I  soon 
noticed  that  the  company  consisted  of  good  marksmen,  and  that  day  I  was 
pronounced  the  best  marksman  among  them.  After  that  I  wanted  to 
become  a  member  of  the  Verein,  as  I  had  been  asked  several  times  by  some 
of  them  to  join.  I  called  at  Thalia  Hall  one  Monday  evening  and  was 
taken  to  the  cellar,  which  I  entered  through  a  secret  door  by  means  of  a 


290  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

ladder.  Here  I  saw  thirty  to  thirty-five  men  practicing  shooting  at  a 
target.  The  cellar  was  not  .well  lighted  except  at  the  north  end,  where  the 
targets  stood.  The  people  and  all  the  surroundings  looked  quite  advent- 
urous to  me.  One  of  the  members  then  approached  me  and  asked  if  I  was 
a  Socialist.  I  answered,  'Yes,'  in  an  off-hand  way.  The  first  sergeant  of 
the  company,  August  Krueger,  told  me  beforehand  to  do  this.  I  paid  my 
initiation  fee,  got  a  red  card  numbered  19,  by  which  number  I  was  after- 
wards known,  and  I  was  then  a  member.  All  the  members  were  very 
cautious  before  me  on  account  of  my  not  being  well  known  to  them.  We 
practiced  every  Monday  and  Wednesday,  drilling  and  shooting.  I  paid  a 
great  deal  of  attention  to  these  exercises.  I  never  missed  a  meeting,  and 
consequently  I  soon  gained  the  confidence  of  all  the  members. 

"At  the  first  general  meeting,  which  was  held  every  last  Tuesday  of 
each  month,  at  No.  54  West  Lake  Street,  I  was  enlightened,  and  how  I 
was  enlightened  will  appear  as  I  proceed  with  my  statement.  I  now  desire 
first  to  speak  of  the  Lehr  und  Wehr  Verein.  This  society  consists  of  four 
companies  from  various  parts  of  the  city,  and  forms  a  revolutionary  military 
organization.  The  first  company  belongs  to  the  North  Side;  second  company, 
the  Northwest  Side ;  third  company,  the  Southwest  Side,  and  the  fourth 
company  was  formed  by  the  commander  at  Pullman.  The  first  company 
was  the  strongest  and  consisted  of  about  one  hundred  and  twenty  members. 

The  second  consisted  of  thirty-five  mem- 
bers ;  the  third  about  eighty ;  and  the 
fourth,  forty  members.  Consequently  the 
battalion  consisted  of  two  hundred  and 
seventy-five  members.  You  could  rely 
upon  one  hundred  and  eighty  men ;  the 
others  were  more  or  less  indifferent  and 
From  Lehr  und  Wehr  Verein  Rifles.  passive.  All  the  members  were  armed 

with    Springfield    rifles,   48-caliber,   and 

with  Remington  revolvers,  44-caliber.  Every  member  was  well  supplied  with 
ammunition  at  his  house,  which  was  always  purchased  by  the  quartermaster 
of  the  company.  The  uniform  consisted  of  a  blouse,  with  white  buttons,  and 
with  shoulder-straps  for  the  officers,  black  leather  belts  with  brass  buckles 
inscribed  L.  W.  V.,  dark  pantaloons  and  black  slouch  hats.  Every  com- 
pany had  a  captain,  lieutenant  and  first  sergeant.  Besides  these  the 
company  had  the  following  officers  :  A  corresponding  secretary,  financial 
secretary,  treasurer,  quartermaster,  and  a  Lehr  und  Wehr  auditor.  The 
commander  received  a  monthly  salary  of  $15.00,  and  the  financial  secre- 
tary $4.00.  The  commander  was  Gustav  Breitenfeld.  Captain  of  the 
first  company,  Abraham  Hermann  ;  second  company,  Bernhard  Schrader ; 
third  company,  H.  Betzel,  and  fourth  company,  Paul  Pull.  Under  com- 
mand of  these  people,  the  companies  were  drilled  and  instructed.  The 
corresponding  secretary  attended  to  all  the  correspondence,  domestic  and 
foreign,  which  was  not  a  very  easy  job,  because  we  corresponded  with  the 
Internationale  of  the  whole  country.  The  financial  secretary  collected  the 
dues,  and  turned  them  all  over  to  myself  as  treasurer.  The  quartermaster, 
A.  Hermann,  had  to  supply  arms  and  ammunition.  The  Lehr  und  Wehr 
auditor  had  to  investigate  all  complaints  and  to  impose  all  fines  and  collect 
the  same.  The  meeting-place  of  the  first  company  was  at  Mueller's  Hall, 
on  North  Avenue  and  Sedgwick  Street,  in  basement :  of  the  second  com- 
pany, at  Thalia  Hall,  on  Milwaukee  Avenue;  of  the  third  company,  at 


WALLERS  REMINISCENCES.  291 

Vorwaerts  Turn  Hall,  on  West  Twelfth  Street,  and  of  the  fourth  com- 
pany, at  Rosenheim,  in  Pullman.  Another  curiously  mixed  company  also 
belonged  to  the  Verein.  It  was  commanded  by  Captain  Betzel,  of  the 
third  company,  and  it  had  nothing  to  do  with  us  in  a  business  way. 

"The  whole  battalion  assembled  once  every  month  on  pleasant  days  on 
the  prairie  behind  the  ice-houses  of  Schofield  &  Co.,  on  the  West  Side,  and 
practiced  skirmish  drills.  The  commands  were  given  in  English,  and  no 
one  knew  the  members  by  name — only  by  numbers. 

"This  brings  me  to  the  first  general  meeting  of  the  Verein  at  No.  54 
West  Lake  Street  that  I  attended.  Before  the  opening  of  the  meeting, 
every  one  who  entered  the  hall  was  examined  so  that  none  but  members 
might  get  in.  The  meetings  would  be  called  to  order  by  the  secretary,  and 
then  a  chairman  and  a  doorkeeper  would  be  chosen.  August  Krause,  of 
the  second  company,  was  generally  called  upon  to  officiate  as  chairman. 
First  of  all  the  correspondence  would  be  read,  and  at  one  meeting  a  letter 
was  read  from  Most,  of  New  York,  which  pertained  to  arms.  In  the  first 
meeting  Commander  Breitenfeld  was  ordered  to  proceed  to  Pullman  every 
Sunday  to  work  for  the  cause,  and  for  his  services  he  received  a  remunera- 
tion of  $3  for  each  trip.  The  new  company  in  that  town  finally  reported  a 
large  increase  of.  fine  material  with  strong  Anarchistic  doctrines.  The 
quartermaster,  who  then  was  Lehnert,  was  ordered  to  purchase  forty  rifles 
and  four  boxes  of  ammunition,  each  containing  4,000  rounds.  The  treas- 
urer delivered  to  him  $250,  and  afterwards  we  duly  received  the  rifles  from 
a  firm  in  St.  Louis.  After  all  business  had  been  transacted  one  of  the 
eager  members  delivered  a  speech  touching  the  best  means  of  bringing  on 
the  social  revolution.  He  proved  very  violent  in  his  sentiments,  and  all 
present  agreed  with  him  that  this  revolution  could  only  be  accomplished 
with  fire,  powder,  lead  and  dynamite.  For  a  public  attack  on  the  streets 
of  Chicago  the  speaker  considered  us  too  weak.  As  to  the  '  property  beasts,' 
as  he  called  the  small  owners  of  buildings,  he  regarded  them  as  our  biggest 
enemies,  as  they  would  attack  us  from  their  windows  and  defeat  us,  and 
consequently  our  only  hope  for  a  victory  lay  in  the  torch  and  dynamite. 
When  Chicago  would  be  surrounded  by  fire  and  destroyed,  these  'beasts,' 
he  said,  would  be  obliged  to  take  refuge  on  the  prairies,  and  there  it  would 
be  very  easy  for  us  to  master  them  by  our  unmerciful  proceedings.  If  this 
was  done,  other  cities,  like  New  York,  St.  Louis,  Pittsburg,  etc.,  would  follow 
our  example.  Then  all  eyes  would  be  centered  on  the  Anarchists  of  Chi- 
cago, and  therefore  we  would  proclaim  the  Commune. 

"  All  these  utterances  were  accepted  with  great  applause,  and  every  one 
wanted  to  commence  immediately.  I  thought  differently.  I  remembered 
the  revolution  of  1848  in  Germany  and  that  of  1871  in  Paris  arid  its  conse- 
quences. 

"Krause,  after  this  speech,  took  the  floor  and  spoke  in  favor  of  the  revo- 
lution. He  stated  that  they  ought  to  invite  the  Anarchists  of  other  cities 
to  join  them  here,  and  then  we  could  commence  the  work  of  destruction. 
Then  other  members  gave  their  views,  and  the  meeting  adjourned  with  an 
injunction  that  every  one  should  be  silent  with  reference  to  our  proceedings. 

"This  brings  me  to  the  revolutionary  party.  This  organization  consists 
of  the  following  sections  and  groups  :  The  Lehr  und  Wehr  Verein,  com- 
mander Breitenfeld ;  Northwest  Side  group,  commanders  Engel,  Fischer 
and  Grumm  ;  North  Side  group,  commanders  Neebe,  Lingg  and  Hermann  ; 
American  group,  commanders  Spies,  Parsons  and  Fielden ;  Karl  Marx 


292  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

Group,  commander  Schilling ;  the  Freiheit  group ;  the  armed  sections  of 
the  International  Carpenters'  Union  and  the  Metal-workers'  Union.  The 
whole  party  is  under  the  leadership  of  a  general  committee.  This  com- 
mittee is  composed  of  Spies,  Schwab,  Parsons,  Neebe,  Rau,  Hirschberger, 
Deusch  and  Belz.  The  committee  held  their  meetings  in  one  of  the  rooms 
of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  and  received  weekly  reports  from  the  delegates  of 
the  various  groups.  A  part  of  the  monthly  dues  was  delivered  to  the  gen- 
eral committee,  and  all  expenses  for  traveling  at  the  instance  of  the  agita- 
tion committee  (Parsons  and  Schwab)  and  for  arms  were  paid  by  the 
quartermaster. 

"  On  one  occasion  I  attended  a  general  meeting  of  the  revolutionary 
party  at  No.  54  West  Lake  Street,  at  which  the  whole  party  of  armed 
sections  were  represented.  After  all  precautions  had  been  taken  as  to 
safety,  August  Spies  took  the  chair  and  Neebe.  acted  as  secretary.  We  had 
to  produce  our  cards  of  membership  on  entering,  and  every  group  was  called 
by  name,  and  each  representative  had  to  rise  in  his  seat  for  close  inspection. 
The  first  business  was  a  complaint  from  the  Northwest  group  and  the  Lehr 
und  Wehr  Verein  that  the  funds  had  been  mismanaged  and  thrown  away. 
Both  organizations  declared  that  they  would  withdraw  their  delegates  and, 
after  that,  act  independently.  Spies  became  as  furious,  as  a  snake  when 
trodden  upon,  and  he  got  up  and  told  them  that  they  might  leave  immedi- 
ately. This  started  a  war  of  words.  Some  retorted  that  the  Arbeiter- 
Zeitung  was  not  radical  enough,  and  it  must  be  made  different  from  that 
moment.  The  members  of  the  general  committee  were  called  impostors 
and  loafers.  The  Lehr  und  Wehr  Verein  had  paid  some  $75  for  the  pur- 
chase of  arms,  but  they  had  neither  seen  the  arms  nor  the  money.  Engel 
and  the  Northwest  Side  group  were  brought  into  the  wrangle,  and  he  was 
called  a  traitor.  They  said  that  Engel  would  bring  the  whole  party  to  ruin, 
likewise  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung,  but  they  (Engel  and  the  paper)  did  not  care 
so  long  as  it  enriched  themselves.  Finally  the  Northwest  group  withdrew, 
and  some  of  the  members  of  the  Lehr  und  Wehr  Verein  shortly  afterwards 
followed  suit.  From  this  time  on  there  were  constant  disputes. 

"Engel  and  Grunewald  collected  money  for  a  new  paper  and  started 
the  Anarchist,  a  paper  like  Most's  Freiheit  in  New  York.  Shortly  after 
these  societies  had  left  the  hall,  the  fight  was  taken  up  again  by  some  of  the 
females  who  were  present, —  Mrs.  Parsons,  Mrs.  Boiling,  Mrs.  Schwab  and 
Mrs.  Holmes,  —  and  it  was  continued  until  Spies  was  declared  out  of  order. 
Hirschberger  then  reported  the  result  of  the  sale  of  revolutionary  literature, 
such  as  the  works  of  Louise  Michel,  Most's  'Revolutionary  Warfare,'  etc., 
and  he  stated  that  it  had  exceeded  his  expectations.  After  this  they  dis- 
cussed picnics,  and  a  number  desired  them  to  be  held  outside  of  the  city. 
Sheffield  was  suggested,  because  by  going  there  they  would  bring  in  more 
money,  and  when  there  they  could  speak  more  freely  their  Anarchist  senti- 
ments. It  was  finally  decided  to  hold  a  meeting  of  the  workingmen  on 
Market  Square  on  Thanksgiving  day,  and  Parsons  was  ordered  to  make  the 
necessary  arrangements.  Spies  called  attention  to  the  importance  of  every 
one  attending  that  meeting,  and  urged  that  they  should  not  come  without  a 
bomb  or  a  revolver.  The  bombs,  he  said,  they  could  purchase  at  the 
Arbeiter-Zeitung  office,  four  for  $i.  The  time  was  near,  he  said,  when  the 
long-looked-for  revolution  would  take  place,  and  so  they  should  avail  them- 
selves of  every  opportunity.  He  wanted  all  Anarchists  to  work  against  the 
eight-hour  movement,  because  if  it  should  prove  successful  our  movement 


WALLER'S  REMINISCENCES.  293 

would  receive  a  set-back  for  several  years.  Our  cause  would  not  be  hastened 
by  it.  He  complained  about  our  small  gain  in  numbers  and  attributed  it  to 
the  poor  agitation  of  some  of  the  members.  After  this  I  left  the  hall. 

"  On  the  day  before  Thanksgiving  we  drilled  in  Thalia  Hall.  At  the  end 
of  the  exercise  we  were  all  requested  to  attend  the  meeting  the  following 
day,  and  Lehnert  distributed  some  bombs  in  the  shape  of  gas-pipe.  He 
stated  that  he  could  only  get  four,  but  that  on  the  next  day  at  one  o'clock 
every  member  could  have  one  by  calling  at  the  hall.  The  next  day  most  of 
the  members  put  in  an  appearance.  Members  of  the  Northwest  Side  group 
also  called.  Adolph  Fischer  was  there  with  a  basketful  of  bombs  like  the 
one  I  saw  the  day  before,  which  was  the  first  time  I  had  ever  seen  a  bomb, 
and  he  told  us  distinctly  to  use  them  in  case  the  Market  Square  meeting  was 
dispersed.  He  cut  a  piece  of  fuse  about  the  length  of  one  on  a  bomb,  put 
it  on  the  table  and  lighted  it  with  a  cigar.  He  showed  the  way  it  worked 
and  posted  us  as  to  the  time  it  would  have  to  burn  before  a  bomb  to  which  it 
might  be  attached  should  be  thrown.  He  also  showed  us  the  way  we  should 
throw  a  bomb,  and  after  this  exhibition  we  all  proceeded  to  the  meeting. 

"  On  arriving  at  Market  Square,  I  noticed  a  stage  made  out  of  barrels, 
with  a  red  flag  attached  to  it,  and  this  was  our  meeting-place.  Parsons 
mounted  the  platform  and  addressed  the  assemblage,  which  consisted  of 
about  a  thousand  people.  It  was  a  fortunate  thing  that  the  crowd  was  no 
larger,  else  the  bloody  bath  of  May  4  would  have  taken  place  that  day,  in 
view  of  all  the  preparations  and  the  hostile  feeling  among  us.  The  North- 
west Side  group  was  fully  armed,  and  the  preparations  were  alike  complete 
among  all  the  the  other  sections.  Schwab,  Fielden  and  Neebe  were  pres- 
ent, but  none  of  them  spoke.  After  they  had  waved  the  red  flag  the  meet- 
ing adjourned.  Bad,  cold  weather  contributed  to  the  small  attendance. 

"After  reading  in  the  newspapers  that  on  a  certain  Monday  some  of 
McCormick's  strikers  would  resume  work,  the  armed  groups  were  called  to 
a  meeting  at  Goercke's  Hall,  on  Twentieth  Street  and  Blue  Island  Avenue. 
Reinhold  Krueger  and  Tannenberg  represented  the  second  company  of  the. 
Lehr  und  Wehr  Verein,  and  I  joined  them  on  the  way  to  the  place  of  meet- 
ing. Arriving  there,  I  found  most  of  the  different  sections  represented,  and 
the  meeting  opened.  Gustav  Belz,  of  the  Metal-workers'  Union,  and 
employed  at  McCormick's,  was  chairman,  and  after  some  discussion  we  con- 
cluded to  stop  the  reopening  of  the  factory  by  force.  On  account  of  the 
short  time  for  a  proper  notification  to  our  members,  we  decided  to  have  our 
well-known  signal,  '  Y,  come  Monday  '  (which  would  mean  that  all  was  ripe 
for  action,  and  our  men  should  came  to  our  regular  meeting  place,  54  West 
Lake  Street),  in  the  'Briefkasten'  of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung,  and  it  was 
accordingly  done.  We  also  at  the  meeting  conferred  with  respect  to  having 
some  of  our  men  mix  up  with  the  'scabs'  by  going  to  work  with  them  in  the 
factory,  and  then,  when  the  moment  for  action  arrived,  they  should  set  the 
factory  on  fire  in  several  places.  Those  who  were  to  do  this  were  not  to  act, 
however,  until  they  learned  the  result  of  the  meeting  that  was  to  be  held 
under  the  call  of  our  signal,  'Y. '  During  the  same  da)',  after  the  meeting, 
Belz  and  Tannenberg  carried  several  bombs  out  to  the  Black  Road.  What 
happened  the  following  Monday  at  the  factory  everybody  knows.  Strikers 
and  others  assembled  by  thousands  The  great  bell  at  the  factory  rang,  and 
the  '  scabs  '  went  to  work.  During  the  day  disturbances  followed  and  many- 
arrests  were  made  of  people  who  were  found  to  have  concealed  weapons,  and 
who  were  afterwards  fined  $10  in  the  Police  Court. 


294  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

"But  a  change  took  place  the  following  Tuesday.  In  accordance  with 
the  signal  published  in  the  Arbeiier-Zeitung,  about  180  of  our  people  gath- 
ered at  No.  54  West  Lake  Street.  Most  of  them  carried  their  arms  and 
some  carried  bombs.  I  saw  Suess,  and  some  others  unknown  to  me,  have 
bombs  of  the  round  pattern.  These  men  even  had  their  rifles  with  them, 
and  everyone  knew  what  was  up.  The  several  sections  formed  in  platoons. 
Belz  was  elected  chairman,  and  they  consulted  as  to  what  should  be  done. 
First  they  regretted  that  the  strikers  had  not  reached  McCormick's  that 
Monday  morning,  before  the  arrival  of  the  police,  in  time  to  secure  posses- 
sion of  the  place,  and  then  Betzel  of  the  third  company  spoke  and  insisted 
that  they  should  go  around  there  during  the  night,  secure  good  positions  and 
then  attack  the  patrol  wagons  as  they  passed  on  the  following  morning. 
He  said  he  would  give  strict  instructions  to  his  company  to  obey  his  com- 
mand, and  then,  when  the  police  came  to  take  their  positions,  they  should 
be  met  with  a  good  reception  from  well-aimed  rifles.  About  fifty  members 
wanted  this  plan  carried  out,  but  I  noticed  that  most  of  them  carried  their 
hearts  in  their  pants,  and  had  very  little  courage.  Excuses  after  excuses 
were  made.  Suess  gave  his  bomb  to  a  comrade  and  told  him  that  when  he 
thought  of  his  wife  and  home  he  had  doubts  about  going  into  an  uncertain 
adventure.  Balthasar  Rau  also  protested  against  the  plan.  Some  one  sug- 
gested that  they  should  stay  there,  in  the  hall,  all  night.  Belz  declared  that 
he  was  of  the  same  opinion  about  remaining ;  but,  he  said,  he  had  a  better 
plan  to  reach  Mr.  McCormick.  It  was  very  easy,  he  said,  to  attack  this 
money  baron  in  his  own  house.  He  described  the  house  and  rooms,  and 
the  location  of  the  windows,  and  said  that  they  should  throw  one  of  these 
'  play  balls '  in  through  the  window  of  the  room  where  McCormick  would 
be  sitting,  and  send  him  flying  to  heaven.  This  course  should  be  taken 
by  some  one  of  those  present,  of  his  own  accord,  so  that  no  second  or  third 
party  would  know  the  perpetrator.  There  seemed  to  be  no  response  to  this, 
and,  noticing  the  want  of  enthusiasm,  he  grasped  his  rifle  and  made  a  motion 
to  break  it  in  two,  calling  them  all  at  the  same  time  cowards.  He  then  left 
the  hall.  I  was  surprised  at  this,  because  among  those  assembled  there 
were  some  of  the  worst  Anarchists  in  the  city,  notably  Lingg,  Engel, 
Fischer  and  Grunewald.  McCormick,  however,  is  alive  to-day.  Rau 
notified  those  present  that  if  any  one  wanted  any  bombs  they  should  follow 
him  to  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  office,  and  he  would  supply  them.  The  meeting 
then  adjourned. 

"After  the  experience  I  had  thus  had  with  the  party,  I  was  sorry  that  I 
ever  joined.  I  found  that  what  good  humor  I  had  formerly  possessed  had 
been  completely  wiped  out  by  my  associations  with  the  revolutionary  party. 
I  wanted  now  to  join  some  good  society,  and  I  thought  of  some  good  ex- 
cuse for  leaving  the  party.  My  opportunity  came.  My  comrades  wanted 
me  to  buy  a  supply  of  ammunition,  as  the  ist  of  May  was  near  at  hand,  but 
I  found  that  there  was  not  money  enough  in  the  treasury.  The  financial 
secretary  had  been  very  slow  in  delivering  to  me  all  the  money  he  had  col- 
lected, and  I  discovered  that  his  love  for  the  shining  dollars  was  so  great 
that  he  would  let  some  of  them  fall  through  his  fingers.  I  found  out  his 
dishonesty,  and  I  brought  it  to  light.  On  this  account  we  became  enemies, 
and  sometimes  he  would  rather  have  seen  me  dead  than  McCormick.  One 
evening  I  stood  in  front  of  the  bar  at  Thalia  Hall  with  him  just  before  tar- 
get practice.  I  was  talking  about  something  not  in  his  favor.  We  finally 
came  to  hot  words  and  then  to  blows.  I  let  him  have  a  few  right-handers, 


WALLER'S  REMINISCENCES. 


295 


and  he  drew  his  revolver  and  fired  one  shot,  the  ball  passing  close  to  my 
right  ear  and  striking  the  wall.  The  proprietor  of  the  saloon'  took  the 
revolver  away  from  him,  and  he  attacked  me  again  with  a  rawhide  [a  billy], 
which  he  always  carried.  He  struck  me  over  the  head,  and  I  grabbed  a 
chair  and  gave  it  to  him  savagely.  He  skipped  out.  Shortly  after  this  I 
sent  the  money-box  with  Schrader  to  the  Verein  along  with  my  written 
resignation.  In  that  I  explained  that  I  did  not  want  to  associate  with 
murderers  and  manslayers.  It  was  accepted,  and  I  was  again  a  free  man, 
rejecting  every  inducement  except  one  to  join  their  ranks  again.  This  ex- 
ception grew  out  of  H 
my  own  foolishness 
and  happened  when 
I  attended  the  ill- 
fated  meeting  of 
May  2d. 

"  This  meeting 
on  May  ad  was  held 
on  Emma  Street. 
During  the  day, 
which  was  a  pleas- 
ant one,  I  went  out 
early  for  a  walk. 
While  I  was  absent 
some  one  called  at 
my  house  and  told 
my  wife  that  I  was 
wanted  at  No.  63 
Emma  Street  that 
even  ing  at  ten 
o'clock.  I  returned 
home  about  10:30 
o'clock  the  same 
morning,  and  as  I 
did  not  know  the 
hall,  nor  knew  the 
person  who  had  no- 
tified my  wife,  I 
proceeded  to  the 
number  given.  This 
visit  was  a  most  un- 
fortunate one  for  me. 
Entering  the  hall,  I 
noticed  the  Northwest  Side  group  and  the  second  company  of  the  Lehr  und 
Wehr  Verein.  I  was  just  on  the  point  of  leaving,  when  Schrader  called  me 
back,  and,  not  liking  to  act  like  a  coward,  I  remained.  A  person  named 
Kistner  acted  as  chairman.  They  wanted  to  admit  a  member  who  had  been 
proposed  by  two  members  as  true  and  faithful,  but  Engel  objected,  and  the 
man  had  to  leave  the  hall.  They  then  proceeded  to  business,  having  first 
ascertained  that  the  twenty  or  twenty-five  persons  present  were  in  perfect 
security.  Engel  took  the  floor  and  sailed  into  the  capitalists  and  the  police. 
He  said  that  they  should,  when  an  opportunity  presented  itself,  imitate  the 
Anarchist  leaders  when,  at  the  Bohemian  Turner  Hall  masquerade  ball,  they 


"LIBERTY  HALL," 

No.  63  Emma  Street,  where  the  Conspiracy  "  Plan"  was  first  proposed  by 
Engel.     From  a  Photograph. 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS, 

had  thrown  pepper  in  the  eyes  of  policemen  who  were  present  to  make  an 
attack  on  the  turners,  and  he  explained  how  that  assault  on  their  part  had 
come  very  near  costing  him  his  life.  But  he  had  done  it  for  the  good  of 
the  cause.  He  then  spoke  of  the  labor  troubles  and  said  that  now  was  the 
time  to  produce  the  revolution.  It  was  unwise  to  let  it  pass.  Then  he 
proceeded  to  outline  a  plan  for  it,  saying  that,  if  any  one  had  a  better  one 
to  suggest,  to  say  so.  " 

Waller  gives  the  details  of  the  plan  just  as  he  gave  it  in  court,  and 
continues : 

"I  could  not  advise  any  one  to  speak  against  the  motion  for  the  adop- 
tion of  the  plan,  as  he  would  have  been  dealt  with  accordingly.  Breiten- 
feld  stated  subsequently  at  Thalia  Hall  that  he  would  do  everything  in  his 
power  to  carry  out  this  plan  and  that  he  would  not  work  for  the  next  few 
days,  and  that  on  the  day  given  he  would  be  at  No.  54  West  Lake  Street 
to  make  all  the  arrangements. 

"What  happened  on  Monday  at  McCormick's  is  known.  Spies  hurried 
to  write  the  '  Revenge  '  circular,  stating  that  six  men  had  been  killed,  and 
put  it  into  circulation.  That  day  I  was  at  No.  105  Wells  Street,  where  the 
workingmen  employed  in  Brunswick  &  Balke's  factory  held  their  meetings. 
I  got  home  about  six  o'clock  and  had  my  supper,  but  I  did  not  know  then 
as  to  the  conflict  with  the  police  at  McCormick's.  I  did  not  feel  like  going 
to  the  meeting  called  for  that  evening  at  No.  54  West  Lake  Street.  I  had 
hardly  been  home  thirty  minutes  when  Clermont,  of  the  second  company, 
entered  my  room  and  asked  : 

" '  Did  you  hear  the  news  ?  ' 

"'What?'  I  asked. 

'"  From  McCormick's,'  he  replied. 

"  '  What  then  ? '    I  asked. 

"  'Ten  men  were  killed  by  the  police,  and  more  than  twenty  wounded,' 
he  said.  '  Now  we  must  commence.' 

"I  did  not  believe  it  at  first,  but  when  he  showed  me  the  'Revenge' 
circular  my  blood  shot  up  into  my  head  and  I  went  with  him  to  the  meet- 
ing. As  we  passed  Engel's  house  we  met  him  and  Fischer,  and  they 
joined  us.  On  the  way  to  the  meeting,  Engel  said  that  if  any  one  wanted 
to  see  him  they  should  take  the  rear  door  and  enter,  as  he  thought  the 
detectives  were  watching  his  house.  Having  arrived  at  the  hall,  Breiten- 
feld  called  the  revolutionary  men  down  to  the  cellar,  and  to  my  surprise  I 
was  elected  chairman." 

Waller  then  details  the  business  that  was  there  transacted,  the  story 
being  identical  with  that  he  gave  on  the  witness-stand,  and  alludes  to  his 
visit  to  Engel's  house  on  his  way  to  the  Haymarket  meeting  on  the  even- 
ing of  May  4.  He  had  been  previously  asked  by  A.  Krueger,  Kraemer, 
and  two  others,  who  called  at  his  own  house  while  he  was  eating  his 
supper,  to  go  with  them  to  Wicker  Park,  as  they  wanted  to  be  at  their  post 
in  response  to  the  signal  "  Ruhe,"  but  he  declined  to  go  with  them.  Wal- 
ler continues  : 

"I  went  to  Engel's.  He  was  not  at  home,  and  we  waited  in  a  room 
'behind  the  store.  There  were  two  others  there,  one  a  member  of  the 


MAN-AFRAID-  OF-A-BL  UE-  CO  A  T.  297 

Northwest  Side  group,  and  the  other  I  did  not  know.  The  first  one  went 
away  to  get  some  pepper,  as  he  said,  and  returned  again  in  a  few  minutes. 
.  .  .  He  said  he  was  only  waiting  for  the  pills,  meaning  the  bombs. 
I  waited  about  five  minutes,  and  during  the  time  a  young  girl  about  ten  or 
twelve  years  old  put  in  an  appearance,  carrying  a  heavy  parcel,  which  she 
handed  to  the  man  who  had  gone  out  for  the  pepper  and  who  was  waiting 
for  'pills.'  I  took  the  man  to  be  her  father.  He  disappeared  behind  a 
screen,  and  I  walked  out." 

Waller  next  gives  the  circumstances  in  connection  with  the  Haymarket 
meeting  precisely  as  he  gave  them  in  court,  and  reverts  back  to  the  meeting 
of  Monday  night  at  No.  54  Lake  Street,  referring  to  a  speech  made 
on  that  occasion  by  Clermont.  That  man,  Waller  says,  spoke  substantially 
as  follows  :  "  I  expect  to  see  about  20,000  or  25,000  people  at  the  Hay 
market.  The  speeches  should  be  very  threatening  and  fierce  so  that  the. 
police  will  be  compelled  to  disperse  the  meeting.  Then,  when  the  police 
become  engaged,  we  can  carry  out  our  purpose."  Before  this  meeting  came 
to  order,  Greif,  the  proprietor  of  the  place,  was  around  lighting  the  lamps, 
and  while  doing  so  he  remarked,  says  Waller:  "This  is  just  the  place  for 
you  conspirators." 

Among  those  expecting  to  do  deeds  of  violence  on  the  night  of  the  Hay- 
market,  at  Wicker  Park,  was  "Big"  Krueger,  and  Waller  mentions  the  fact 
that  he  met  him  the  next  day  at  noon. 

"Krueger  showred  me  a  revolver,"  says  Waller,  "and  I  told  him  that  he 
had  better  leave  it  at  home.  He  replied  that  he  would  not  do  it,  as  he 
intended  to  kill  every  one  who  came  across  his  path,  and  he  left.  A  few 
hours  after  he  shot  at  a  policeman  and  lost  his  life." 

Officer  Madden  was  the  officer  thus  assailed,  and  he  immediately  turned 
around  and  shot  the  Anarchist  down  in  his  tracks. 

In  concluding  his  statement  Waller  refers  to  his  arrest  and  says  : 

"  On  the  way  to  the  station  I  made  up  my  mind  not  to  say  a  word. 
Arriving  there,  Capt.  Schaack  got  to  talking  to  me  and  put  several  ques- 
tions to  me  in  the  presence  of  several  detectives.  I  noticed  that  telling  lies 
would  not  do  me  any  good,  and  the  friendly  and  courteous  treatment  of  the 
Captain  made  such  an  impression  on  my  mind  that  I  told,  by  and  by,  every- 
thing with  a  throbbing  heart.  I  promised  to  repeat  my  statements  before 
court,  and  I  did  so." 

OTTO  LEHMAN  was  well  known  to  the  police  by  reputation  through  fre- 
quent mention  of  his  name  by  fellow  Anarchists,  but  he  managed  for  some 
time  to  keep  himself  out  of  the  way  of  a  personal  acquaintanceship  with 
the  force.  He  never  did  cherish  admiration  for  policemen,  and  his  dislike 
grew  even  more  intense  after  he  had  learned  that  he  was  wanted.  The 
sight  of  a  blue-coat  would  drive  him  fairly  wild,  and  the  only  way  he  could 
assuage  his  wrath  was  to  take  to  his  heels  and  run  until  his  surcharged 
feelings  had  oozed  out  at  the  ends  of  his  toes.  He  was  a  brave,  defiant 
man  in  the  presence  of  his  comrades,  and  with  his  military  bearing  he 


2CJ8 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 


seemed  the  very  personification  of  courage.  He  had  a  great  penchant  for 
lager  beer,  and,  while  emptying  glass  after  glass,  he  talked  Anarchy  to  the 
great  delight  of  his  hearers.  He  was  an  enthusiastic  attendant  at  all  meet- 
ings of  the  fraternity,  and  always  wanted  the  speakers  to  make  their  har- 
angues strong  and  incendiary.  If  one  of  them  failed  to  threaten  capitalists 
with  dynamite  and  guns,  he  lost  interest  in  the  proceedings.  In  that  case 
he  would  tilt  his  chair  back  and  take  a  nap.  The  moment  some  one  rasped 
the  air  with  stinging  words  against  capitalists  and  the  police,  Lehman 
would  be  on  his  feet  and  applaud  vociferously.  He  would  then  adjourn  to 
a  saloon,  fill  himself  up  with  lager  and  go  home  to  dream  of  happy  days 
when  everybody  was  to  be  rich  without  labor.  Some  nights  he  would  jump 
up  in  bed  half  asleep, —  this  is  the  story  of  his  fellow  roomers,  —  and  shout : 

"  Down  with  them ;  shoot  them  ! 
Don't  give  them  any  quarter  !  The  world 
now  is  ours." 

His  bed-companion,  aroused  by  the 
demonstration,  would  take  him  by  the 
collar  and  pull  him  down,  after  which  he 
would  sleep  quite  contentedly.  This  sort 
of  exhibition  was  repeated  after  every 
meeting  at  which  some  new  infernal 
machine  had  been  spoken  of,  or  some  new 
torture  for  capitalists  suggested.  Such 
speeches  made  him  strong  in  the  faith,  and 
so  enthusiastic  was  he  always  that  he 
managed  to  become  quite  a  favorite  with 
his  fellows.  In  return  for  their  admira- 
tion, he  would  spend  his  last. cent  in  buy- 
ing beer.  His  boarding-house  was  at  No.  189  Hudson  Avenue. 

Although  this  is  only  a  two-story  building,  there  were  living  in  it  at  the 
time  no  less  than  eight  families.  That  there  were  no  more  is  no  fault  of 
the  house.  And  such  families  !  Every  one  of  them,  from  the  youngest 
who  could  talk,  to  the  oldest  who  could  bear  arms,  was  a  turbulent  Anar- 
chist. Lehman  was  always  happy  in  such  surroundings.  Had  he  only  had 
his  wife  and  children  there,  his  joy  would  have  been  as  nearly  complete  as 
possible  until  all  capitalists  had  been  exterminated.  Unfortunately  his 
family  were  in  Germany.  He  had  left  them  there  three  years  before.  At 
that  time  he  would  have  been  pleased  to  bring  them  along  with  him  had  it 
not  been  for  his  haste  to  get  out  of  Emperor  William's  dominions  to  escape 
the  law  of  the  land. 

In  his  new  surroundings  in  America  Lehman  only  waited  for  the  day 
when  millionaires  would  either  "bite  the  dust"  or  capitulate  by  handing 
over  their  wealth  to  the  Anarchists.  He  never  for  a  moment  doubted  that 


OTTO    LEHMAN. 
From  a  Photograph. 


"AS  GOOD  A  MAN  AS  GRANT."  299 

that  day  was  almost  at  hand.  Even  after  the  Haymarket  riot  he  had  hope, 
but  it  vanished  completely  the  moment  he  was  within  the  grasp  of  the  law. 
Of  course,  he  did  everything  to  save  himself  for  another  revolution  by 
keeping  away  from  the  "hated  police."  Had  it  not  been  for  his  standing 
in  Germany  he  would  have  returned  there  and  waited  until  the  excitement 
in  Chicago  had  died  out,  and  his  comrades  had  fixed  up  'another  plan.  He 
would  have  even  gone  to  Canada,  but  he  had  never  heard  of  it  as  a  refuge 
for  Anarchists.  For  a  time  he  succeeded  remarkably  well  in  dodging  us,  as 
we  had  only  a  meager  description  of  his  appearance ;  but  on  the  2oth  of 
May  he  was  seen  by  Officers  Schuettler  and  Hoffman  on  the  North  Side. 
They  did  not  know  him  at  the  time.  Lehman,  however,  apears  to  have 
been  suspicious  of  their  movements,  as  there  had  recently  been  many 
inquiries  for  him  in  the  locality.  The  moment  Hoffman  caught  a  glimpse 
of  the  slippery  Anarchist,  he  remarked  to  his  comrade : 

"I'll  bet  that  is  one  of  the  cut-throats.  We'll  take  him  in  on  general 
principles,  and  we  can  soon  find  out  where  he  belongs." 

The  officers  gradually  approached  him,  but  Lehman,  suspecting  their 
intentions,  at  once  started  on  the  run.  He  had  run  only  half  a  block  when 
he  was  captured,  put  in  irons  and  taken  to  the  station.  On  his  arrival,  I 
asked  him  his  name. 

"I'll  tell  you  my  name,  and  that  is  all,"  replied  Lehman,  in  a  surly 
mood  and  with  an  air  of  bravado.  "  I  am  not  ashamed  of  my  name,  no 
matter  if  I  am  poor.  I  am  as  good  a  man  as  Grant.  Now,  don't  trouble  me 
any  more.  I  am  closed,  and  you  cannot  open  me  with  a  crow-bar.  Look 
at  me  and  tell  the  newspapers  you  have  seen  me.  I  am  ready  to  be  locked 
up." 

"  Otto,"  said  I,  "you  have  a  brother  named  August,  and  he  has  a  son  by 
the  name  of  Paul.  That  boy  is  a  very  good  runner,  and  at  the  Haymarket, 
May  4,  he  was  going  to  run  and  carry  the  news  to  outside  men.  The  boy 
did  run,  but  not  with  news  for  the  waiting  men.  He  kept  running  until  he 
got  out  of  town,  and  I  know  where  he  is.  You  will  have  him  with  you  in  a 
few  days.  So  good-by,  Otto  ;  I  will  see  you  about  the  first  of  June.  Offi- 
cers, lock  him  up." 

Otto  was  accordingly  escorted  down  stairs.  He  had  no  sooner  b^een 
placed  in  a  cell  than  the  officers  learned  the  location  of  his  boarding-house 
at  the  number  given.  They  at  once  repaired  to  the  place  and  gave  it  a  thor- 
ough overhauling.  They  learned  that  immediately  after  the  Haymarket, 
and  especially  since  officers  had  been  frequently  noticed  in  the  locality, 
many  of  the  occupants  had  disappeared  in  a  great  hurry,  some  even  forget- 
ting the  clean  linen  that  hung  in  their  back  yards,  and  others  neglecting  to 
square  their  board  bills. 

The  officers  searched  the  premises  and  found  several  loaded  dynamite 
bombs,  some  showing  conclusively  that  they  had  come  from  Lingg's  factory. 


300  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

It  was   subsequently  learned   that  Lingg  had  furnished  them  to  Lehman  — 
one  on  the  evening  of  May  4,  at  58  Clybourn  Avenue,  and  another  shortly 
after,  on  the  same  street,  near   Larrabee.     The  bombs  were  all  ready  for 
use,  and  contained  Lingg's  extra  strong  explosive,  almost  doubly  as  power- 
ful as  the  ordinary  commercial  dynamite. 

Two  days  after  his  arrest,  about  eleven  o'clock,  Lehman  was  not  in  a 
very  happy  frame  of  mind.  His  dreams  had  not  been  pleasant,  and  the  pos- 
sibility of  hanging  haunted  him  continually.  He  told  the  janitor  that  he 
wanted  to  see  the  Captain.  I  sent  back  word  that  I  could  not  see  him  until 
the  next  day.  Again  in  the  afternoon  he  sent  the  janitor  to  say  that  he  must 
see  me  at  once,  and  that  he  would  not  speak  so  defiantly  as  he  had  done 
before.  Otto  was  thereupon  brought  up.  As  he  came  in,  he  took  off  his 
hat  and  apologized  for  his  rude  behavior.  After  inviting  the  Anarchist  to 
take  a  seat,  I  remarked  : 

"You  know  what  you  are  arrested  for?" 

"Oh,  yes,"  he  replied. 

"  Have  you  made  up  your  mind,  then,  as  to  what  you  wish  to  say?  " 

He  answered  in  the  affirmative. 

"  Will  you  tell  me  all  you  know  of  the  Anarchists  ever  since  you  became 
one  of  them  ?  " 

Assent  being  given,  I  continued  :  "Now,  you  must  understand  I  know  a 
great  deal  of  this  work  myself." 

Otto  said  he  so  understood. 

"Well,  I  don't  want  you  to  lie  to  me,  and  I  don't  want  you  to  lie  about 
anybody  else  to  benefit  yourself.  All  you  tell  me  must  be  true,  and  if  I  find 
that  you  conceal  anything,  I  will  consider  you  a  liar  and  have  nothing  more 
to  do  with  you." 

"Oh,  yes,"  meekly  and  penitently  replied  Lehman,  "I  do  agree  with 
you  on  that  point,  and  you  will  find  me  right.  I  will  swear  to  all  I  say,  and 
if  I  lie  you  can  hang  me  in  this  station.  But,  Captain,  I  want  something  for 
telling  the  truth." 

"Well,"  I  replied,  "I  will  have  the  State's  Attorney  or  his  representa- 
tive here,  and  if  he  tells  you  to  speak  and  promises  to  reward  you,  you  can 
depend  upon  his  word." 

In  the  presence  of  Assistant  State's  Attorney  Furthmann,  Otto  at  once 
unburdened  his  mind  and  related  his  knowledge  of  Anarchy  in  Chicago. 
He  also  testified  to  a  fact,  made  apparent  in  my  interviews  with  other  pris- 
oners, that  he,  like  others,  had  been  carried  away  by  "  the  d d  Anarchist 

literature,"  as  he  expressed  it,  and  that  he  now  fully  realized  the  utter  folly 
of  his  past  course.  He  had  been  told,  he  said,  just  as  others  had  been  told, 
by  those  who  had  lived  in  America  for  a  long  time,  that  this  was  a  free  coun- 
try, and  there  was  no  law  to  stop  them.  "You  can  see  for  yourself,"  they 
used  to  say  to  him,  "they  are  all  afraid  of  us.  Nobody  interferes  with  us. 
We  have  everything  all  our  own  way." 


OTTO  LEHMAN'S  "SQUEAL."  301 

"That  sort  of  talk,"  said  Lehman,  "made  me  as  bad  as  the  rest  of 
them." 

He  had  fully  believed,  as  his  friends  had  informed  him,  that  it  was  legal 
to  talk  dynamite,  and  that  they  could  form  plans  for  murder  with  impunity 
and  without  molestation.  Mr.  Furthmann  read  and  explained  the  law  to 
him,  when  he  said  : 

"  I  am  glad  now  that  I  have  been  arrested." 

And  he  demonstrated  the  sincerity  of  his  statement  by  furnishing  strong 
evidence  against  all  the  Anarchist  leaders  that  he  knew.  He  was  kept  in 
confinement  until  after  the  trial  and  then  released  by  order  of  the  State's 
Attorney.  He  was  forty  years  of  age,  a  carpenter  by  occupation,  and  ever 
since  his  release  he  has  attended  to  work  and  means  to  live  until  a  good 
age  to  make  amends  for  his  past  life. 

The  statement  he  gave  me  was  as  follows  :' 

"  I  belong  to  the  armed  section  of  the  International  Carpenters'  group. 
Whenever  we  had  a  meeting,  the  armed  section  remained  five  minutes 
later.  To  my  group  belonged  myself,  my  brother,  William  Hageman, 
who  lives  on  Rees  Street,  over  Lehman's  grocery  store,  also  Hageman's 
brother,  who  was  boarding  at  the  same  place,  Ernst  Niendorf,  on  Groger 
Street,  Waller,  William  Seliger,  John  Thielen  and  Louis  Lingg,  all  of  the 
North  Side  group ;  also  Abraham  Hermann,  Lorenz  Hermann,  Ernst  Hub- 
ner,  Charley  Bock  and  his  brother,  William  Lange,  Michael  Schwab,  Bal- 
thasar  Rau,  Rudolph  Schnaubelt,  Fischer  and  Huber.  I  attended  a  meet- 
ing, May  3,  at  71  West  Lake  Street,  at  nine  o'clock.  I  heard  Louis  Lingg 
speak  there,  also  Schwab.  I  saw  the  circular  there  which  called  for  revenge 
and  to  arms.  Waller,  or  Zoller,  opened  the  meeting  as  chairman.  Lingg 
said  at  the  meeting  that  they  must  arm  themselves  and  attend  the  meeting 
at  the  Haymarket  to  get  revenge  for  those  workingmen  who  were  killed  at 
McCormick's  factory  that  day  by  the  police.  I  also  heard  Schwab  urge  them 
to  arm  themselves  and  seek  revenge  on  the  police.  I  heard  one  man  call 
out  that  all  armed  men  present  should  go  to  Greif's  Hall,  54  West  Lake 
Street,  that  a  meeting  would  be  held  there  in  the  basement.  I  went  there, 
as  also  did  my  brother  Gustav,  the  two  Hagemans,  Louis  Lingg,  Schnau- 
belt, Breitenfeld,  John  Thielen  and  Hubner.  The  meeting  occurred  at  54 
West  Lake  Street.  I  was  there  during  the  whole  session.  My  brother  was 
on  the  outside  watching.  I  heard  the  speaker  say  that  there  would  be  a 
meeting  at  the  Haymarket  and  that  they  expected  a  big  crowd  there,  which 
would  give  them  a  chance  to  use  their  arms.  He  also  said  that  the  police 
would  no  doubt  come  there  to  disperse  them.  If  they  refused  to  go,  the 
police  would  shoot,  and  they  would  have  a  good  chance  to  shoot  at  them. 
The  speakers  at  that  meeting  would  be  Spies,  Fielden  and  Parsons.  The 
North  Side  armed  group  would  meet  at  Neff's  Hall,  58  Clybourn  Avenue, 
on  Tuesday  night,  and  they  were  to  be  ready  with  their  arms  and  wait  for 
orders.  The  Northwest  Side  group  would  also  be  ready  and  wait  for 
orders.  As  soon  as  there  was  trouble  at  the  Haymarket,  they  would  be  at 
Wicker  Park  ready  for  action.  I  heard  the  word  '  Ruhe'  spoken  of  at  that 
meeting  in  the  basement.  If  that  word  appeared  in  the  paper  —  the 
Arbeit er-Zeitung — the  next  day,  it  would  mean  a  revolution,  and  the  attack 
on  the  police  would  be  made  that  night.  <Y,  komme,'  was  a  sign  pub- 


302  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

lished  in  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung,  meaning  that  there  would  be  a  meeting  of  the 
armed  men.  When  I  saw  that  revenge  circular  at  No.  71  West  Lake 
Street,  it  excited  me  very  much  and  brought  me  to  the  meeting  at  54  West 
Lake  Street.  I  saw  Adolph  Fischer  at  that  meeting.  He  made  an  address 
to  us  calling  us  to  arms  and  urged  that  we  should  take  revenge  on  the 
capitalists  and  the  officers  who  had  killed  our  brother  workingmen  on  that 
day  at  McCormick's.  This  man  Fischer,  whose  picture  has  just  been 
shown  me  by  the  Captain,  is  the  person  who  said  he  would  see  that  circulars 
were  printed  for  the  Haymarket  meeting  next  day.  The  word  '  Ruhe  '  was 
our  signal  word,  adopted  by  the  meeting  that  night  at  54  West  Lake  Street, 
to  attack  the  police.  I  heard  some  one  say  at  the  meeting  that  we  should 
also  attack  the  police  station-houses  and  the  police  who  might  be  within. 
They  should  make  dynamite  bombs  and  have  them  ready  to  throw  into  the 
stations.  Lingg  said  :  '  I  will  have  the  dynamite  and  bombs  ready  to  be 
used  when  called  for.'  I  did  not  hear  of  any  one  else  saying  or  offering  to 
furnish  dynamite  bombs.  I  was  about  fifteen  feet  away  from  Lingg  when 
he  made  the  remark.  Then  I  left  the  meeting  and  the  hall.  The  unani- 
mous understanding  among  us  all  was  that  all  who  desired  bombs  must  go 
to  Lingg  and  get  them.  Arid  we  did  not  look  to  any  one  else  for  them.  It 
was  further  stated  at  the  meeting  that,  in  case  we  should  see  a  patrol  wagon 
on  the  night  of  the  attack,  we  should  destroy  the  wagon,  the  horses  and  the 
officers,  so  that  they  could  not  render  assistance  to  the  officers  at  the  Hay- 
market.  On  Tuesday  evening,  May  4,  at  nine  o'clock,  I  went  to  Neff's  Hall, 
58  Clybourn  Avenue,  and  there  I  met  both  Hermanns,  Rau,  the  Hagemans, 
Bock,  Seliger  and  Lingg.  Lingg  gave  me  some  of  those  long  dynamite 
bombs  and  said  :  '  Here,  you  take  this  and  use  it.'  He  then  started  away. 
I  heard  that  night  —  Tuesday —  at  eleven  o'clock,  at  Ernst  Grau's  saloon,  that 
there  had  been  some  shooting  that  night,  that  a  bomb  had  been  thrown  and 
that  many  were  killed  and  wounded  at  the  Haymarket.  A  tall  man  came 
into  Neff's  Hall  that  night,  May  4,  at  eleven  o'clock,  and  told  us  about  the 
shooting,  the  explosion  of  the  bomb  and  the  killing  of  the  people.  His  clothes 
were  all  covered  with  mud,  and  he  appeared  greatly  excited.  He  said  : 
'You  are  having  a  good  time  here  drinking  beer.  See  how  I  look.  I  was 
over  to  the  Haymarket  and  lost  my  revolvers.'  His  name  is  August.  He 
is  the  man  —  about  thirty  years  of  age,  five  feet  ten  inches  tall,  smooth  face  or 
a  slight  mustache,  and  is  a  bricklayer  by  occupation.  [This  was  August 
Groge.]  The  dynamite  bomb  I  had  was  made  with  a  gas-pipe.  My  state- 
ment I  will  swear  to  at  any  time  I  am  called  upon." 

The  bomb  he  speaks  of  was  among  those  found  by  Officer  Hoffman  at 
No.  189  Hudson  Avenue. 

GUSTAV  LEHMAN  was  arrested  on  the  same  day  —  May  20  —  with  his 
brother  Otto,  only  a  little  earlier  in  the  morning.  He  was  working  as  a 
carpenter,  on  a  new  building  at  the  southwest  corner  of  Sedgwick  and 
Starr  Streets,  when  Officers  Schuettler  and  Hoffman  accosted  him,  and  his 
home  at  the  time  was  at  No.  41  Fremont  Street,  in  the  basement  of  a  small 
building.  He  had  a  poor,  sickly  wife  and  six  children.  His  wife, —  who 
subsequently  died  in  the  County  Hospital,  in  July,  1888,  —  when  she  was 
notified  of  his  arrest,  said  : 


A    WOMAN'S  REMONSTRANCE. 


303 


"Well,  I  am  very  sorry  for  my  dear  husband,  but  now  my  words  are 
coming  true.  He  would  take  the  last  cent  out  of  the  house  and  run  to 
meetings  every  night.  Instead  of  leaving  the  money  at  home  to  buy 
clothing  with  for  the  children  and  medicine  for  myself,  he  would  spend  the 
last  cent  in  saloons.  At  times  when  I  heard  him  and  others  talk  about 
capitalists,  about  an  equal  division  of  everything,  I  thought  it  all  very 
foolish,  and  I  would  tell  my  husband  so.  The  only  answer  he  would  give 
me  was : 

"'Oh,  you  old  women  don't  know  anything.  You  come  to  our  meetings, 
and  there  you  will  be  enlightened  and  learn  how  we  are  going  to  have 
things  before  long.' 

"  I  often  told  him,  '  You  will  have  things  so  that  you  all  will  be  locked  up 
and  beg  for  mercy  and  be  glad  to  go  to  work  and  let  other  people  alone.' 
One  day  he  didn't  work  ;  he  wanted  to 
go  to  a  meeting  on  the  West  Side.  I 
reasoned  with  him  and  asked  him  to 
stay  at  home.  I  was  afraid  they  would 
all  be  arrested  for  their  foolish  under- 
takings. Gustav  got  mad  at  me  and 
said  : 

"  'Now  is  our  time  or  never.  Before 
one  month  is  over  we  will  have  things 
our  own  way.  We  have  already  got  the 
capitalists,  the  militia  and  the  police 
trembling  in  their  boots.  We  are  pre- 
pared, and,  as  soon  as  we  strike  the  first 
blow,  they  will  run  away.  Those  that 
don't  run  we  will  kill.  We  don't  expect 
to  give  them  quarter. ' ' 

The  poor  woman  had  clearly  fore- 
seen the  outcome,  and  with  rare  judg- 
ment and  fine  instinct,  in  spite  of  her  lowly  station  in  life,  she  had 
sought  early  and  late  to  instill  into  her  husband's  mind  some  practical 
ideas  of  life.  Within  the  limited  lines  of  her  observation  she  had  grasped 
the  problem  of  social  existence,  its  struggles,  its  sufferings  and  its  rewards, 
and  she  intuitively  knew  that  such  changes  as  her  husband  and  others  of  his 
ilk  desired  could  never  be  brought  about  by  revolution  in  a  free  country. 
She  loved  her  husband  tenderly,  and  would  have  made  any  sacrifice  for  him. 
But  he,  rather  than  forego  attendance  at  a  single  meeting,  preferred  that 
wife  and  children  should  surfer  want.  He  kept  his  family  in  constant  sus- 
pense and  ranted  like  a  madman. 

Lehman  was  a  man  about  forty-five  years  of  age,  weighed  two  hundred 
pounds,  and,  although  he  had  only  the  use  of  one  eye,  he  was  a  good  mechanic. 


GUSTAV     LEHMAN. 
From  a  Photograph. 


304  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

When  he  was  brought  to  the  station  he  was  asked  his  name. 

"I  don't  give  any  name,"  he  answered,  somewhat  indignantly. 

"Why  not?  "  asked  I,  in  a  pacific  tone  of  voice. 

"Because,"  was  the  gruff  answer,  "I  don't  want  anything  to  do  with 
you.  " 

"  Oh,  you  don't.  I  am  pleased  to  make  your  acquaintance.  We  don't 
find  such  a  great  man  as  you  are  every  day.  Officer,  take  this  man  to  a 
safe  place  down  stairs  and  leave  him  there  until  we  want  him  again." 

"Well,  you  don't  scare  me  any,"  thundered  the  burly  Lehman. 

"Well,  now,  we  don't  want  to  scare  you,"  retorted  I  pleasantly,  "but  I 
thought  you  needed  rest.  You  won't  feel  so  tired  when  you  see  us  again. 
You  will  find  more  of  your  friends  down  stairs.  If  you  talk  to  any  one, 
you  will  be  taken  away  from  here  and  sent  to  the  Desplaines  Street  Station." 

At  the  last  remark  Lehman  winced  perceptibly.  The  name  of  the  Des- 
plaines Street  Station  grated  harshly  on  his  ear,  and  he  evidently  felt  that  I 
had  some  surprise  in  store  for  him.  He  could  have  lightly  passed  by  any 
other  thrusts,  but  this  nettled  him.  It  was  made  for  a  purpose.  I  knew 
that  all  Anarchists  had  an  intense  hatred  for  that  station,  and  greater  than 
their  hatred  of  the  place  was  their  anger  against  Bonfield,  who  had  charge 
of  it.  They  would  rather  suffer  torments  anywhere  else  than  be  cast  into 
a  cell  in  that  place. 

But  Lehman  shortly  recovered  his  equanimity,  and,  assuming  a  stolid 
indifference  to  his  surroundings,  remarked  : 

"  If  you  think  you  can  make  me  'squeal,'  you  are  badly  mistaken." 

' '  Oh,  no ;  we  don't  want  you  to  '  squeal, '  "  said  I.  "  We  are  rather  afraid 
you  will  beg  to  be  allowed  to  come  here  and  sit  on  your  knees  to  tell  us  all 
you  know  about  making  bombs  and  dynamite — all  about  your  meetings  — 
how  often  you  have  presided  at  meetings  and  how  much  dynamite  you  got  from 
Lingg  ;  and  to  tell  us  all  about  your  brother,  and  where  your  son  is  hiding 
now,  and  where  you  placed  the  bombs  that  you  carried  around  in  your 
pocket  on  May  4;  how  bad  a  headache  you  had  after  filling  the  bombs  with 
dynamite  at  Seliger's  house.  You  see,  August,  we  simply  want  to  call  your 
attention  to  all  these  little  things  —  that's  all." 

This  charge  proved  a  little  too  strong  for  the  doughty  Lehman.  He  had 
kept  up  his  courage  well,  but  the  rapidity  of  the  assault,  the  dark  secrets 
hinted  at  and  the  insinuations  made  had  taxed  his  powers  of  resistance 
almost  beyond  endurance.  His  facial  muscles  twitched,  and  for  a  moment 
he  wrestled  with  himself.  He  asked  for  a  glass  of  water,  and,  quaffing  its 
contents  to  the  last  drop,  he  rallied  and  straightened  himself  as  if  deter- 
mined to  hold  out  in  spite  of  his  nerves.  Recovering  his  breath  and  strug- 
gling with  his  emotions,  he  said  : 

"  If  you  have  the  power  to  hang  me,  do  so.  I  have  belonged  to  the 
cause  so  long  that  I  will  die  before  I  reveal  anything." 


THE  HERMANN  BROTHERS.  305 

That  was  sufficient.  Lehman  was  taken  down  stairs  and  locked  up.  The 
very  next  morning  he  sent  the  janitor  to  my  office  with  a  request  to  see  me. 
I  told  the  janitor  that  I  was  very  busy  and  could  not  be  interrupted  unless 
Lehman  had  something  very  important  to  communicate.  To  this  Lehman  re- 
plied that  he  had  discovered  that  there  were  other  men  locked  up  down 
stairs,  and  he  was  satisfied  that  if  they  had  a  chance  they  would  "squeal." 
Would  I  accord  him  an  interview?  He  was  brought  up,,  and,  in  the  pres- 
ence of  Assistant  State's  Attorney  Furthmann  and  the  officers,  proceeded  to 
unfold  a  very  remarkable  tale.  He  began  very  cautiously,  evidently  follow- 
ing the  instructions  laid  down  in  John  Host's  book  for  Anarchists  in  trouble, 
but,  as  the  questions  were  plied  upon  him,  he  soon  discovered  that  he  was  in 
a  very  "tight  box."  He  finally  asked  if  there  was  any  prospect  of  his  be- 
ing hung.  He  was  informed  that  he  must  tell  all  he  knew,  and  all  must  be 
true  ;  that  we  did  not  want  him  to  try  to  lie  himself  out  of  his  trouble  or  tell 
a  falsehood  against  an  innocent  man.  Probably  he  would  be  called  on  to 
testify  in  court,  and,  of  course,  if  he  was  a  witness  for  the  State,  he  would 
not  be  hanged. 

"  I  do  trust  you  men,"  he  said,  and  revealed  all  the  secrets  that  he  knew, 
without  reserve  as  to  his  own  deeds  and  the  experiences  he  had  had  with  the 
other  Anarchists.  His  statement  gave  the  officers  important  points. 

After  the  trial,  Lehman  declared  he  had  no  more  use  for  Anarchy.  He 
became  a  good  husband  and  a  kind  father.  In  1889  he  married  again,  and,, 
strange  to  say,  Officer  Nordrum  acted  as  «'  best  man  "  at  the  ceremony. 
The  nature  of  Gustav's  testimony  appears  in  the  evidence  he  gave  at  the 
trial. 

ABRAHAM  HERMANN  was  a  man  of  different  temperament ;  but,  after  his 
arrest,  he  showed  a  somewhat  similar  disposition  as  to  secretiveness  and 
stubbornness.  He  was  arrested  on  the  evening  of  May  10  at  eight  o'clock. 
He  lived  at  No.  25  Clybourn  Avenue.  He  was  about  thirty-four  years  of 
age,  medium  build,  and  weighed  about  185  pounds.  He  was  of  dark  com- 
plexion, wore  a  full  black  beard,  had  sharp,  piercing  eyes,  and  from  think- 
ing much  on  Anarchy,  had  come  to  present  a  sickly  appearance.  He  did 
not  look  at  all  vicious,  however,  and  was  very  quiet  in  his  manner.  He  was 
a  good  machinist  and  fully  conversant  with  the  German  language.  In  con- 
versation he  was  slow  and  deliberate,  evidently  thinking  twice  before  speak- 
ing. 

At  the  time  Abraham  was  taken  in  charge,  his  brother  Lorenz  was  also 
arrested.  Abraham's  house  had  been  searched  a  week  before,  and  two 
rifles  had  been  found  and  taken  to  the  station.  When  the  officers  met  the 
brothers,  they  were  told  to  come  to  the  station  to  identify  their  property, 
and  when  they  set  foot  inside  my  office  they  were  notified  that  they  were 
under  arrest.  They  manifested  no  surprise.  Abraham  was  asked  if  he  had 
anything  to  say.  He  wanted  to  know  what  about,  and  when  informed  that 


306  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

we  wanted  information  about  Anarchy,  he  slowly  replied  that  he  "did  not 
know  any  Anarchists." 

"You  can  probably  tell  us  something  about  how  to  drill  Anarchists  and 
how  much  profit  you  made  on  the  rifles,  or  the  44-caliber  Remington 
revolvers ;  or  perhaps  tell  us  how  many  men  you  had  in  your  command  on 
the  night  of  the  4th  of  May  around  this  station,  and  tell  us  about  the 


ZEPF'S   HALL.     From  a  Photograph. 

trouble  you  had  with  Lingg  in  Neff's  Hall  at  eleven  o'clock,  May  4th,  after 
the  explosion  of  the  bomb  at  the  Haymarket. " 

I  could  have  put  a  few  more  queries,  but  I  stopped  to  watch  the  effect. 
Abraham's  eyes  bulged  out  for  a  moment  in  surprise,  but  not  a  word  did  he 
have  to  say.  He  was  at  once  locked  up,  and  for  nearly  three  days  betrayed 
no  signs  of  weakening.  On  the  third  day  he  showed  a  little  anxiety  and 
expressed  a  desire  to  see  me.  He  was  brought  up,  but,  getting  into  a  com- 
fortable room,  where  the  light  of  day  made  all  surroundings  cheerful,  he 
became  rather  buoyant  and  seemed  loth  to  depress  the  spirits  of  others 
by  unfolding  harrowing  tales  of  Anarchistic  plots.  I  tried  to  engage  him 
in  conversation,  but  the  answers  came  in  monosyllables  and  with  a  sort  of 


ABRAHAM  HERMANN'S  STORY.  307 

guttural  emphasis.  The  situation  was  becoming  very  tiresome.  I  thought 
Abraham  had  suddenly  been  seized  with  the  lockjaw,  but  determined  to 
fathom  the  man's  mind.  I  urged  him  not  to  be  guided  by  Most's  book, — 
we  understood  that, —  but  to  speak  out  if  he  had  any  information  to  give. 
If  he  had  nothing  to  impart,  to  say  so.  He  promptly  saw  that  the  situa- 
tion was  growing  critical,  and  that,  if  he  still  refrained  from  speaking, 
possibly  his  last  chance  for  saving  himself  might  be  gone.  He  relaxed  the 
muscles  of  his  face,  opened  his  lips  and  prepared  to  talk.  It  was  a  great 
effort,  but  he  evidently  realized  that  something  must  be  done. 

"Well,"  he  finally  drawled  out,  "I  don't  know  what  to  tell  you.  It 
seems  to  me  you  people  know  about  everything  and  have  things  down  as 
correctly  as  I  can  give  them  to  you.  And  you  know  all  about  me,  too.  I 
say  this  for  myself :  I  don't  know  anything  about  the  laws  of  the  country. 
I  have  been  told  by  people  that  ought  to  know  better,  that  for  what  we 
were  doing  there  was  no  law.  I  now  see  my  mistake." 

Hermann  then  gave  information  on  himself  and  others,  and  stated  that 
he  had  never  liked  Lingg.  Lingg,  he  remarked,  was  the  most  rabid  Anar- 
chist he  had  ever  seen,  and  he  almost  believed  that  the  man  had  a  dyna- 
mite bomb  in  his  head.  He  himself  had  never  had  anything  to  say  in 
favor  of  the  use  of  dynamite.  He  was  a  military  man,  and  believed  in  the 
use  of  rifles.  He  had  held  that  all  the  Anarchists  should  be  well  drilled 
and  that  no  man  should  carry  arms  unless  he  knew  how  to  use  them.  He 
was  opposed  to  throwing  stones  or  fighting  in  the  streets.  He  believed  in 
swords  and  good  riflemen,  and  he  was  one  of  that  class.  His  idea  was 
never  to  undertake  anything  until  fully  prepared,  and  when  they  were  pre- 
pared  to  let  their  work  show  the  result. 

During  the  interview  he  was  very  cautious  in  his  statements,  but  he  did 
not  spare  the  leaders.  At  the  same  time  he  would  not  implicate  any  one 
of  no  special  consequence  in  the  order.  His  statement,  however,  was  as 
sweeping  as  it  was  surprising.  He  was  implicity  believed  by  the  officers, 
as  candor  and  earnestness  were  manifest  in  his  disclosures. 

Hermann  was  indicted  by  the  grand  jury,  but  after  he  had  been  in  custody 
for  awhile  he  was  released  by  order  of  the  State's  Attorney.  At  the  beginning 
of  the  trial  he  was  brought  in  again  and  confined  until  its  termination.  He 
was  then  given  his  liberty.  He  has  since  become  an  industrious  man,  and 
has  only  had  two  or  three  relapses  by  attending  some  of  the  open,  public 
meetings.  He  now  declares,  however,  that  he  is  through  with  Anarchy. 

What  he  had  to  say  to  Assistant  State's  Attorney  Furthmann,  myself  and 
the  officers  was  this  : 

"I  have  belonged  to  the  North  Side  armed  group  since  1883.  The 
members  of  the  group  are  as  follows :  Schwab,  Rau,  Huber,  Neebe,  the 
two  Lehmans,  Thielen,  Lingg,  Hubner,  Seliger,  Lange,  Schnaubelt,  Lorenz 
Hermann,  Abraham  Hermann,  the  two  Hagemans,  Heyman,  Niendorf  and 


3o8  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

Charley  Bock.  We  were  about  forty  men  strong  on  the  North  Side.  I  do 
not  know  anything  about  the  word  '  Ruhe.'  On  Monday,  May  3,  at  9  P.M., 
I  attended  a  meeting  of  the  metal-workers  at  Seamen's  Hall,  on  Randolph, 
near  Jefferson  Street.  I  saw  August  Spies.  He  was  passing  and  handing 
out  some  of  the  circulars  that  called  for  revenge  upon  the  law  and  the 
police.  Spies  was  at  the  meeting  when  I  got  there,  and  he  had  a  handful  of 
those  circulars.  I  saw  Spies  busying  himself  around  the  meeting  talking 
to  the  people.  The  secretary  of  this  meeting  was  a  man  named  Hahne- 
man.  Lange  was  president.  I  belong  to  the  North  Side  branch  of  the 
same  union.  But  this  was  a  general  meeting.  I  only  knew  a  few  of  the 
members  present.  The  president  of  the  meeting  works  for  a  firm  on 
Wabash  Avenue  —  a  brass-finisher  named  Andrew  or  Andre.  When  I  left 
this  meeting  at  ten  o'clock  I  went  to  54  West  Lake  Street.  As  I  came  into 
the  saloon  some  one  said  that  there  was  a  meeting  down  stairs.  I  went 
down  Waller  was  president  of  that  meeting.  I  also  saw  Fischer  there. 
I  know  Schnaubelt.  He  was  there.  When  the  question  came  up  about 
printing  the  circulars  for  the  Haymarket  meeting,  Fischer  said  that  he 
would  see  to  it.  Some  one  suggested  that  letters  should  be  sent  to  the 
armed  people  or  members  in  surrounding  cities  near  Chicago,  asking  them 
to  attend  to  the  police  and  militia  there,  so  that  they  could  not  come  to  the 
assistance  of  the  officers  or  police  of  this  city.  On  my  opposition  the  prop- 
osition was  dropped.  I  saw  Hubner  and  Lingg  at  that  meeting.  As  I 
came  in  some  one  said,  'Lingg  is  going  to  attend  to  that.'  I  understood 
it  to  mean  furnishing  the  dynamite  bombs.  I  saw  the  meeting  was  intended 
for  mischief,  and  I  left  the  place.  At  a  meeting  May  4,  at  8:30  P.M.,  in 
the  hall  in  the  rear  of  Neff's  saloon,  58  Clybourn  Avenue,  I  heard  that  the 
plan  of  operation  decided  upon  was  the  same  as  given  to  the  armed  men  at 
54  West  Lake  Street.  So  far  as  I  remember  the  plan,  it  was  something  like 
this :  Some  of  the  armed  men  were  to  go  to  the  police  stations,  and,  if  the 
police  were  called  out,  to  throw  dynamite  bombs  among  them,  set  the  houses 
on  fire  and  keep  the  police  on  the  North  Side.  As  far  as  I  know,  the  North- 
west Side  group  had  a  similar  plan.  Lingg  was  not  there  at  this  time. 
All  members  present  were  anxious  to  see  him  come,  waiting  for  bombs.  I 
was  in  the  hall  about  an  hour.  I  went  back  again  the  same  evening  —  May 
4 — about  eleven  o'clock.  The  first  I  heard  of  any  trouble  was  about  10:30. 
A  man  whose  name  is  Anton  Hirschberger  came  into  the  saloon  and  told 
us  that  there  had  been  a  riot  at  the  Haymarket.  At  the  same  time  a  tall 
man  came  in  and  said  he  had  been  at  the  riot,  that  a  lot  of  bullets  flew 
around  them,  a  bomb  had  exploded,  and  that  either  some  one  had  stolen  his 
revolver  or  he  had  lost  it.  Then  Neff  said  he  was  going  to  close  up  his 
place,  the  hour  being  eleven  o'clock.  On  Wednesday,  May  5,  I  met  Lingg 
and  Seliger  at  that  place.  I  was  surprised  at  meeting  Lingg  there,  because 
I  thought  then  that  he  ought  to  have  been  locked  up.  Lingg  spoke  to  me 
and  said,  'You  are  nice  cowards.'  I  replied  that  he  had  better  keep  his 
mouth  shut,  as  he  was  the  cause  of  the  whole  affair.  Hubner  and  I  were 
there  to  attend  a  meeting  of  our  people  to  be  held  on  the  quiet  in  Lincoln 
Park.  We  were  to  meet  at  the  park  because  we  expected  it  would  not  be 
safe  to  hold  it  anywhere  else.  What  led  me  to  think  that  Lingg  ought  to  have 
been  locked  up  was  because  he  was  always  advocating  the  use  of  dynamite 
and  bombs.  That  a  bomb  had  been  thrown  was  a  fact,  and  I  thought  Lingg 
ought  to  have  been  arrested  for  it." 


ABRAHAM  HERMANN'S  STORY. 


309 


On  May  31,  Hermann  made  another  statement,  as  follows  : 
"  I  know  August  Spies.  He  is  the  editor  of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  of  this 
city.  I  knew  him  to  write  several  articles  on  revolution.  I  was  elected  as 
an  agent  at  a  general  meeting  to  procure  and  sell  arms.  This  was  in  Octo- 
ber last — 1885.  Balthasar  Rau  was  chairman  of  that  meeting.  We  had 
several  men  as  a  committee.  They  were  called  the  Bureau  of  Information. 
It  was  composed  of  Parsons,  from  the  English  section  ;  Charles  Bock,  Ger- 
man, also  assistant  secretary  to  Rau  ;  Hirschberger,  French,  and  Miko- 
landa,  Bohemian.  Every  Anarchist  looked  to  that  bureau  for  information. 
I  used  to  get  my  guns  from  New  York,  from  a  man  named  Seeger.  He  lives 
on  Third  Avenue.  He  was  the  middleman  between  me  and  the  factory 

where  the  arms  were 
made.  I  got  twenty- 
five  revolvers  last 
February.  They  were 
shipped  direct  to  me 
at  No.  25  Clybourn 
Avenue.  I  sold  them 
all  at  cost  price  to 
members.  That  was 
$6.50.  The  last  two 
revolvers  I  sold  May 
3,  1886 — one  to  a 
man  named  Asher, 
and  the  other  to 
August,  a  bricklayer. 
Before  that  I  sold  one 
revolver  to  Schnau- 
belt,  one  to  Lingg 
and  one  to  Seliger. 
It  was  Schnaubelt 
who  proposed  at  the 
meeting  held  at  54. 
West  Lake  Street, 
^T  May  3,  to  notify  out- 
side cities,  but  I  told 
him  it  was  all  non- 
sense. About  two 
weeks  before  this 
meeting  I  met  Brei- 


TIMMERHOF  HALL, 
No.  703  Milwaukee  Avenue.     From  a  Photograph. 


tenfeld  in  a  saloon,  and  said  that  I  had  often  heard  this  letter  '  Y,'  and  I  was 
bound  to  find  out  its  meaning  when  it  appeared  in  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung. 
Breitenfeld  said  that  it  meant  a  meeting  of  the  armed  men,  and  told  me  to 
•wait  and  he  would  get  me  into  the  meeting.  I  waited  for  a  long  time  — 
about  an  hour.  Then  he  came  out,  and  I  was  admitted  with  him.  I  was 
in  the  meeting  with  him  for  an  hour,  and  then  it  adjourned.  I  have  known 
Lingg  for  six  months.  At  the  meeting  at  54  West  Lake  Street  on  the 
evening  of  May  3,  it  was  supposed  then  that  the  police  would  interfere 
at  the  Haymarket,  and  then  there  would  be  a  chance  for  a  riot.  Four 
members  of  the  North  Side  group  were  detailed  at  that  meeting  as  spies. 
If  the  riot  should  be  a  failure  and  we  should  get  beaten  by  the  police,  our 
gathering-places  after  that  would  be  at  Center  Park,  Humboldt  Park,  St. 


310  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

Michael's  Church,  Lincoln  Park  and  Wicker  Park.  The  signal  of  attack 
after  the  riot  had  commenced  was  to  be  an  illumination  of  the  heavens  by 
red  fires.  Some  one  asked  for  dynamite,  and  he  was  answered  that  Lingg 
would  furnish  the  stuff.  The  different  spies  detailed  at  that  meeting  were 
to  hold  a  meeting  the  next  day,  each  division  for  itself,  and  afterwards  in 
a  body  at  Zepf's  Hall,  to  perfect  all  arrangements  for  the  riot.  I  accused 
Lingg  of  making  dynamite  bombs,  and  told  him  that  if  any  trouble  grew 
out  of  it,  it  would  be  on  his  account.  He  called  me  a  coward.  I  knew 
that  Lingg  was  in  trouble  in  Philadelphia  shortly  before  he  left  there." 

LOREXZ  HERMANN  was  twenty-six  years  of  age,  of  slim  build,  with  a  very 
sallow  face,  and  apparentlx*  a  consumptive.  His  occupation  was  that  of  a 
brass-molder,  and  he  was  a  good  workman.  On  his  arrival  at  the  station  he 
expressed  great  surprise  at  the  impudence  of  the  officers  in  compelling  him 
to  come  against  his  wilL  He  was  asked  his  name,  and  he  gave  it.  When 
requested  to  spell  it,  he  said  he  did  not  know  how ;  all  he  knew  was  that  it 
was  Lorenz  Hermann.  Being  questioned  with  reference  to  Anarch}*,  he  re- 
plied that  he  did  not  know  anything  about  it,  and  when  accused  of  having 
taken  part  in  the  revolutionary  plot,  he  said  he  had  not  taken  as  great  a  part 
in  it  as  his  brother  had.  He  soon  discovered  that  the  police  had  a  great 
deal  of  information  about  his  brother,  and  then  he  changed  his  tactics  by 
trying  to  smooth  things  over  for  Abraham. 

"My  brother,"  he  said,  "is  married  and  has  a  f  amily.     I  am  single.      I 
want  to  see  my  brother  out  of  this  trouble  ;  no  matter  about  me." 
"Well,  then,"  I  interposed,  "why  not  tell  us  something?  " 
"Me  ?  "  asked  Lorenz.     "  I  don't  know  anything  to  tell." 
He  had  evidently  changed  his  mind  on  the  spur  of  the  moment,  and  he 
grew  exceedingly  reticent. 

"  Well,"  said  I,  "  I  will  tell  you  something  then.  I  will  call  your  attention 
to  May  4,  between  the  hours  of  8:30  and  10:30  P.M.  You  were  around  this 
station  with  about  nineteen  other  men,  and  among  them  was  your  brother. 
You  were  to  throw  bombs  into  the  patrol  wagon  in  case  the  police  were 
called  out  to  go  to  the  West  Side  to  assist  the  police  at  the  Haymarket,  but 
you  remained  a  little  too  long  in  a  saloon  on  Clark  Street.  When  you  came 
out  and  reached  the  corner  of  Superior  Street  and  La  Salle  Avenue,  you  saw 
three  patrol  wagons  loaded  with  police  going  south  on  LaSalle  Avenue,  but 
3rou  were  not  near  enough  to  throw  a  bomb.  This  made  you  very  angry. 
Then  some  of  you  went  to  Moody 's  church  and  remained  there  for  some 
time.  When  you  finally  saw  so  many  policemen  coming  to  the  station  you 
all  got  scared  and  went  to  the  hall  at  58  Clybourn  Avenue.  Oh,  by  the  way, 
which  route  did  you  take  on  leaving  the  station?  Did  you  go  to  the  Hay- 
market  or  to  Neff's  Hall  ?  " 

"I  was  at  the  Haymarket,"  replied  Lorenz. 

"  Is  it  not  true  —  all  that  I  told  you  about  the  station  ?" 

"Yes,  that  is  true,"  responded  Lorenz.     "Some  one  told  me  about  it." 


LORENZ  HERMANN'S  TALE. 


311 


"Who  told  you?" 

"  I  don't  know." 

"You  lie,"  said  I.    "  You  must  tell  us  who ;  that  is  the  man  we  are  after." 

Seeing  that  he  was  gradually  being  cornered  by  his  evasive  replies,  he 
put  on  a  bold  front  to  the  whole  matter  and  answered  : 

"  Well,  I  was  there  myself.  I  did  not  stay  very  long,  and  from  there  I 
went  to  the  Haymarket.  I  think  Hageman  and  I  went  together." 

Further  questioning  only  brought  out  sullen  responses,  with  very  meager 
information,  but,  after  being  allowed  to  think  the  matter  over,  he  finally 
concluded  to  make  a  clean  breast  of  it.  He  was  kept  busy  with  explana- 
tions for  some  time,  and  he  gave  me  some  very  pointed  information.  He 
was  indicted  by  the  grand  jury  and  afterwards  released  by  order  of  the 
State's  Attorney.  Lorenz  has  never  been  heard  of  since,  but  it  is  supposed 
he  is  now  leading  a  quiet  life  and  proving  himself  a  better  man. 

His  statement,  among  other  things  corroborative  of  what  others  had 
divulged,  contains  the  following  : 

"  At  a  meeting  held  at  58  Clybourn  Avenue,  I  heard  Engel  say  that 
if  they  wanted  to  make  bombs  they  could  find  plenty  of  gas-pipe  on  the 
West  Side,  in  the  city  yards,  near  the  Chicago  Avenue  bridge,  and  then  if 
they  wanted  to  learn  how  to  make  them  they  could  come  to  him.  All  that 
was  necessary  was  to  cut  the  pipes  up  into  lengths  of  six  or  eight  inches, 
fill  them  with  dynamite  and  put  a  wooden  plug  at  each  end.  He  had  with 
him  at  the  time  his  daughter,  who  was  about  fifteen  or  sixteen  years  of  age. 
I  saw  Hirschberger,  Hageman  and  Charles  Bock  at  eleven  o'clock  on  the 
evening  of  Tuesday,  May  4,  in  Neff's  place,  at  58  Clybourn  Avenue.  Hirsch- 
berger told  those  present  about  the  riot  on  the  WTest  Side.  I  was  at  the 
Haymarket  meeting  in  the  company  of  Hageman,  the  carpenter.  Two  men 
stood  close  together  near  me,  and  they  looked  suspicious.  I  was  there  at 
the  time  the  police  came  up.  I  got  frightened  and  ran  away.  I  ran  with- 
out stopping  till  I  reached  Neff's  place,  on  the  North  Side.  I  found  my 
brother  there,  and  I  told  him  about  the  throwing  of  the  bomb,  its  explosion 
and  what  happened.  I  did  not  want  to  get  mixed  up  in  the  affair,  and  that 
is  the  reason  I  declined  to  speak  at  first.  I  belonged  to  the  armed  men  of 
the  North  Side.  The  revolvers  and  guns  my  brother  sold  he  got  from  a 
factory  in  New  York.  He  sold  about  twelve  guns  to  the  Socialists.  He  sold 
a  box  full  of  revolvers,  about  twenty  in  a  box,  for  $6.90  a  piece.  For  seven 
months  my  brother  acted  as  agent,  under  appointment,  to  procure  and  sell 
guns  and  revolvers." 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

Pushing    the    Anarchists  —  A   Scene    on    a    Street-car  —  How     Herman 

Muntzenberg  Gave  Himself  Away — The  Secret  Signal —  "D n  the  Informers" — A 

Satchelful  of  Bombs  —  More  about  Engel's  Murderous  Plan  —  Drilling  the  Lehr  und 
Wehr  Verein  —  Breitenfeld's  Cowardice  —  An  Anarchist  Judas  — The  Hagemans  — 
Dynamite  in  Gas-pipe  —  An  Admirer  of  Lingg  —  A  Scheme  to  Remove  the  Author  — The 
Hospitalities  of  the  Police  Station  —  Mr.  Jebolinski's  Indignation  —  A  Bogus  Milkman 
—  An  Unwilling  Visitor  —  Mistaken  for  a  Detective  —  An  Eccentric  Prisoner  —  Division 
of  Labor  at  the  Dynamite  Factory  —  Clermont's  Dilemma  — The  Arrangements  for  the 
Haymarket. 

THE  Anarchists,  both  in  and  out  of  prison,  had  begun  to  discover  about 
this  time  that  there  was  a  law  in  the  land,  and  that  its  majesty  would 
be  vindicated.  They  were  confronted  with  stubborn,  serious  facts,  and 
they  realized  that  they  were  in  a  world  of  perplexities.  They  had  been 
circumvented  at  every  step  in  their  efforts  at  concealment,  and  their  plot 
had  been  revealed  in  its  most  essential  parts.  Their  leaders  had  been 
gathered  in,  and  their  comrades  were  being  arrested  every  day.  Cunning 
and  shrewd  as  they  supposed  themselves  to  be,  they  had  discovered  that 
society  was  equal  to  the  task  of  probing  their  secrets.  At  first  they  had 
assumed  an  air  of  bravado  and  indifference,  but,  seeing  how  easily  their 
bluff  could  be  called  and  how  closely  we  had  the  record  of  each,  they  real- 
ized that  evasion  or  silence  was  not  calculated  either  to  keep  their  necks 
out  of  the  halter  or  to  save  them  from  the  penitentiary.  Those  arrested 
nearly  all  turned  craven  cowards,  and  this  situation  of  affairs  did  not  con- 
tribute to  the  comfort  of  those  still  outside,  who  were  in  momentary  dread 
of  apprehension.  Arrest  followed  arrest,  and  Mr.  Furthmann  and  I  were 
kept  exceedingly  busy  in  directing  the  taking  of  confessions  and  assimilat- 
ing the  material  for  future  use.  Still  the  good  work  went  on. 

The  first  victim,  after  the  Hermann  brothers, to  fall  under  police  control 
was  Herman  Muntzenberg.  He  was  arrested  on  the  evening  of  May  20, 
at  eight  o'clock,  and  the  circumstances  attending  his  arrest  were  somewhat 
peculiar.  On  the  evening  in  question,  Officers  Schuettler  and  Hoffman 
were  transferring  the  Hermann  brothers  from  the  Larrabee  Street  Station 
to  the  Chicago  Avenue  Station.  They  boarded  an  open  street-car  with 
their  prisoners,  whom  they  placed  on  a  rear  seat  facing  front,  stationing 
themselves  immediately  behind  on  the  platform.  In  the  middle  of  the  car, 
facing  to  the  rear,  sat  a  stranger.  Presently  the  officers  noticed  that  the 
man  was  making  signs  to  the  Hermanns.  In  response,  Lorenz  Hermann 
placed  his  right  hand  over  his  mouth.  This  was  followed  by  another  sign 
from  the  stranger.  Officer  Schuettler  recognized  the  fact  that  the  man 
was  a  friend  of  the  Hermanns,  and  he  requested  the  prisoners  not  to  divulge 
the  officers'  identity.  The  stranger  seemed  to  be  in  doubt  about  some- 


ARREST  ON  A  STREET-CAR. 


thing,  left  his  seat,  and,  placing  himself  at  the  side  of  Abraham  Hermann, 
started  a  conversation.  He  appeared  to  be  an  old  acquaintance.  This 
was  sufficient  for  the  officers.  When  the  car  reached  the  corner  of  Wells 
Street  and  Chicago  Avenue,  the  stranger  was  about  to  leave.  He  was 
quietly  told  by  the  officers  not  to  trouble  himself  just  then  to  get  off  the  car, 
but  to  keep  his  seat  a  little  while  longer.  Naturally  the  man  was  surprised 
at  this  request  of  men  whom  he  did  not  know,  and  indignantly  declined  to 
ride  any  farther.  The  officers  promptly  told  him  to  consider  himself  under 
arrest  and  not  to  move  if  he  valued  his  life.  They  had  in  the  meantime  recog- 
nized the  man  as  the  little  fellow  who  had  carried  the  satchel  filled  with 
dynamite  bombs  to  Neff's  Hall,  along  with 
Lingg.  It  was  Herman  Muntzenberg. 

The  three  prisoners  were  taken  to  the 
station,  and  Muntzenberg  was  locked  up 
by  himself  over  night.  The  next  day  he 
was  brought  into  my  office.  The  density 
of  his  ignorance  respecting  Anarchy  or 
Anarchists  was  astonishing.  Like  the  rest, 
he  absolutely  knew  nothing.  Some  days 
afterwards,  however,  he  took  a  different 
view  of  things.  A  confession  was  looked 
for,  and  he  was  given  an  opportunity. 

"  I  see  everybody  is  in  trouble,"  Munt- 
zenberg began  dolefully.  "  I  am  in  for  it 
myself.  I  cannot  help  anybody;  nobody 
can  help  me." 

He  hesitated,  as  if  trying  to  decide 
what  he  should  do,  but  finally,  nerving 
himself,  he  continued  : 

"  I  will  bear  my  own  trouble.     I  will  hurt  no  one  else." 

"Ah,"  said  I,  "there  is  Hermann,  for  instance  ;  there  are  other  people  also 
who  have  given  you  away.  They  have  all  professed  to  be  your  friends  in 
times  past,  and  now  they  are  trying  to  save  their  own  necks  and  hang  you. 
So  you  want  to  remain  silent  under  their  charges  ?  Have  you  nothing  to  tell 
on  the  others?  " 

"  That  would  do  me  no  good,"  answered  Muntzenberg. 

"Then,"  said  I,  "  what  have  you  to  say  about  yourself  ?  " 

"You  don't  know  the  least  thing  about  me,"  defiantly  remarked  the  little 
man. 

"  Probably  you  had  such  a  bad  headache  from  the  smell  of  dynamite  that 
you  can't  remember  anything." 

"Who  told  you  I  had  a  headache  ?  "  broke  in  Muntzenberg,  now  intensely 
interested. 


HERMAN    MUNTZENBERG. 
From  a  Photograph. 


3H  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

"Were  you  not  afraid,"  I  continued,  not  heeding  the  interruption,  "that 
you  would  fall  into  the  basement  when  you  sat  on  the  iron  railing  at  the  corner 
of  North  Avenue  and  Larrabee  Street,  near  the  police  station,  or  did  you 
feel  confident  that  the  bombs  you  had  in  your  pocket  would  hold  you  in  your 
place?  Another  thing  —  you  are  not  in  the  habit  of  smoking  cigars.  Did 
they  make  you  sick  ?  " 

Muntzenberg  had  remained  somewhat  passive  up  to  this  last  shot,  but  he 
suddenly  showed  there  was  a  good  deal  of  vitality  in  him.  His  eyes  flashed 
with  excitement,  and  he  was  all  attention. 

"  By  the  way, "  I  went  on,  "  how  much  weight  can  you  carry  ?  " 

"What  do  you  mean?  "  interposed  the  anxious  listener. 

"  I  mean  how  much  did  that  gray  satchel  weigh  that  you  carried  to  58  Cly- 
bourn  Avenue  May  4,  about  eight  o'clock  ?  " 

"  D n  the  informers,"  ejaculated  the  now  irate  little  Anarchist.  "  Give 

me  an  hour  to  think  matters  over  and  call  me  again. " 

He  was  sent  back  to  his  cell,  and  on  the  expiration  of  two  hours  he  was 
brought  back.  He  entered  the  office  very  meekly,  and  at  once  said  : 

"  Captain,  I  see  it  is  no  use  for  me  to  be  stubborn.  Will  you  treat  me  like 
the  others,  if  I  tell  all  I  have  seen  and  what  I  have  done  myself  ?  " 

"  I  promise  you  the  same  right  and  privilege." 

Muntzenberg  made  his  statement  and  was  released  by  order  of  the  State's 
Attorney.  He  was  a  German,  twenty-eight  years  old,  five  feet  seven  inches 
tall,  stoutly  built,  with  large  head  and  eyes,  and  followed  the  trade  of  a 
blacksmith.  At  the  time  of  his  arrest  he  lived  at  No.  95  North  Wells 
Street.  On  his  release  he  promised  to  testify  whenever  wanted,  but  about 
the  middle  of  the  trial  he  took  a  leave  of  absence  and  has  never  been  seen 
since.  Once  it  was  reported  that  he  was  dead,  but  the  report  could  not  be 
verified.  Muntzenberg  was  a  warm  admirer  of  Lingg,  Spies  and  Engel, 
and  a  persistent  woiker  for  their  cause.  He  often  lost  several  days' work  in 
a  week  to  saunter  out  into  the  country,  selling  Most's  books  and  telling  people 
to  arm  themselves.  He  earned  good  wages  when  he  worked,  and  spent  it 
all  for  Anarchy.  Like  others,  he  acknowledged  that  he  had  been  led  astray 
by  incendiary  literature.  His  statement  was  as  follows: 

"On  May  4,  about  eight  o'clock,  I  was  sent  to  meet  two  men  who 
carried  a  satchel  filled  with  dynamite  shells  or  bombs.  I  met  them  about 
a  block  from  Thiiringer  Hall,  58  Clybourn  Avenue.  I  told  them  that  I  had 
been  asked  to  meet  them  and  help  carry  the  satchel.  They  said,  'All.  right.' 
I  took  it  from  them,  put  it  on  my  shoulder  and  carried  it  to  the  hall.  The 
satchel  weighed  about  thirty  pounds.  In  the  afternoon  of  that  day,  about 
four  o'clock,  I  came  to  the  North  Side  and  went  to  Hubner's  house,  No.  n 
Mohawk  Street.  He  was  not  at  home.  I  went  out  to  look  for  him.  I  have 
known  him  for  some  time.  I  found  him.  The  second  time  I  wanted  to 
see  him  I  went  to  his  house  and  found  him  at  home  in  his  room  making 
transparencies  for  that  night's  meeting  at  the  Haymarket.  He  took  lunch 
then,  and  after  that  we  went  to  Seliger's  house,  No.  442  Sedgwick  Street. 


MUNTZENBERG'S  NARRA  TIVE.  3 1 5 

Reaching  there,  Hubner  told  Lingg  and  Seliger  that  I  was  his  friend  and 
all  right.  In  the  room  of  Lingg  I  saw  two  guns  and  two  revolvers.  Seli- 
ger was  filling  the  bombs  with  dynamite.  Lingg  was  cutting  the  fuse. 
One  of  them  asked  me  if  I  had  any  sores  on  my  hand.  I  said  no.  'Then,' 
they  said,  'you  can  help  us.'  My  task  was  to  fill  in  with  dynamite  the 
long  gas-pipe  shells.  I  filled  six  or  eight  shells  or  bombs.  My  head  com- 
menced to  ache  from  the  smell  of  the  dynamite,  so  that  I  could  not  work 
any  longer.  Hubner  also  worked,  putting  caps  on  the  fuse.  I  saw  three 
or  four  men  in  the  house  at  the  time.  I  saw  about  ten  round  lead  bombs  on 
the  bed,  all  empty.  After  they  were  finished  they  were  put  under  the  bed.  I 
noticed  about  sixteen  of  the  long  gas-pipe  shells  or  bombs  about  the  room. 
At  dark  Hubner  and  I  went  to  Neff's  Hall.  Before  leaving  I  saw  one  of 
the  two,  Lingg  or  Seliger,  bring  in  a  satchel  and  empty  it  of  dirty  clothes. 
As  we  were  approaching  the  hall,  Hubner  asked  me  to  see  if  they  were 
coming.  I  went  to  see,  and  met  them  in  the  alley  near  the  street.  Both 
were  carrying  the  satchel,  each  having  hold  of  the  ends  of  the  handles  on 
the  satchel.  I  asked  if  I  should  help  them.  They  answered  yes.  As  they 
were  tall  men,  I  could  not  carry  it  with  either  one,  and  so  I  put  it  on  my 
shoulder  and  carried  it  myself.  I  took  it  into  the  rear  hall  back  of  the 
saloon.  After  a  little  while  one  of  them  asked  me  where  I  had  placed  the 
satchel.  I  told  him.  He  said  that  was  not  the  right  place  and  asked  me 
to  bring  it  back.  So  I  went  after  it  and  put  it  into  the  narrow  hall-way. 
The  satchel  was  two  feet  long,  eighteen  inches  high  and  sixteen  inches 
wide.  It  was  covered  with  gray  canvas.  It  weighed  about  thirty  pounds. 
When  I  left  Seliger's  house  at  dark,  I  took  along  with  me  three  long  bombs. 
I  did  so  because  one  of  the  men  there  told  me  to  do  so.  I  knew  they  were 
bombs  in  the  satchel  when  I  carried  them.  Some  one  passed  us  on  the 
street  as  we  were  going  to  the  hall.  Lingg  said  :  '  Those  are  heavy  tools,' 
meaning  the  contents  of  the  satchel,  to  throw  the  party  we  met  off  his 
guard.  I  threw  the  three  bombs  I  had  into  the  lake  on  my  way  to  Pullman, 
because  I  learned  they  were  dangerous  and  I  did  not  want  them  any 
longer.  I  saw  at  Neff's  Hall  that  night,  May  4,  a  crowd  of  men  together 
for  a  while,  and  then  they  began  to  part.  They  went  away  in  groups  of 
five  or  six.  They  all  went  on  Clybourn  Avenue  to  Larrabee  Street.  As 
we  got  to  Larrabee  Street,  they  all  separated  and  spread  on  Larrabee 
Street.  I  went  up  to  North  Avenue  and  Larrabee  Street  to  the  police 
station  with  a  strange  man.  I  remained  there  for  some  time.  I  saw  Seli- 
ger and  Lingg  near  the  station,  going  north  on  Larrabee  Street.  When  I 
was  at  Seliger's  house  one  of  the  five  men  present  said  to  me  to  throw 
bombs  into  the  police  station  to  kill  the  police,  and  if  any  patrol  wagons 
escaped  and  came  out  to  throw  bombs  into  the  wagons  among  the  officers 
and  shoot  the  horses.  This  was  for  the  purpose  of  preventing  them  from 
giving  assistance  to  each  other.  I  smoked  a  cigar  that  night  so  that  I 
would  have  a  fire  ready  to  light  the  bombs  with  and  throw  them  if  neces- 
sary. I  only  smoke  cigars  on  Sundays,  and,  as  I  am  not  accustomed  to 
smoke  much,  the  cigar  made  me  sick.  I  sat  for  some  time  on  an  iron  rail- 
ing on  Larrabee  Street,  opposite  the  police  station,  on  the  southeast  corner. 
I  sat  there  about  fifteen  minutes.  The  wagon  failed  to  come  out,  and,  as  I 
felt  sick  and  could  not  do  much  anyway,  I  went  home.  Lingg  and  Seliger 
walked  ahead  of  me.  I  saw  them  last  when  they  crossed  North  Avenue, 
going  north  on  Larrabee  Street.  The  next  evening  I  went  to  No.  58  Cly- 
bourn Avenue.  I  met  Hubner,  and  he  said  that  on  the  night  of  the  shoot- 


316  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

ing  he  was  at  Lincoln  Park.  I  recognize  this  picture  now  shown  me  as 
being  that  of  Seliger.  I  saw  him  making  dynamite  bombs  at  442  Sedgwick 
Street  on  the  afternoon  of  May  4  in  company  with  Lingg.  The  man  I 
have  seen  locked  up  in  this  station  I  saw  working  and  making  dynamite 
bombs  in  company  with  Seliger,  and  his  name  is  Louis  Lingg.  When  I 
was  at  Seliger's  house,  Hubner  told  me  to  go  to  Lincoln  Park,  and  there  I 
would  get  my  instructions." 

THE  next  Anarchist  brought  into  the  station  was  AUGUST  GRAGGE.  He 
was  a  German,  twenty-eight  years  of  age,  straight  and  stoutly  built,  a  brick- 
layer by  trade,  and  lived  at  No.  880  North  Halsted  Street.  He  was  arrested 
on  the  24th  of  May.  I  gave  him  an  evening's  audience  shortly  after.  It 
was  apparent  from  his  demeanor  that  he  was  a  young  man  easily  led  astray 
by  men  of  force  and  decision  of  character  ;  therefore  it  was  no  wonder  that 
he  had  become  an  extreme  Anarchist,  especially  since  he  had  been  thrown  a 
great  deal  into  the  company  of  some  of  the  rankest  leaders  in  the  order  and 
had  attended  meetings  where  gore  and  plunder  formed  the  chief  topics  of 
discussion.  When  the  authorities  took  him  in  hand,  he  soon  modified  his 
opinions.  He  stated  that,  like  a  great  many  others,  he  had  been  misled  to 
believe  that  Anarchist  doctrines  were  right  and  that  no  law  existed  to 
interfere  with  them  ;  but  after  the  law  had  been  read  to  him,  he  acknowl- 
edged that  he  had  pursued  a  wrong  course.  He  had  been  a  man  of  sober 
habits,  and  on  being  questioned  he  told  a  very  straightforward  story.  After 
giving  such  information  as  he  possessed  he  was  released  by  the  State's 
Attorney,  and  he  promised  to  mend  his  ways. 

The  statement  he  made  to  me  was  as  follows  : 

"A  man  by  the  name  of  Lange  and  another,  August  Asher,  coaxed  me 
into  the  armed  group.  Charles  Bock  was  our  secretary  four  or  five  weeks 
ago.  I  heard  Rau  and  Lingg  speak  in  Neff's  Hall.  Lingg  spoke  about 
dynamite  and  called  on  us  to  arm  ourselves.  They  also  wanted  us  to  buy 
revolvers.  I  bought  one  —  a  big  one  —  for  $4.  I  paid  $2  down.  Asher 
and  I  went  to  the  meeting  at  the  Haymarket  on  the  evening  of  May  4.  I 
saw  the  circular  that  called  that  meeting.  We  had  our  big  revolvers  with 
us  when  we  went  there.  When  the  shooting  commenced  we  ran.  I  fell 
down,  and  about  forty  men  ran  over  me  and  kept  me  down.  I  then  lost  my 
revolver.  We  had  a  meeting  on  Monday  night,  May  3,  at  Neff's  Hall. 
Abraham  Hermann  had  three  or  four  revolvers  for  sale.  Asher  always  kept 
the  Arbeiter-Zeitung,  and  at  times  I  would  read  it.  The  first  man  I  heard 
speak  at  the  Haymarket  was  August  Spies,  then  Parsons,  and  Fielden  next 
I  saw  Schnaubelt  standing  on  the  wagon  with  Spies.  On  account  of  its 
looking  like  rain  it  was  decided  to  go  to  Zepf's  Hall.  Parsons,  however, 
told  the  people  to  remain,  as  he  only  had  a  few  more  words.  The  police 
finally  came.  Some  of  the  people  started  to  go  away,  but  some  one  in  a 
loud  voice  urged  them  to  remain.  Then  firing  commenced.  I  heard  the 
explosion  of  the  bomb.  As  I  stated,  I  fell  down.  As  soon  as  I  could  get 
up  I  started  to  run  for  the  North  Side.  I  went  to  Neff's  Hall.  I  found 
there  several  that  I  knew.  I  told  them  I  had  lost  my  revolver  and  then 
explained  what  had  happened  at  the  Haymarket.  I  carried  my  revolver  in 


INCENDIARISM  AND   MURDER.  317 

my  hip  pocket,  and  it  dropped  out  as  I  fell.  The  revolver  was  loaded.  I 
know  Lingg.  I  have  heard  him  speak  at  least  four  or  five  times.  He 
would  always  call  on  the  people  to  arm  themselves.  He  also  said  that  they 
were  too  slow  in  getting  arms  and  that  the  time  would  come  for  their  use 
and  they  ought  to  be  ready." 

GUSTAV  BREITENFELD  was  next  arrested.  He  was  a  German,  aged  thirty, 
a  brush- maker  by  trade,  and  lived  in  the  lower  flat  of  a  two- story  house  at 
No.  1 8  Samuel  Street.  On  May  4  he  was  commander  of  the  second  com- 
pany of  the  Lehr  und  Wehr  Verein,  and  he  had  previously  taken  an  active 
part  at  all  Anarchist  meetings.  He  was  regarded  as  a  star  Anarchist  on  the 
Northwest  Side,  and  frequently  visited  the  house  of  George  Engel. 

Gustav  was  an  Anarchist  jumping-jack.  All  that  the  leaders  had  to  do 
was  to  pull  the  strings,  and  he  responded.  He  served  on  all  committees,  and 
whenever  in  doubt  as  to  any  course  of  procedure  he  went  to  Engel  for  advice. 
He  lacked  judgment  and  brains,  and  he  sought  to  make  up  the  deficiency 
by  consulting  the  leaders.  But  withal  he  was  a  dangerous  man.  He  was 
quick-tempered,  but  a  coward  when  he  thought  he  was  not  likely  to  get  the 
best  of  the  situation. 

On  the  night  of  May  4  he  had  his  company  ready  near  the  city  limits  to 
murder  people  and  set  fire  to  buildings,  only  awaiting  orders  to  set  about 
the  work  of  general  destruction.  They  expected  to  see  the  police  flee  from 
the  Haymarket,  but  as  the  reds  did  the  running  on  that  occasion,  the  com- 
bination failed.  Their  "  signal  "  committees  were  scattered  and  their  com- 
rades became  demoralized  at  the  unexpected  charge  of  the  police. 

Breitenfeld  and  his  company  heard  the  shooting  at  their  place  of  rendez- 
vous, and,  failing  to  receive  the  signal  to  begin  the  attack,  he  went  to 
Engel's  house  to  ascertain  what  was  wrong.  Learning  of  the  drubbing  his 
comrades  had  received  at  the  Haymarket,  he  was  not  anxious  to  take  simi- 
lar "medicine,"  and  he  skulked  away  like  a  whipped  cur.  A  house  had 
been  chosen  near  the  limits  for  the  incendiary  torches  of  his  company,  and  it 
would  have  been  in  flames  on  their  first  advance  if  they  had  received  the 
signal.  But  the  company  were  dismissed,  and  all  hurried  home  to  escape 
danger.  For  two  weeks  they  were  in  mortal  dread  of  the  police. 

If,  however,  these  misguided  men  had  been  started  that  night,  with  all 
things  in  their  favor,  there  is  no  telling  what  fearful  havoc  they  would  have 
created.  The  company  was  composed  of  men  desperate  enough,  under 
proper  encouragement,  to  have  murdered  people  asleep  or  awake  They 
would  have  held  high  carnival  if  the  Haymarket  meeting  had  come  out 
according  to  expectations,  and  the  able-bodied  and  the  helpless  would  have 
suffered  alike  at  their  hands.  Their  plan  was  to  shoot  or  stab  everybody 
who  opposed  their  onward  march  into  the  city,  and,  crazed  with  success, 
they  would  have  hesitated  at  nothing. 

Breitenfeld  knew  all  the  villainous  arrangements,  and  he  was  therefore  a 


3i8  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

man  the  police  sought  after.  He  was  found  on  the  25th  of  May,  at  about 
seven  o'clock,  by  Officers  Stift  and  Schuettler,  and  brought  to  the  Chicago 
Avenue  Station.  When  I  had  the  honor  of  meeting  him,  he  at  once  assumed 
military  airs,  but  he  soon  found  himself  reduced  to  the  ranks.  As  he  was 
one  of  the  few  who  understood  English,  the  law  on  conspiracies  was  read 
to  him.  Then  he  was  informed  that  he  had  been  indicted,  and  was  told 
what  could  be  proved  against  him.  He  became  terribly  excited,  could 
hardly  speak,  but  finally  managed  to  say  : 

"  Gentlemen,  you  have  got  the  wrong  man.  You  want  to  get  my  brother. 
I  am  not  that  Breitenfeld.  I  am  a  good,  peaceable  man." 

He  was  informed  that  lies  were  at  a  discount  in  the  station  just  then, 
and  that  if  he  desired  to  speak  and  tell  the  truth  an  opportunity  would  be 
given  him.  If  not,  we  would  tolerate  no  nonsense.  He  refrained  from 
speaking,  and  was  sent  below. 

The  next  day  he  sent  word  that  he  wanted  to  see  me.  He  was  brought 
up,  and  on  being  seated  before  Assistant  State's  Attorney  Furthmann  and 
all  the  officers,  he  said  : 

"  Gentlemen,  I  beg  your  pardon.  I  told  you  a  lie.  I  am  the  man  you 
want.  I  have  a  wife  and  family,  and  I  love  them.  I  beg  of  you  now,  if  you 
let  me  speak,  I  will  tell  the  truth  and  everything  I  know." 

"  Tell  all  you  know,"  said  I,  "  and  remember  that  I  will  know  when  you 
tell  a  falsehood." 

"I  know  you  have  everything  by  this  time.  If  I  tell  you  all  and  become 
a  witness  against  these  other  fellows,  will  you  let  me  go  ?  " 

"  If  you  tell  all  and  the  truth.  I  will  see  the  State's  Attorney  for  you  and 
ask  him  to  take  you  as  a  witness." 

Breitenfeld  thereupon  made  a  statement,  and  a  few  days  later  he  was 
released.  When  subsequently  called  on  to  testify,  he  refused  to  do  so.  He 
had  told  others  that  the  State  could  not  convict  anybody,  and  he  would  not 
help  the  prosecution.  He  was,  therefore,  let  alone.  He  is  still  under 
indictment.  With  the  lesson  he  had  received  it  was  thought  he  would  reform. 
In  this  we  were  mistaken.  He  has  since  attended  a  number  of  meetings, 
and  at  the  funeral  of  Mrs.  Neebe  turned  out  with  his  company.  He  is  the 
same  unrepentant  Anarchist  that  he  was  before  his  trouble,  but  he  is  being 
carefully  watched  wherever  he  goes. 

This  is  what  he  swore  to  at  the  station  in  the  presence  of  Mr.  Furth- 
mann, myself  and  the  officers  : 

"My  name  is  Gustav  Breitenfeld.  I  am  thirty  years  ofd.  I  am  mar- 
ried and  I  reside  at  No.  18  Samuel  Street.  I  am  a  brush-maker.  I  am 
captain  of  the  second  company  of  the  Lehr  und  Wehr  Verein.  We  have 
twenty  men  in  our  company.  I  know  Fischer  and  Schrade.  Schrade  is 
drill-sergeant  of  my  company.  On  Sunday,  May  2,  I  was  at  Pullman.  I 
heard  of  the  riot  plan  on  Monday  afternoon,  May  3.  I  know  George 
Engel,  Deitz  and  Fischer.  They  are  the  principal  leaders  in  the  North- 


BREITENFEL&S  RE  VELA  TIONS.  3 1 9 

west  Side  group  and  of  the  armed  men.  Heier  is  the  name  of  the  man 
who  keeps  Thalia  Hall  on  Milwaukee  Avenue.  I  know  Kraemer ;  he  lives 
in  the  rear  of  Engel's  house.  I  think  I  saw  Kraemer  at  the  meeting  held 
on  the  evening  of  May  3,  at  54  West  Lake  Street.  I  know  Schmidt,  the 
carrier  of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung.  At  that  meeting  I  saw  Krueger,  Schrade, 
Gruenwald,  Clermont,  Kraemer,  Deitz,  Engel,  Fischer,  Schnaubelt  and 
Waller.  Waller  was  the  chairman  of  the  meeting.  The  first  thing  I  heard 
they  were  denouncing  the  police  force  for  killing  the  workingmen  at 
McCormick's  factory.  I  saw  the  revenge  circular,  which  called  the  people 
to  arms.  I  heard  Engel  say  that  when  the  word  '  Ruhe  '  should  appear  in 
the  Arbeiter-Zeitung,  every  one  should  go  to  his  meeting-place  selected  by 
them  and  be  ready  for  action.  I  heard  some  one  say  that  as  soon  as  they 
saw  the  heavens  illuminated  with  red  fires,  then  was  the  time  to  commence 
the  revolution.  Engel  and  Fischer  volunteered  to  carry  the  news  form  the 
Haymarket  to  the  armed  men  stationed  at  Wicker  Park.  Engel  volun- 
teered to  act  as  a  spy.  I  know  Engel  to  have  sold  arms.  At  the  meeting 
of  May  3,  I  heard  some  one  asking  for  dynamite  bombs.  I  heard  Engel 
respond  that  the  dynamite  bombs  were  ready  and  in  good  hands.  Fischer 
agreed  to  have  the  circulars,  calling  the  Haymarket  meeting,  printed.  It 
was  said  lhat  there  would  be  from  20,000  to  30,000  people  at  that  meeting, 
and  that  the  police  would  interfere.  Then  would  be  a  good  time  to  attack 
them  and  get  revenge  on  them  for  the  killing  of  six  of  their  comrades.  The 
word  '  Ruhe '  would  signify  that  they  should  get  ready  and  be  on  the  look- 
out. Engel  said  that  they  should  look  for  it  in  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  on 
May  4,  and  they  were  all  to  go  to  their  respective  places,  as  agreed  upon, 
with  their  arms  or  guns.  The  Haymarket  meeting  was  decided  upon  as  a 
trap  to  catch  the  police.  Engel,  Kraemer  and  Krueger  went  to  the  meeting 
to  see  if  there  was  a  big  crowd  there,  and  when  they  got  back  home  Engel 
said  there  were  only  250  men  present.  I  went  to  see  Engel  on  the  morn- 
ing of  May  4  at  his  house.  He  told  me  he  had  been  at  the  meeting  and 
there  were  present  the  number  I  have  given.  I  attended  the  meeting  of 
the  Northwest  Side  group  that  decided  to  call  the  meeting  for  the  evening 
of  May  3,  at  54  West  Lake  Street.  I  heard,  at  the  last-named  place,  sev- 
eral say  that  the  dynamite  bombs  were  in  good  hands.  I  met  Waller  at 
Thalia  Hall  on  May  4,  about'  eleven  o'clock  in  the  evening,  and  he 
remarked  that  they  had  had  a  very  hot  time  of  it  at  the  Haymarket.  I  saw 
Fischer  on  Wednesday,  May  5,  at  Thalia  Hall,  and  he  then  told  me  that 
Spies  had  been  arrested  about  four  o'clock  that  morning.  Spies  is  the  only 
one  I  know  of  the  Spies  family.  I  have  known  him  five  years." 

WILLIAM  HAGEMAN  was  the  next  to  inspect  our  plain  and  unpretentious 
office.  He  came  in  on  his  dignity  and  carried  an  air  about  him  that  plainly 
exhibited  his  complete  contempt  for  the  police  He  was  a  German,  about 
thirty  years  old,  round-shouldered,  a  stair-builder  by  occupation,  was  mar- 
ried and  had  one  child.  He  lived  at  the  time  of  his  arrest  on  the  lower 
floor  of  a  house  at  No.  49  Reese  Street,  and  he  could  always  be  found  when- 
ever Anarchist  plots  were  to  be  executed.  His  brother  was,  like  himself, 
a  rampant  Anarchist,  but  with  cunning  enough  to  escape  arrest.  William 
was  found  by  Officers  Schuettler  and  Hoffman,  about  seven  o'clock  on  the 


320  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

morning  of  May  26.      He  did  not  long  remain  in  ignorance  of  the  cause  of 
his  arrest,  and  then  he  wanted  me  to  understand  : 

"  My  brother  is  no  Anarchist.  If  any  one  does  any  squealing  on  him, 
don't  pay  any  attention  to  it,  because  it  all  means  me.  I  am  the  fellow. 
The  people  often  get  us  mixed." 

"You  are  the  worst  Anarchist  of  the  two,"  I  remarked. 

Hageman  wanted  to  know  how  I  had  come  to  that  conclusion. 

"  We  know  all  about  you,"  said  I. 

"  If  you  know  it,  be  sure  and  don't  forget  it,"  was  the  reply.  "  I  am 
sure  you  won't  learn  anything  from  me." 

"All  right.  But  just  as  sure  as  you  are  sitting  there,  I  will  find  out  all 
your  performances,  and  every  one  you  associated  with  during  the  last  two 
years,  before  you  leave  this  station.  And  you  will  tell  it  to  me  yourself." 

"  Never  ;  I  will  die  first.  I  will  kill  myself  first.  I  will  stand  any  tor- 
ture you  may  inflict  on  me,  but  I  will  never  tell  on  my  comrades  or  any  one 
that  worked  for  our  cause." 

"  You  probably  don't  remember  the  job  you  pledged  yourself  to  under- 
take on  the  night  of  May  4.  It  was  not  a  very  small  one  either,  but,  of 
course,  your  nerves  not  being  very  strong  that  evening,  you  came  here  to  a 
neighboring  saloon  several  times  to  brace  up,  and  your  friends,  lying  in  the 
rear  of  this  station,  felt  very  much  the  same  way  as  you  did.  So  you 
spelled  one  another  and  strengthened  your  nerves.  Say,  William,  who  said 
that  the  bombs  were  not  good  ?  You  remember  the  third  window  in  the 
station  on  the  east  side  of  the  building  and  the  little  quarrel  about  the 
bombs  —  whether  a  round  lead  bomb  should  be  thrown  or  a  long  gas-pipe 
bomb.  Do  you  remember  the  two  policemen  that  crossed  the  alley  and 
stood  still  for  a  moment  in  the  middle  of  that  alley  when  you  fellows  thought 
you  were  discovered  —  how  you  all  got  into  the  dark  side  of  the  alley  and  ran? 
Now,  remember,  when  you  get  ready  to  talk,  I  will  tell  my  side  of  the  story, 
and  should  you  get  stuck,  you  see  I  can  help  you  out  a  great  deal.  You 
might  recall  what  little  you  know  of  the  Haymarket,  how  you  were  surprised 
that  only  one  bomb  was  thrown  and  how  the  fellows  detailed  for  that  duty 
did  not  attend  to  their  business.  Here,  officers,  show  this  gentleman  the 
suite  of  rooms  which  he  is  to  occupy  for  the  next  four  weeks.  If  you  desire 
anything  extra  that  is  not  on  our  bill  of  fare,  just  touch  the  button,  and  you 
will  be  waited  on  promptly.  Any  inattention  on  the  part  of  the  waiters 
must  be  reported  to  this  office.  If  you  should  conclude  to  make  a  long  stay 
with  us,  you  had  better  provide  yourself  with  a  good  supply  of  tobacco. 
You  understand  that  when  a  man  is  at  sea  he  finds  that  there  are  a  good 
many  things  he  needs  that  would  come  in  handy." 

He  did  not  like  his  apartments—  singular  to  relate.  There  was  no 
fire  escape,  the  linen  on  the  bed  was  not  changed  every  day,  and  the  noise 
of  his  neighbors  kept  him  awake  of  nights.  He  had  struck  the  wrong 


VERY  UNPLEASANT  BUSINESS.  321 

hotel,  but  his  apartments  had  been  engaged  for  him  and  paid  for  by  the  tax- 
payers, and  he  could  not  gracefully  withdraw. 

Hageman  first  got  tired,  then  angry,  and  finally  desperate.  He  realised 
that  he  was  in  trouble  and  made  up  his  mind  to  take  me  into  his  confidence. 
He  reached  this  conclusion  on  the  afternoon  of  May  27,  and  sent  the  janitor 
to  the  office  with  a  message  that  he  desired  to  see  me.  He  was  informed 
in  return  that  he  could  not  see  me  unless  he  meant  to  talk  business.  Hage- 
man responded  that  he  was  ready  to  talk  on  any  subject  upon  which  he 
might  be  questioned,  and  he  was  accordingly  brought  into  the  office,  into 
the  presence  of  Mr.  Furthmann,  myself  and  the  detectives. 

"Well,"  said  I,  "I  understand  that  you  want  to  see  me." 

"Yes,  I  do,"  was  the  response,  "but  not  in  the  presence  of  all  these 
fellows." 

"Why  not?" 

"  Because  my  business  is  with  you  alone." 

"Well,  you  see,  William,  I  am  only  one,  and  as  what  you  tell  here, 
which  must  be  the  truth,  will  have  to  be  given  by  you  in  the  Criminal  Court, 
and  as  I  may  probably  get  killed  before  that  time,  there  would  be  no  one  to 
testify  to  your  statement  if  given  to  me  alone." 

"  Oh,  that  is  the  way  you  want  to  catch  me  !  " 

"There  is  no  catch  about  it.  If  you  don't  want  to  make  a  statement  in 
the  presence  of  all  these  men,  I  don't  want  to  hear  anything  from  you." 

"Will  you  answer  me  one  question  ?"  asked  Hageman,  getting  a  little 
apprehensive  that  he  might  lose  his  only  chance.  "  It  is,  has  any  one  out  of 
the  many  people  locked  up  here  squealed  ?  " 

"  Well,"  I  answered,  "most  of  them  have  already  done  so,  and  the  others 
are  fairly  breaking  their  necks  to  follow  suit." 

"  This  is  a  very  unpleasant  thing  to  do." 

"Yes,  that  is  true." 

"  Can  I  get  out  by  telling  you  all  I  know,  and  can  you  keep  me  from  tes- 
tifying in  court?  You  know  this  will  kill  a  man  forever." 

"  Yes,  but  a  great  many  policemen  were  killed,  and  they  simply  obeyed 
orders.  If  you  think  you  are  better  than  a  policeman,  you  had  better  go 
down  stairs  again  and  await  your  trial  in  the  Criminal  Court." 

"  Now,  see  here,  Captain,  I  would  never  tell  on  anybody,  but  I  have  got 
a  wife  and  little  baby  at  home.  It  almost  sets  me  crazy  thinking  of  them, 
and  for  their  sake  I  will  tell  all." 

Hageman  did  as  he  promised,  but  in  the  interview  that  ensued  it  became 
apparent  that  he  was  a  double-faced  man,  and  that,  when  it  came  to  his 
family,  he  did  not  care  a  fig  whether  he  landed  the  other  fellows  on  the  gal- 
lows or  in  the  penitentiary.  He  had  been  a  brave,  boasting  Anarchist. 
He  had  been  accustomed  to  talk  with  his  associates  over  foaming  "schoon- 
ers "  of  beer,  and  the  more  beer  there  was  the  greater  his  talk  about  killing 


322  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

people  and  overthrowing  capital.  He  was  a  great  reader  of  Anarchistic 
papers  and  literature,  and  the  more  fiery  and  unbridled  the  sentiment,  the 
better  he  was  pleased.  He  took  a  hand  in  every  movement,  attended  all 
the  meetings  and  picnics  of  the  reds,  and  made  himself  quite  a  useful  mem- 
ber of  the  order.  He  continually  boasted  of  the  bombs  that  he  had  hid 
away  for  use,  and  promised  to  let  capitalists  hear  from  him.  The  bombs 
he  had  were  found  to  be  of  the  round  lead  and  gas-pipe  patterns,  and  some 
of  them  he  had  received  from  Fischer  a  long  time  before  May  4.  He  had 
been  posted  as  to  the  manufacture  of  bombs  by  Lingg,  and  was  a  warm 
friend  of  Engel,  whose  talk  about  bombs  suited  him  exactly.  Hageman 
could  not  listen  patiently  to  any  discussion  from  which  dynamite  was  left 
out,  and  in  any  peaceful  gathering  he  was  sure  to  become  a  disturber.  If 
there  was  no  dispute,  he  would  start  one  himself,  and,  if  necessary,  back  up 
his  argument  with  blows.  Whenever  a  dance  or  benefit  was  held  to  replen- 
ish the  treasury  for  the  purchase  of  dynamite,  he  was  promptly  on  hand  and 
exerted  himself  to  the  utmost  to  swell  the  receipts.  Being  such  an  active 
member,  it  was  natural  that  he  knew  a  great  deal  about  his  order,  and  he 
helped  the  State  very  materially  with  the  points  he  furnished. 

He  was  kept  in  custody  until  after  the  trial,  and  with  the  experience  he 
had  in  prison  one  would  think  that  he  would  cut  loose  altogether  from 
Anarchy.  Not  so,  however.  While  nearly  all  the  others  repented  of  their 
error,  Hageman  had  no  sooner  regained  his  liberty  than  he  became  as  rad- 
ical as  ever.  He  even  threatened  several  times  to  kill  State's  Attorney 
Grinnell,  Judge  Gary,  myself  and  others.  After  the  trial,  I  had  a  detective 
at  every  meeting  of  the  Anarchists,  and  the  reports  brought  me  were  that 
Hageman  and  Bernhard  Schrade  were  the  most  violent  and  determined  men 
in  the  union. 

Hageman  would  boastingly  say,  "  I  never  squealed  to  that  man  Schaack. 
If  they  had  all  done  as  I  did,  they  would  know  very  little  about  the  Anar- 
chists." 

One  night,  at  54  West  Lake  Street,  this  arrant  knave  was  approached  by 
one  of  his  supposed  warm  friends,  who  happened,  however,  to  be  in  my 
confidence,  and  who  said  to  him  : 

"  You  don't  like  Schaack,  and  I  don't  like  him.  He  is  now  here  at  the 
Desplaines  Street  Station.  We  can  go  into  the  alley  and  shoot  him  in  his 
office.  I  have  a  revolver  here  with  me  now,  and  I  will  go  into  Florus'  and 
get  one  more.  Then  we  will  go  and  '  do  him.'  We  will  both  go  and  fire 
together  and  run.  But  mind,  let  there  be  no  arrest  in  our  case ;  let  us  die 
before  capture." 

"  Do  you  mean  this  ?  "  asked  Hageman. 

"  Here  is  my  hand.  Here  is  my  revolver,  and  if  you  play  coward  on  me 
I  will  kill  you  standing  up.  Now,  come  on." 


A   COWARD  UNMASKED.  323 

Did  Hageman  respond  ?  Not  at  all.  He  crawled  on  his  belly  with 
excuses. 

"  That  man  Schaack,"  he  said,  "  knows  me  so  well  that  it  is  not  safe  to  go 
around  there." 

"Well,"  replied  his  companion,  "we  can  go  through  a  vacant  lot." 

"  It  is  too  dangerous,  my  boy,"  said  Hageman.  "I  could  do  all  this 
well  enough  if  I  never  would  be  found  out." 

"Well,"  said  the  companion,  "you  are  a  crazy  coward,  and  don't  you 
'  shoot  your  mouth'  hereafter  where  I  am." 

Hageman  subsided  for  the  time,  but  he  is  again  as  rampant  as  ever. 

Here  is  Hageman's  statement,  which  he  made  "for  the  sake  of  his  own 
family,"  but  which  helped  to  drive  the  nails  into  the  coffins  of  other  families  : 

"I  was  at  the  meeting  held  at  Neff's  Hall,  No.  121  West  Lake  Street. 
I  saw  Lmgg  there  and  heard  him  address  the  people,  calling  them  to  arms. 
I  also  saw  Thielen,  the  two  Lehmans  and  Peter  Huber.  Niendorf  was 
chairman  of  the  meeting,  which  had  been  called  to  consider  the  eight-hour 
movement.  Some  one  at  that  meeting  called  out  that  there  was  a  meeting 
at  No.  54  West  Lake  Street  and  said,  '  Let  us  go  there.'  Then  a  number  of 
us  went,  including  Hubner,  Thielen  and  myself.  I  stood  at  the  right  hand 
side  as  one  entered  the  basement  after  I  got  there.  The  meeting  lasted 
from  half  to  three  quarters  of  an  hour.  I  saw  there  Fischer,  Engel  and 
Waller.  Waller  was  chairman.  I  heard  Engel  speak.  He  told  us  to 
watch  for  the  red  fires,  and  when  we  saw  them  in  the  heavens,  then  was  the 
time  to  commence  the  revolution.  The  fires  were  to  be  the  signals  for  the 
outside  posts  that  the  riot  at  the  Haymarket  had  commenced.  It  was  also 
to  be  regarded  as  a  signal  that  the  police  had  made  an  attack  on  the  meet- 
ing at  the  Haymarket,  and  then  we  should  commence  the  work  of  destruc- 
tion. Every  one  should  pick  out  houses  beforehand,  so  that  they  could  be 
set  on  fire  when  the  signal  was  given.  Engel  also  said  at  this  meeting  that 
the  stuff,  meaning  dynamite,  was  cheap,  and  that  any  member  could  buy 
some.  He  referred  to  the  police  and  said  that  if  they  saw  a  patrol  wagon 
on  the  street  filled  with  officers  they  should  destroy  the  wagon  and  the 
police  by  throwing  bombs  into  the  wagon.  He  (Engel)  urged  every  man  to 
do  as  much  harm  as  possible,  meaning  destruction  of  property  and  killing 
people.  I  heard  this  plan  repeated  afterwards  by  a  black-whiskered  man 
named  Waller.  Waller  said  that  this  plan  for  the  revolution  had  been 
adopted  by  the  West  Side  armed  group.  Hermann  and  I  were  at  the  Hay- 
market  meeting,  but  when  the  shooting  began  we  ran  away." 

ALBERT  JEBOLINSKI  was  another  welcome  guest  on  the  26th  of  May.  He 
had  been  frequently  invited  to  partake  of  the  hospitalities  of  the  station,  but 
he  appeared  to  be  contented  with  putting  up  with  dingy  quarters  in  out-of- 
the-way  places  rather  than  run  the  risk  of  meeting  a  policeman.  But  on  the 
day  in  question  he  received  such  a  pressing  invitation  from  Schuettler  and 
Hoffman  that  he  finally  yielded.  He  was  a  German  Pole,  thirty-five  years 
of  age,  of  slim  build,  and,  with  a  dark  mustache  and  large  goatee,  he  looked 
like  a  Frenchman.  He  lived  at  the  time  in  a  two-story  brick  building,  first 
flat,  at  No.  1 1  Penn  Street.  The  officers  knew  that  he  was  a  very  sus- 


324  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

picious  man  and  that  he  would  run  blocks  to  get  out  of  the  way  of  a  police- 
man, so  great  was  his  hatred  of  the  force.  They  therefore  approached  his 
house  cautiously,  lest  he  might  mistake  them  for  blue-coats.  They  called 
rather  early, —  four  o'clock  in  the  morning, —  and  Schuettler,  giving  a  regular 
milkman's  rap  on  the  door,  brought  Mrs.  Jebolinski  to  the  front. 

"  Who  is  there,"  she  shouted  before  venturing  to  open  the  door,  •''  and 
what  is  wanted  ?  " 

"I  am  here  —  the  milkman,"  responded  Schuettler.  "I  want  to  see 
you,  madam."* 

With  this  assurance  Mrs.  Jebolinski  opened  the  door,  but  the  moment 
she  discovered  that  it  was  not  the  milkman,  she  slammed  the  door  to  —  not 
quick  enough,  however,  to  close  it,  for  the  officer,  seeing  his  chance,  had 
thrust  his  foot  between  the  door  and  the  frame.  Hoffman  came  at  once  to 
the  rescue  and  informed  the  woman  that  I  had  sent  him  after  her  husband. 

"  We  don't  know  anything  about  Capt.  Schaack,"  she  responded,  and 
again  tried  to  close  the  door. 

"Well,  madam,    I   am   sure  the  Captain  knows    something  about  you 
folks." 

And  with  this  bit  of  information  the  officers  pushed  the  door  open. 
This  was  too  much  for  Mrs.  Jebolinski.  She  shouted  to  her  husband : 

"  O  Albert,  the  spitzel,  the  police  !  " 

"Don't  open  the  door  for  anybody,"  came  in  stentorian  tones  from 
Albert  in  an  adjoining  room.  "  Keep  them  out !  " 

The  officers  had  meantime  effected  an  entrance,  and,  following  up  the 
voice,  found  Albert  in  bed. 

"  Good  morning,  Albert,"  said  Schuettler,  in  pleasant,  cheerful  tones. 

"  Who  told  you  to  come  here?"  gruffly  demanded  Albert. 

"  Capt.  Schaack  desires  to  see  you  on  pressing  business." 

"  Oh,  yes  ;  he  must  be  in  love  with  me,  since  he  sent  you  so  early  to  see 
me.  Has  no  one  killed  that  d d  bloodhound  yet  ?  " 

"  No,  Albert,  you  will  have  a  chance  to  see  him  soon,  and  then  you  can 
kill  him." 

"You  go  and  tell  Schaack  that  you  have  seen  me,  and  that  will  be  suffi- 
cient. I  will  die  first  before  I  go.  You  cannot  take  me  out  of  here.  I 
want  my  breakfast,  and  I  will  take  a  sleep  before  my  wife  calls  me." 

So  saying,  Albert  jumped  back  into  bed.  Officer  Schuettler  remon- 
strated, and  was  finally  obliged  to  pull  him  out.  Albert  then  refused  to 
dress.  Talking  to  him  had  no  more  effect  than  talking  to  a  stone  wall. 

Hoffman  then  opened  the  door,  and  Schuettler  grabbed  Albert  under  his 
arm  and  walked  out  with  him  despite  his  kicks  and  resistance.  They  got 
him  out  into  the  bracing  atmosphere  of  the  morning,  and,  although  Albert 
was  not  dressed  for  company,  they  started  off  with  him. 

Mrs.  Jebolinski  rushed  out  after  them,  and,  wildly  gesticulating,  shouted  :- 


A  DISCONTENTED  LODGER. 


325 


"  Bring  him  back,  bring  him  back,  and  I  will  dress  him." 

The  officers  retraced  their  steps,  but  not  back  into  the  house.  They 
took  Albert  to  the  wood-shed,  and  there  he  was  dressed. 

At  the  station  he  was  invited  down  stairs  and  told  that  there  were  so 
many  who  wanted  to  see  me  that  he  would  probably  have  a  rest  for  a  week. 
He  was  locked  up,  and  during  the  first  day  he  would  neither  eat  nor  drink. 
He  was  not  coaxed,  however,  and  the  next  morning  he  called  the  janitor, 
saying  : 

' '  I  am  sick  ;  will  you  give  me 
a  cup  of  coffee?" 

The  janitor  replied  that  he 
would  have  to  wait  till  nine  o'clock, 
when  the  prisoners  came  down  from 
court. 

"Well,"     said     Albert,     indig- 
nantly,   "if  I  don't  get  my  coffee 
now.     you     can 
keep     your 
breakfast." 

When  nine 
o'clock  came 
around  the  jan- 
itor made  the 
round,  inviting 
the  sleepers  to 
wake  and  get 
their  breakfast. 

"  You  can  go 

to  the  d 1 ;  you  can't  make  me  eat,"  said  Jebolinski,  and  he  settled  him- 
self for  a  nap. 

But  when  the  dinner  hour  came  Albert  made  up  for  lost  time  and  missed 
meals.  At  four  o'clock  he  sent  the  janitor  to  the  office  to  tell  me  that  he 
wanted  to  see  me.  He  was  brought  up. 

"  Well,  Albert,"  said  I,  "how  much  do  you  weigh  now?" 

"You  had  better  let  me  go  home.  I  will  never  tell  you  anything. 
It  is  no  use  keeping  me  here." 

"  I  don't  want  you  to  tell  me  anything.  I  have  secured  more  evidence 
in  the  last  few  days  than  I  want,  and  now  they  are  all  arrested.  I  am  going 
to  prosecute  you  in  court  for  conspiracy  and  murder ;  so  you  need  not 
trouble  yourself  with  being  stubborn.  I  don't  want  to  see  you  again,  not 
till  I  see  you  in  court.  Officer,  take  him  back  to  the  lock-up." 

"  So  you  can  do  without  me?  " 

"  Yes,  I  am  sure  I  can." 


A   HASTY  TOILET. 


326  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

Albert  was  escorted  down  stairs,  but  inside  of  two  hours  he  asked  for 
Officer  Schuettler. 

"  I  can  see  now,"  he  said  to  Schuettler,  "  that  that  man  Schaack  wants 
to  hang  me." 

"  I  am  sure  he  is  done  with  you,"  replied  the  officer. 

"  I  beg  of  you  to  tell  the  Captain  I  want  to  see  him,  and  say  to  him  that 
I  will  tell  him  about  the  bombs  and  everything  else." 

Officer  Schuettler  reported  the  Anarchist's  wishes,  and  Jebolinski  was 
once  more  brought  up.  He  then  confessed  that  he  had  four  loaded  bombs 
planted,  which  he  would  show  if  taken  out. 

He  was  accordingly  taken  in  charge  by  Officers  Schuettler  and  Hoff- 
man, whom  he  led  to  a  place  north  of  Division  Street  near  a  planing-mill 
and  linseed-oil  factory.  At  that  place  there  was  a  side-track,  and,  at  a 
point  where  the  locomotives  were  stopped  to  be  dumped  of  their  cinders, 
he  unearthed  his  bombs.  These  bombs  were  covered  with  about  four  inches 
of  cinders,  midway  between  the  rails,  and  when  they  were  taken  out  they 
were  found  fully  loaded,  with  fuse  and  caps.  That  there  had  been  no 
explosion  is  almost  a  miracle.  Had  a  locomotive  been  stationed  over  the 
spot  for  an  hour,  as  frequently  happened,  the  cinders  would  have  been  set 
on  fire  again.  In  an  instant  locomotive  and  all  would  have  been  blown  to 
atoms,  and  no  one  would  have  known  the  precise  cause.  It  was  lucky  for 
some  engineer  and  fireman,  and,  in  fact,  for  the  locality,  that  no  engine 
stood  over  the  spot  after  those  bombs  had  been  planted. 

On  returning  to  the  station,  Jebolinski  furnished  the  State  with  much 
valuable  information.  He  was  indicted  and  held  as  a  witness.  But  he  was 
never  called,  and  after  the  trial  he  was  given  his  liberty.  He  has  been 
watched  since  and  found  to  be  attending  strictly  to  his  own  business.  In 
his  statement  he  sets  forth  his  attendance  at  the  meeting  at  121  West  Lake 
Street,  where  were  present  Lingg,  Rau  and  others,  and  his  presence  at  the 
Haymarket  meeting,  from  which  he  ran  the  moment  the  firing  commenced. 
He  also  described  the  bombs, —  three  round  lead  and  one  long  iron  one, — 
which  he  had  obtained  from  Hageman,  the  one-eyed  carpenter. 

PETER  HUBER  was  another  distinguished  caller,  by  special  invitation. 
He  was  escorted  to  the  office  by  Officers  Whalen  and  Stift  and  took  things 
very  coolly.  He  was  a  lank,  lean,  consumptive-looking  fellow,  only  twenty- 
nine  years  of  age,  and  earned  his  living  as  a  cabinet-maker.  He  was  a 
German,  married,  and  had  two  children,  living  in  a  two-story  frame  house 
at  No.  96  Hudson  Avenue.  His  manner  was  very  quiet,  and  no  one  would 
have  taken  him  for  an  Anarchist.  But  Peter,  nevertheless,  was  heart  and 
soul  in  the  movement,  and  had  regularly  attended  all  the  meetings.  He 
had  never  made  a  speech — he  was  too  diffident  for  that;  he  had  never 
advised  any  one  on  Anarchy,  but  he  had  come  to  be  trusted,  and  he  knew 
all  the  leaders  and  all  about  dynamite  bombs.  He  was  so  undemonstra- 


HUBERTS  INFORMATION. 


327 


tive  and  non-communicative  that  at  first  I  took  him  to  be  a  paid  detective  in 
the  ranks  of  the  Socialists.  When  he  was  asked  a  question,  he  would  take 
his  own  time  to  answer,  and,  once  interrupted  in  his  talk,  he  would  stop 
and  say  no  more. 

On  the  second  day  after  his  arrest  —  May  25  —  Huber  offered  to  answer 
questions,  and  he  did  this  without  any  inducement.  He  thereupon  furn- 
ished the  State  with  several  good  points,  and  freely  told  everything.  He 
was  indicted,  but  released  by  order  of  the  State's  Attorney.  He  was  ready 
to  testify  at  the  trial,  but  was  not  wanted.  He  has  since  kept  away  from 

Anarchist  meetings,  and  is  now  a 
useful  man  to  his  family. 

Huber's  statement  ran   as  fol- 
lows : 

"  I  belonged  to  the  North  Side 
armed  group.  I  know  Seliger,  Hub- 
ner,  Lehman  the  carpenter,  the  two 
Hagemans  and  Lingg.  Some  time 
in  February  last,  George  Engel 
made  a  great  speechin  Neff's  Hall, 
No.  58  Clybourn  Avenue.  I  keep 
the  Arbeiter-Zeitung.  The  Sunday 
edition  of  that  paper  is  called  Die 
Fackel,  I  saw  the  letter  'Y, '  and 
the  meaning  of  it  is  that,  whenever 
we  should  see  it  in  the  paper,  then 
/there  would  be  a  meeting  held  that 
evening,  of  the  armed  men,  at  No.  54 
West  Lake  Street.  May  3d  there 
A  DANGEROUS  STOR- was  one  such  meeting  called  for 
ING-PLACE  ^at  evening.  On  that  evening  I 
went  to  the  saloon  at  No.  71  West 
Lake  Street  and  drank  a  glass  of  beer.  From  there 
I  went  to  No.  54  West  Lake  Street.  While  in  the 
saloon  at  No.  54  West  Lake  Street,  I  heard  some  one 
say  that  a  meeting  would  be  held  down  stairs  in  the  basement.  So  we 
went  down  stairs.  When  I  entered  I  saw  about  thirty  or  forty  present.  I 
sat  down  on  a  bench,  and  we  sat  there  for  some  time  before  the  meeting 
opened.  I  heard  some  one  say  that  it  would  be  an  indignation  meeting  on 
account  of  our  workingmen  having  been  killed  at  McCormick's  factory  by 
the  police  on  that  day.  I  saw  at  that  meeting  the  circular  calling  for  revenge 
and  the  people  to  arms,  because  of  the  killing  of  our  brothers.  I  saw  the 
same  circular  that  same  evening  at  the  hall  No.  71  West  Lake  Street.  Waller 
was  chairman  of  the  meeting  at  No.  54  West  Lake  Street.  I  met  there  Hub- 
ner,  Abraham  Hermann,  Fischer  and  Breitenfeld,  the  captain  of  the  second 
company  of  the  Lehr  und  Wehr  Verein.  I  heard  Engel  make  a  speech,  and 
during  the  whole  time  Breitenfeld  was  walking  up  and  down  the  hall.  I  also 
saw  Schnaubelt  and  Thielen  there.  I  was  at  Neff's  Hall,  No.  58  Clybourn 
Avenue,  early  Tuesday  evening,  May  4th,  and  saw  there  Lingg,  Seliger  and 
Hubner.  I  heard  Engel,  at  No.  54  West  Lake  Street,  explain  his  plan 


328  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

and  the  work  that  should  be  done  under  it.  A  meeting,  he  said,  would  be 
held  at  the  Haymarket,  and  when  the  police  interfered  the  crowd  should 
attack  them,  and  the  armed  men  should  be  ready  for  action.  Some  one 
suggested  that  they  should  hold  their  meeting  at  the  Market  Square  on  the 
South  Side,  between  Randolph  and  Madison  Streets.  Some  one  else 
remarked :  '  No,  that  is  not  a  good  place ;  it  is  a  mouse  trap. '  If  they  held 
the  meeting  there  and  the  police  interfered,  and  the  crowd  resisted  them, 
the  police  would  drive  them  all  into  the  river.  Some  said,  'That's  so,'  and 
then  the  meeting  was  fixed  for  the  Haymarket,  as  Engel  had  suggested. 
We  expected  from  20,000  to  30,000  people  present.  We  all  had  the  idea 
that  the  police  would  interfere.  Engel  gave  his  plan  about  as  follows  :  He 
said,  '  First  call  the  meeting  for  the  Haymarket,'  and  then  urged  that  the 
armed  men  be  ready.  He  advised  us  to  throw  dynamite  bombs  into  the 
stations,  kill  the  police,  throw  dynamite  bombs  into  the  patrol  wagons  and 
shoot  down  the  horses  at  the  wagons.  He  repeated  his  plan  for  those  who 
came  in  later  to  the  meeting.  The  revenge  circular  was  distributed  both 
up  stairs  and  down  stairs  at  No.  54  West  Lake  Street.  In  the  evening  of 
May  3d,  I  saw  Spies  and  Rau  together  in  Zepf's  saloon.  As  to  the  word 
'Ruhe,'  I  heard  Engel  say  that  when  we  saw  that  word  appear  in  the 
paper,  then  we  might  know  everything  was  right  and  ready.  And  we 
should  watch  for  that  signal.  I  heard  Engel  say  that  a  man  who  could  do 
no  harm  or  create  no  disturbance  should  stay  at  home,  as  he  was  not  wanted. 
When  he  had  finished  giving  his  plan,  it  was  adopted.  Schnaubelt  said 
that  outside  cities,  where  they  had  comrades,  should  be  notified  at  once  as 
soon  as  the  revolution  was  a  success  here.  I  saw  Fischer  at  this  meeting. 
He  went  to  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  to  see  if  he  could  print  the  circular  that 
night,  calling  the  Haymarket  meeting  for  the  next  evening.  He  came  back 
and  reported  that  the  office  was  closed.  He  said  he  would  attend  to  it  in 
the  morning.  I  saw  Lingg,  Seliger,  Muntzenberg  and  Hubner  in  Neff's 
saloon,  No.  58  Clybourn  Avenue,  about  eight  o'clock  on  the  evening  of 
May  4th." 

BERNHARD  SCHRADE,  a  German,  was  a  peculiar  combination  of  eccen- 
tricities. He  was  arrested  by  Officers  Whalen  and  Loewenstein  on  the 
evening  of  May  26,  at  nine  o'clock,  on  Milwaukee  Avenue,  near  Division 
Street.  He  was  twenty-eight  years  of  age,  six  feet  tall,  of  straight  and  mus- 
cular build,  nervous  and  quick-tempered,  a  carpenter  by  occupation,  and  he 
lived  at  No.  581  Milwaukee  Avenue.  When  he  was  seated  in  the  station  it 
did  not  take  us  long  to  ascertain  all  he  knew  about  Anarchy.  In  speaking 
of  the  Haymarket,  he  said  that  the  right  men  had  not  been  in  their  places, 
or  things  would  have  turned  out  quite  differently.  They  had  plenty  of  arms 
and  bombs,  he  explained,  but  the  leaders  did  not  know  their  business. 
Early  in  the  evening  there  was  a  large  crowd,  he  said,  but  the  great  majority 
of  them  left  in  disgust  because  there  was  not  a  larger  gathering  and  the 
speeches  were  not  radical  enough  to  suit  their  ideas.  They  expected  some- 
thing fiery  and  impetuous.  (This  was  about  the  time  Mayor  Harrison  was 
at  the  meeting,  and  the  speeches  were  accordingly  very  mild.)  Those 
that  left  the  meeting  and  did  not  go  home,  Schrade  said,  hung  around  the 
saloons  in  the  neighborhood.  If  six  hundred  police,  he  further  said,  had 


B OISTER  O  US  RE  VOL  UTION1STS. 


329 


attacked  the  crowd  an  hour  earlier,  few  of  them  would  have  been  left  with 
their  lives.  He  knew  the  arrangements,  and,  had  the  plan  been  carried  out, 
the  loss  of  life  would  have  been  appalling. 

Schrade  was  subsequently  released  by  order  of  Assistant  State's  Attorney 
Furthmann,  and  promised  that  he  would  testify  in  court.  He  was  several 
times  sent  after  to  give  further  information,  and  he  always  responded. 

About  one  month  after  Schrade's  release,  he  and  two  others  visited  a 
saloon  on  North  Avenue  one  night,  and,  after  drinking  a 
great  deal  of  beer,  they  became  exceedingly  noisy  and 
boisterous.  The  saloon-keeper  attempted  to  quiet  them, 
but  was  finally  obliged  to  call  an  officer.  Now,  none  of 
the  bibulous  individuals  had  any  liking  for  a  police- 


AN   OBSTREPEROUS  PRISONER. 

man.  The  moment  they  saw  him  enter  they  ordered  him 
out  and  threatened  that  if  he  did  not  get  out  they  would 
throw  him  out  through  the  window.  The  officer  was  not 
at  all  alarmed,  and,  seeing  that  he  was  bent  on  keeping  them  quiet,  the  three 
disturbers  pounced  down  upon  him.  The  officer  promptly  brought  his  club 
into  play,  and  soon  his  opponents  measured  their  length  upon  the  floor. 
The  sawdust  was  sprinkled  with  blood,  but,  before  the  reds  could  make  a 
second  assault,  a  citizen  had  brought  the  patrol  wagon  to  the  rescue.  They 
were  taken  in  charge  and  thrown  into  the  wagon  in  their  drunken  stupor, 
and  carted  to  the  Larrabee  Street  Station. 


330  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

On  the  way  Schrade  revived  somewhat,  and,  not  quite  satisfied  with  the 
results  of  his  former  encounter,  attempted  to  throw  one  of  the  officers  over 
the  side  of  the  wagon.  He  was  clinched  by  the  throat,  however,  and  kept 
quiet  for  the  rest  of  the  journey.  The  next  morning  the  trio  were  fined  in 
the  Police  Court  and  released  on  payment  of  the  fines.  Schrade  became 
penitent  and  remained  sober  thereafter  for  some  time.  As  he  was  out  of 
work,  I  paid  his  board  bill  for  two  weeks,  and  kept  him  under  surveillance 
to  appear  at  the  trial  as  a  witness.  When  the  trial  began  he  was  in  good 
humor  and  told  the  State's  Attorney  that  he  would  give  the  same  testimony 
that  he  had  given  at  the  station  May  26.  He  was  accordingly  produced  as 
a  witness.  On  the  stand  he  failed  to  unfold  all  the  information  he  had  pre- 
viously given,  but  State's  Attorney  Grinnell  knew  all  the  points  in  his  for- 
imer  testimony,  and  before  he  got  through  with  Schrade  he  made  him  a  good 
witness  for  the  State. 

After  the  trial  the  police  lost  sight  of  Schrade  for  a  long  time,  and  won- 
dered whether  he  had  been  quietly  murdered  by  his  former  comrades  or  had 
left  the  city  for  his  own  good.  But  one  day  an  officer  reported  to  me  that 
Schrade  was  still  in  the  city.  It  was  supposed,  of  course,  that  he  would 
never  again  be  found  in  the  haunts  of  Socialists.  It  was  discovered,  how- 
ever, that  he  was  a  member  in  good  standing  of  Carpenters'  Union  No.  241, 
-formerly  No.  i.  This  is  the  most  rabid  Anarchist  organization  in  the  city, 
.and,  were  it  not  for  some  comparatively  conservative  members,  would  have 
Jong  since  sought  revenge  for  the  conviction  and  execution  of  the  doomed 
•conspirators. 

Schrade  and  Hageman,  since  their  restoration  to  full  membership,  were 
found  to  be  as  incendiary  as  ever  in  their  utterances,  and  seemed  to  vie 
with  each  other  in  their  efforts  to  show  that  they  were  better  Anarchists 
•even  than  before  the  time  they  informed  on  their  companions  and  helped  to 
bring  them  to  the  gallows.  In  fact,  they  became  so  demonstrative  that  some 
•of  the  members  threatened  them  with  expulsion.  For  this  they  sought 
revenge  by  working  upon  weak-minded  persons  to  influence  them  against 
the  leaders  in  the  organization.  As  long  as  the  conservatives  remain  at 
the  head  of  the  carpenters'  union  there  is  no  special  danger,  but  should 
such  fanatics  as  Schrade  and  Hageman  ever  secure  control,  look  out  for 
blood. 

AUGUST  AHLERS  was  known  to  have  been  a  close  friend  of  Lingg,  and 
accordingly  I  eagerly  sought  his  acquaintance.  But  Ahlers  after  the  Hay- 
market  conceived  an  aversion  to  fresh  air  and  kept  himself  in  gloomy, 
oinfrequented  quarters.  The  officers  knew  that  he  had  often  visited  Lingg's 
room,  sometimes  remaining  three  or  four  hours,  and,  as  Lingg  never  toler- 
ated any  one  who  could  not  be  made  useful,  it  was  believed  that  Ahlers 
could  furnish  valuable  information  if  found.  Mrs.  Seliger  had  stated  that 
.a  great  many  visited  Lingg,  but  most  of  them  sought  to  conceal  their  faces 


"  /  DON'T  KNOW  THE  LEAST  THING."  331 

or  disguise  themselves  in  some  way,  generally  sneaking  into  the  house  as  if 
they  were  going  to  steal  something  or  kill  somebody.  This  man  Ahlers  had 
been  one  of  this  kind.  Lingg  had  every  man  who  assisted  him  do  certain 
special  lines  of  work.  Some  would  bring  him  lead,  others  gas-pipe,  and 
others  again  charcoal,  etc.  Ahlers  had  helped  in  some  way,  and,  with  a 
pretty  good  description  of  him,  the  detectives  were  continually  on  the 
watch.  Finally  Officers  Whalen  and  Loewenstein  found  him  on  the  a6th 
of  May,  at  No.  148  Chicago  Avenue,  and  took  him  to  the  station.  He  had 
a  sneaking  demeanor,  and  when  brought  before  me  I  asked  him  to  give  an 
account  of  himself  between  May  3d  and  May  6th.  This  he  was  unable  to 
do,  but  after  having  been  locked  up  for  a  while  he  gave  some  information 
about  outside  groups.  As  to  Lingg  he  pretended  to  know  very  little,  and 
as  the  officers  could  not  identify  him  with  any  particular  person,  he  was 
released  on  a  promise  of  better  behavior.  He  acknowledged  having  been 
a  great  admirer  of  the  Anarchist  leaders  and  a  strong  supporter  of  Anarchy, 
but  now,  he  said,  he  would  no  longer  affiliate  with  them.  So  far  as  the 
officers  have  observed,  he  has  kept  his  promise  and  is  attending  strictly  to 
his  trade,  that  of  a  carpenter. 

We  had  these  kind  of  fellows  by  the  hundred  in  this  city  on  May  4, 
1886,  but  fortunately  God  made  most  of  them  with  big  stomachs  and  no 
heart  or  courage. 

VICTOR  CLERMONT,  a  German,  was  almost  dumbfounded  when  he  was 
informed  that  I  wanted  to  see  him.  Clermont  is  a  French-sounding  name, 
and,  when  Officers  Whalen  and  Loewenstein  took  him  in  charge  on  suspi- 
cion, they  mistook  him  for  a  Frenchman,  especially  as  he  looked  very  much 
like  one,  having  a  dark  mustache  and  goatee.  Clermont  was  taken  to  the 
station,  and  there  gave  his  age  as  twenty-seven,  occupation  a  cabinet-maker 
and  pool-billiard  maker,  and  his  residence  No.  116  Cornelia  Street.  When 
questioned  with  reference  to  Anarchy  he  expressed  surprise  that  he  should 
be  taken  for  an  Anarchist,  but  when  he  was  informed  as  to  his  having  mys- 
teriously sneaked  into  dark  basements  which  were  lighted  up  with  candles 
and  whose  doors  were  barricaded,  he  looked  aghast. 

"There  is  something  wrong,"  he  said.  "Somebody  wants  to  involve 
me  in  the  Haymarket  trouble.  I  am  sure  I  don't  know  the  least  thing 
about  Anarchists." 

"  Well,"  said  I,  "  we  will  see  if  you  can  remember  anything.  Either  you 
or  your  wife  has  some  relatives  living  near  the  city.  After  the  4th  of  May 
you  sent  a  lot  of  guns,  rifles,  ammunition  and  some  bombs  to  them  for  safe- 
keeping. You  took  them  away  at  night,  and  you  have  been  so  careful  as  to 
try  and  disguise  yourself.  Yet  I  cannot  prosecute  you  on  that.  You  have 
also  been  an  active  member  on  the  Northwest  Side  in  all  Anarchist  move- 
ments. You  know  all  the  things  you  have  been  engaged  in,  and  so  do  we. 
I  have  your  record  right  here." 


332  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

"  Oh,  yes,"  said  Victor,  "I  hear  that  you  fellows  have  things  down  very 
fine,  because  you  have  everything  your  own  way.  Well,  if  I  do  acknowledge 
all  I  have  done,  what  are  you  going  to  do  with  me  ?  " 

"  I  will  do  with  you  the  same  as  I  have  done  with  others.  I  will  hear 
your  statement  and  see  if  you  can  tell  the  truth.  If  you  lie  to  me  or  about 
any  one  else,  I  will  stop  you,  and  that  is  all.  You  are  indicted,  and  I  will 
send  you  to  jail.  If  you  tell  the  truth  I  will  send  for  the  State's  Attorney 
and  ask  him  to  let  you  go,  but  you  must  appear  as  a  witness  whenever  we 
want  you." 

"I  suppose,"  remarked  Clermont,  "that  my  case  is  like  this  —  if  I  don't, 
some  one  else  will  squeal." 

He  then  gave  an  account  of  himself  and  his  Anarchist  comrades.  He 
was  subsequently  released  and  visited  me  very  often  for  several  weeks. 
He  was  out  of  employment  and  hard-up,  and  I  gave  him  money  with  which 
to  support  himself.  One  evening  he  called  and  said  to  the  officers  that  he 
had  something  important  to  tell  me.  I  was  very  busy  at  the  time  and  asked 
him  if  he  wanted  some  money.  Victor  replied  that  he  did  not  desire  money. 
I  offered  him  $5,  however,  and  told  him  to  come  back  the  next  day.  He 
would  not  take  the  money  at  first,  but  when  I  told  him  that  I  could  not 
wait  any  longer,  he  took  it  and  left.  On  reaching  Milwaukee  and  Chicago 
Avenues,  he  met  some  of  his  old  cronies  and  told  them  that  he  was  going 
away  that  night.  Early  next  morning  I  was  informed  that  he  had  gone. 
Victor  remained  away  for  a  year,  but,  thinking  things  had  blown  over,  he 
returned  and  set  about  to  disabuse  the  Anarchists  of  the  impression  that  he 
had  ever  "squealed."  While  he  has  taken  no  active  part  in  meetings  since 
the  trial,  he  appears  to  feel  that  he  stands  well  with  the  Anarchists,  and 
always  tells  them  that  when  he"  was  arrested  "he  never  gave  anything 
away." 

His  statement  was  as  follows.  It  was  given  at  nine  o'clock  on  the  even- 
ing of  May  26 : 

"  I  belong  to  the  Northwest  Side  Lehr  und  Wehr  Verein,  the  second 
company,  of  which  Breitenfeld  is  captain.  Some  time  ago,  at  a  meeting 
held  at  54  West  Lake  Street,  it  was  stated  that  the  police  would  break  up 
their  meetings  if  they  knew  when  and  where  they  held  them,  and  that  there- 
fore it  was  necessary  to  adopt  some  secret  way  of  calling  their  meetings. 
We  adopted,  '  Y,  komme,'  and  when  we  saw  that  letter  appear  in 
the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  on  any  day  we  might  know  a  meeting  would  be  held  at 
No.  54  West  Lake  Street.  I  was  at  Thalia  Hall,  May  3,  early  in  the  even- 
ing. We  were  to  have  held  a  meeting  to  elect  new  officers  of  the  company, 
but  no  meeting  was  held.  Some  one  came  into  the  saloon  and  said  that 
there  were  four  of  our  workingmen  killed  at  McCormick's  factory  that  after- 
noon. Then  some  one  said  that  a  call  for  a  meeting  that  evening  at  No. 
54  West  Lake  Street  had  been  published  in  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung,  and  a  lot 
of  us  went  there  to  learn  further  particulars  about  the  shooting  of  our  men. 
I  there  saw  those  circulars  calling  for  revenge  and  the  people  to  arms. 


VICTOR  CLERMONT  S  STORY,  333 

That  circular  made  me  very  excited.  I  was  one  of  the  first  to  get  to  that 
meeting  at  54  West  Lake  Street.  At  the  commencement  of  the  meeting 
we  put  a  man  at  each  door  to  prevent  any  one  listening  or  seeing  what  was 
going  on  in  the  inside,  and  to  admit  only  members.  That  meeting  was  only 
called  for  the  armed  men.  Waller  was  chairman.  I  heard  Engel  make  a 
speech,  and  he  presented  the  plan  adopted  by  the  Northwest  Side  group." 
(Here  follows  a  detailed  account  of  the  "  plan,"  agreeing  in  every  particular 
with  that  given  by  other  witnesses  as  to  blowing  up  police  stations,  set- 
ting fire  to  buildings,  killing  people,  the  use  of  the  word  "  Ruhe, "  etc.) 
"  We  expected  that  there  would  be  present  at  the  Haymarket  meeting  from 
30,000  to  40,000  people  and  that  then  there  would  be  a  good  chance  for  us 
to  commence  our  revolution  and  attack  the  police  and  the  government. 
There  were  also  to  be  spies  at  the  meeting  to  communicate  with  the  groups 
in  the  outlying  sections  (Wicker  Park  and  Lincoln  Park).  But  the  spies 
did  not  do  their  work,  and  then  after  Engel's  speech  several  got  to  talking 
about  guns,  fires  and  bombs.  On  the  motion  of  Fischer  it  was  decided  to 
have  10,000  circulars  calling  the  Haymarket  meeting  printed,  and  he  said 
he  would  attend  to  it.  First  Market  Square  was  proposed,  but  some  one 
objected  by  saying  it  was  a  mouse  trap  in  case  of  trouble,  and  the  Hay- 
market  was  agreed  upon.  Before  finishing  telling  about  his  plan  Engel 
said  it  had  been  adopted  by  the  Northwest  Side  group  and  referred  to 
Fischer  to  answer  if  that  was  not  so.  Fischer  replied,  '  Yes,  that  is  the 
plan.'" 

I  asked  Clermont  if  that  was  the  first  time  he  had  ever  heard  of  the 
"  plan,"  and  he  replied  : 

"  Yes,  it  was  the  first  time  I  had  heard  of  the  revolutionary  plan.  I 
never  heard  of  it  before,  and  only  heard  of  it  through  Engel  that  night. 
This  was  the  only  plan  I  heard  of  to  be  followed  for  the  revolution.  I  was 
at  the  Haymarket  and  expected  to  find  a  big  crowd.  To  my  surprise  I 
only  found  about  five  hundred  present." 

Clermont  is  now  again  in  Chicago,  and  as  rabid  a  red  as  ever.  He 
is  a  leader  on  the  Northwest  Side,  and  detectives  have  reported  to  me 
that  he  has  declared  himself  in  favor  of  "  bullets  instead  of  ballots."  He 
is  also  a  prominent  organizer  in  the  Anarchist  "  Sunday-school "  scheme. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

Fluttering  the  Anarchist  Dove-cote  —  Confessions  by  Piecemeal  — 
Statements  from  the  Small  Fry  —  One  of  Schnaubelt's  Friends —  "  Some  One  Wants  to 
Hang  Me  " —  Neebe's  Bloodthirsty  Threats  —  Burrowing  in  the  Dark  — The  Starved- 
out  Cut-throat  — Torturing  a  Woman  —  Hopes  of  Habeas  Corpus  —  ' '  Little  "  Krueger's 
Work  —  Planning  a  Rescue  — The  Signal  "  ?  ?  ?  "  and  its  Meaning  —  A  Red-haired 
Man's  Story  —  Firing  the  Socialist  Heart  —  Meetings  with  Locked  Doors  —  An  Ambush 
for  the  Police  — The  Red  Flag  Episode  —  Beer  and  Philosophy  —  Baum's  Wife  and 
Baby  —  A  Wife-beating  Revolutionist  —  Brother  Eppinger's  Duties 

THE  work  of  ferreting  out  and  arresting  the  conspirators  might  have 
stopped  with  the  number  already  gathered  in,  so  far  as  the  necessity  for 
procuring  evidence  to  be  used  in  court  was  concerned,  but  it  was  continued 
to  the  end  that  every  conspicuous  or  minor  character  in  the  murderous  plot 
might  be  made  to  feel  the  power  of  the  law,  which  each  had  so  persistently 
defied.  I  had  the  names  and  descriptions  of  all  identified  with  Engel's 
plan,  their  haunts,  their  traits  of  character,  and  their  influence  in  the  order, 
and  detectives,  under  instructions,  were  continually  on  the  search.  Anar- 
chist localities  were  overhauled,  unfrequented  places  visited,  and  convenient 
hiding-places  inspected.  Every  one  wanted  was  finally  brought  from  under 
cover.  Not  a  guilty  one  escaped,  except  Schnaubelt.  Anarchistic  sympa- 
thizers did  everything  in  their  power  to  conceal  their  friends,  but  the  police 
proved  equal  to  the  emergency. 

RUDOLPH  DANNENBERG,  a  German,  was  one  who  held  himself  aloof  from 
the  rest  of  humanity.  He  lived  at  No.  218  Fulton  Street,  and  on  the  27th 
of  May  Officers  Loewenstein  and  Whalen  found  him  surrounded  by  his 
family.  During  the  few  moments'  conversation  I  had  with  him,  it  became 
apparent  that  he  was  like  all  his  associates  —  a  firm  enemy  of  the  existing 
order  of  society.  He  stated  that,  although  he  was  only  a  tailor,  he  could 
fire  a  revolver  as  unerringly  as  any  one  and  throw  a  bomb  as  far  as  any- 
body. He  declared  that  he  thought  himself  adapted  to  something  higher, 
something  better  than  being  a  tailor,  and  he  had  joined  the  Anarchists  in 
order  to  bring  himself  before  the  public  and  achieve  distinction.  He  had 
carefully  read  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung,  had  noticed  the  names  of  various  peo 
pie,  and  he  did  not  see  why  he  could  not  become  great  like  them  and  see  his 
name  and  deeds  frequently  paraded  in  the  papers.  He  felt  that  he  had  the 
requisite  ability,  and  communicated  his  ambition  and  his  desires  to  his 
wife. 

Mrs.  Dannenberg  was  a  plain,  unassuming  woman,  and  did  not  dare  to 
remonstrate  with  a  man  who  had  finally  discovered  his  forte.  He  strutted 
about  the  house  with  the  conscious  pride  that  greatness  was  within  his 
grasp,  and  his  changed  demeanor  really  impressed  the  woman  to  the  extent 


A  KNIGHT  OF  THE  NEEDLE.  335 

that  she  believed  he  was  already  a  great  man.  Dannenberg  lost  no  time  in 
joining  the  Lehr  und  Wehr  Verein,  and  eagerly  made  the  acquaintance  of 
all  the  leading  men  in  the  order.  He  secured  recognition,  and  his  heait 
swelled  with  joy  when  he  attended  the  secret  meetings  held  by  the  order. 

All  these  little  confessions  were  adroitly  extracted  by  piecemeal.  Noticing 
that  here  was  a  man  who  felt  himself  above  the  "  goose  "  and  the  needle,  I 
concluded  to  send  him  below  to  discover,  if  he  could,  the  difference  between 
being  a  tailor  and  an  Anarchist  in  search  of  greatness.  I  treated  him  with 
perfect  indifference,  and  he  seemed  to  feel  the  indignity  greatly.  He  was 
put  in  a  cell,  and  for  two  days  no  one  went  near  him  except  the  janitor. 

Dannenberg  finally  got  uneasy  and  sent  word  that  he  desired  to  see  me. 
He  was  informed  in  return  that  he  would  be  sent  to  the  County  Jail  the 
next  day.  He  then  wanted  to  know  if  he  would  not  be  given  an  oppor- 
tunity to  speak,  and  insisted  on  having  a  hearing.  He  was  brought  into 
the  office  and  told  that  he  would  be  given  just  five  minutes  to  tell  what  he 
had  to  say. 

"Gentlemen,"  he  said,  in  great  haste,  "you  think  because  I  am  a  tailor 
I  am  of  no  account,  and  consequently  you  seem  disposed  to  punish  me. 
My  oath  is  just  as  good  as  the  other  fellows'." 

"What  do  you  mean?"  I  inquired.  "We  have  not  asked  you  for  your 
oath,  and  we  do  not  want  it." 

"Oh,  I  see  now,"  said  Rudolph,  beginning  to  get  angry,  "you  only  want 
the  small  fry.  Well,  look  here,  Captain,  I  don't  give  a  continental.  I  will 
tell  on  the  other  big  fellows,  now,  for  the  fun  of  the  thing.  They  must  be 
punished  as  well  as  the  little  fellows.  It  is  evident  that  the  other  big  fellows 
want  to  talk  themselves  out." 

"  I  think  you  have  got  the  thing  down  very  fine,"  were  my  consoling 
words. 

"  Yes,  I  know  the  people  want  to  hang  somebody,"  said  Rudolph,  "  and 
if  they  can  only  hang  a  tailor  they  will  be  satisfied." 

Time  was  called  on  the  speaker,  the  five  minutes  having  been  exhausted, 
and  Rudolph  was  about  to  be  escorted  down  stairs. 

"Stop  !  stop  !  officer,  I  have  not  commenced  yet  to  talk,  and  I  want  to 
be  heard." 

"Well,"  said  I,  "you  want  to  commence  very  soon." 

Dannenberg  again  planted  himself  firmly  in  his  chair,  and  then  proceeded 
to  relieve  himself  of  the  burden  on  his  mind.  He  gave  quite  an  interesting 
statement,  and  was  subsequently  released  by  order  of  the  State's  Attorney. 
He  was  indicted  for  murder  before  his  release,  and  he  left  after  promising 
to  report  when  wanted.  Some  time  after  he  was  rearrested  and  put  in  a 
room  with  fifteen  others. 

Every  one  of  these  fifteen  was  morose,  sullen  and  dejected.  There  was 
not  a  cheerful  word  among  them.  They  felt  uncertain  about  their  own  fate 


— 

UJ 


H 

< 

O 


(J 


O 
J 


DANNENBERG' S  RECOLLECTIONS.  337 

and  took  a  gloomy  view  of  life.  The  presence  of  Dannenberg  was  like  a 
cheerful  fire  in  a  blizzard.  He  had  forgotten  all  about  the  misfortune  of 
being  a  tailor  and  a  crushed  Anarchist,  and  he  kept  the  company  full  of  life 
with  his  wit  and  drollery. 

On  his  final  release,  Dannenberg  went  back  to  his  trade,  quit  Anarchy, 
and  now  takes  the  greatest  sort  of  pride  in  telling  his  friends  that  he  is  sim- 
ply a  "  knight  of  the  needle." 

After  stating  his  age  to  be  thirty-two  years,  Dannenberg  swore  : 

"  I  went  to  the  meeting  in  the  basement  at  No.  54  West  Lake  Street.  I 
heard  Engel  speak.  I  heard  Fischer  say  that  he  would  attend  to  the  print- 
ing of  the  circulars  for  the  Haymarket  meeting.  I  used  to  belong  to  the 
Lehr  und  Wehr  Verein,  but  I  quit  two  months  ago.  I  was  at  Thalia  Hall, 
on  Milwaukee  Avenue,  Sunday,  May  ad.  I  used  to  go  there  very  often.  I 
know  George  Engel.  At  the  meeting  at  No.  54  West  Lake  Street,  he  was 
called  on  for  a  speech,  and  he  responded.  I  heard  him  speak  of  his  plan 
—  a  plan  for  riots,  fires,  the  destruction  of  buildings  and  property,  and  the 
killing  of  people  and  the  police.  I  heard  him  speak  of  the  meeting  to  be 
held  at  the  Haymarket,  and  that,  if  they  started  there,  then  would  be  the 
time  for  us  to  commence  the  rebellion  all  over  the  city.  A  man  named 
Schrade,  sitting  by  my  side,  remarked  to  me  that  Engel  had  made  a  very 
destructive  speech.  This  talk  made  me  laugh.  Engel  continued  by  saying 
that  when  we  saw  the  heavens  red,  then  was  our  time  to  commence.  The 
Northwest  Side  group,  he  said,  would  meet  at  Wicker  Park,  and  the  North 
Side  group  at  Lincoln  Park.  The  moment  we  saw  the  fires,  as  a  signal, 
then  we  should  throw  bombs,  shoot  down  the  policemen  and  everybody 
who  stood  in  our  way,  and  begin  the  general  destruction  of  property  and 
life.  I  never  heard  of  this  plan  before  this  time.  Engel  was  the  only  one 
who  spoke  of  the  plan.  At  this  meeting  I  knew  Breitenfeld  and  Waller, 
who  was  chairman.  I  heard  some  one  at  that  meeting  ask  for  dynamite 
bombs  and  how  to  get  them,  and  some  said  :  '  You  ought  to  know  it  by  this 
time.'  Engel  also  spoke  of  the  word  '  Ruhe.'  It  was  to  be  a  signal  word, 
and  when  it  should  appear  in  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung,  then  was  the  time  to  be 
ready  for  a  riot." 

CARL  MAX  EMIL  ENGLISH  registered  at  the  station  on  the  ist  of  June. 
He  might  have  been  gathered  in  long  before,  but  he  was  kept  under  watch 
in  the  hopes  of  bagging  a  more  important  Anarchist.  It  was  known  that 
English  was  a  particular  friend  of  Schnaubelt's,  and  the  officers  kept  their 
eye  on  him  continually,  thinking  the  bomb-thrower  might  be  found  through 
his  unconscious  intervention.  But  they  waited  and  watched  in  vain,  and 
finally  Officers  Palmer  and  Cosgrove  arrested  English  on  suspicion.  He 
was  turned  over  to  me,  and  then  it  was  ascertained  that  he  knew  more  of 
the  Anarchists  in  Pullman,  where  he  worked,  than  he  did  of  those  in  Chi- 
cago. When  called  an  Anarchist  he  objected,  and  insisted  that  he  was 
simply  a  Socialist — a  distinction  without  a  difference  in  his  case.  He 
stated,  however,  that  all  the  Anarchists  in  America  "looked  upon  Chicago 
as  the  main  center  of  Anarchy,"  and  in  Pullman  they  got  all  their  inspira- 
tion from  Chicago.  He  acknowledged  an  acquaintance  with  Muntzenberg, 


338  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

who,  he  said,  had  sold  John  Most's  books  and  other  Anarchistic  literature 
at  Pullman.  Muntzenberg  had  been  in  Pullman  after  the  4th  of  May,  and 
had  carried  dynamite  bombs  with  him.  The  Socialists,  said  English,  had 
become  frightened  at  this  exhibition  and  had  refrained  from  having  any 
further  dealings  with  Muntzenberg. 

English  was  allowed  to  go,  with  an  injunction  that  he  had  better  stay  in 
Pullman,  where  he  belonged.  He  has  since  remained  at  home  and  is  now 
giving  more  of  his  time  to  the  study  of  sound  literature  on  economic  sub- 
jects. He  came  to  America  from  Germany,  in  October,  1885,  and  was  led 
astray  by  Most's  writings.  Had  he  lived  in  Chicago  he  would  have  been 
a  very  handy  man  for  Lingg.  In  the  old  country  he  had  worked  in  the 
manufacture  of  torpedoes,  etc.,  for  the  Government,  and  he  was  well  posted 
on  explosives.  He  was  twenty-four  years  of  age,  and  just  such  a  man  as 
Lingg  could  have  utilized. 

AUGUST  KRAEMER,  a  German,  thought  he  was  sharper  than  the  police. 
He  had  escaped  their  attentions,  and  he  was  felicitating  himself  that  he 
knew  how  to  elude  them  successfully.  One  day,  however  —  June  ist  —  he 
was  cheerfully  greeted  by  Officers  Whalen  and  Stift,  and  when  they  notified 
him  of  the  pleasure  his  company  would  give  us  at  the  station,  he  became 
motionless  with  surprise.  Recovering  himself,  he  declared  that  it  was  an 
awful  outrage  to  arrest  a  man  for  nothing  and  assured  the  officers  again 
and  again  that  he  had  never  heard  of  Socialists  or  Anarchists,  did  not  know 
a  single  one  of  that  class  and  would  not  be  able  to  recognize  one  if  pointed 
out  to  him.  In  fact,  he  had  not  even  heard  that  a  bomb  had  been  thrown 
at  the  Haymarket.  He  played  this  role  of  ignorance  when  brought  before 
me,  but  I  soon  brought  him  to  his  senses. 

"You  have  played  the  old  lady  long  enough,"  I  said.  "We  are  men 
here  who  do  not  believe  a  word  you  say,  and  don't  want  any  of  your  tea- 
party  stories.  Is  not  George  Engel  your  friend  ?  Did  you  not  drink  beer 
in  Engel's  rear  room,  May  4th,  about  eleven  o'clock  ?  Were  you  not  there 
when  a  lot  of  men  waited  for  orders  to  blow  up  and  burn  down  houses  ? 
Were  you  not  at  the  Haymarket  with  Engel,  and  did  you  not  walk  around 
with  him  on  the  outskirts  of  the  crowd?" 

"Who  told  you  this?"  came  promptly  from  Kraemer. 

"One  of  those  little  gods  you  prayed  to  at  Thalia  Hall  on  Sundays. 
Why,  you  hypocrite,  you  and  twenty  more  get  together,  talk  and  give  your 
opinions  about  dynamite  and  how  to  construct  poisoned  daggers,  and  work 
out  a  plan  to  fight  the  police  and  militia,  drink  beer  and  liquor,  and  call  that 
a  prayer-meeting.  What  have  you  to  say  to  all  this  ?  If  you  can  not  an- 
swer I  will  give  it  to  you  plainer." 

"Mein  Gott,  some  one  wants  to  hang  me,"  exclaimed  August.  "I  know 
Herr  Engel ;  he  is  a  good  man." 

"Yes,  in  your  estimation." 


A     WILLING   WITNESS.  339 

"  If  you  only  knew  how  awfully  sorry  he  felt  for  the  officers  that  were 
killed." 

"  Oh,  yes.    Well,  do  you  now  think  that  we  know  something  about  you  ?  " 

"  I  admit  that  you  know  all  about  me,  but  Herr  Engel  said  that  night 
that  it  was  wrong  to  have  such  a  miscarriage.  He  did  not  believe  in  kill- 
ing a  few  people.  All  revolutions,  Engel  believed,  ought  to  come  about  by 
themselves,  and  then  the  police  and  soldiers  would  be  with  them.  If  the 
people  would  fight,  then  the  authorities,  police  and  all,  would  throw  their 
guns  away  and  run.  Then  the  victory  would  be  won  without  spilling  any 
blood,  but  such  a  foolish  thing  as  the  Haymarket  affair  Engel  would  have 
nothing  to  do  with." 

"Yes;  all  this  Engel  said  after  10:30  o'clock  that  night,  May  4th." 

"Yes,  he  said  it  in  his  back  room." 

"That  is  all  I  want  of  you.      Officers,  lock  up  this  dynamitard." 

"Captain,  will  you  not  let  me  make  a  statement?  " 

"Of  what?" 

"  I  know  something.      For  God's  sake  don't  lock  me  up." 

"Well,  then,  speak,  double-quick  time,  and  let  there  be  no  lying." 

Kraemer  calmed  himself  and  proceeded  to  unfold  his  story.  He  was 
subsequently  released  on  promising  to  testify  in  court  and  that  he  would 
become  a  better  man.  He  was  indicted  by  the  grand  jury  for  conspiracy  to 
murder.  He  was  not  asked  to  testify,  and  it  was  supposed  that  after  all  his 
troubles  he  would  attend  strictly  to  his  own  business,  that  of  a  carpenter. 
Not  so.  He  was  to  be  found  in  the  company  of  the  worst  Anarchists 
between  May  4th  and  the  time  of  the  execution,  but,  when  he  finally  discov- 
ered that  there  was  a  law  in  the  State  to  hang  conspirators  and  murderers, 
he  grew  frightened.  He  now  remains  at  home  instead  of  skulking  into 
dark  cellars  and  devising  means  of  revenge.  He  lived,  at  the  time  of  his 
arrest,  at  No.  286  Milwaukee  Avenue,  in  the  rear,  his  friend  Engel  occupy- 
ing the  front  part  of  the  building.  He  was  thirty-three  years  of  age,  mar- 
ried, well  built,  five  feet  eight  inches  in  height,  and  an  active  man 

His  statement  was  as  follows  : 

"  I  attended  the  meeting  at  No.  54  West  Lake  Street  the  night  of  May 
3d.  I  was  there  about  fifteen  minutes  when  the  meeting  was  called  to  order. 
Some  one  suggested  that  every  man  of  a  group  should  see  that  every  one 
present  was  one  of  their  members.  I  was  asked  what  group  I  belonged  to. 
I  could  not  tell.  I  do  not  belong  to  any  group.  Then  I  was  told  to  go  out 
because  I  could  not  give  the  pass-word.  I  told  them  that  I  belonged  to  the 
Socialists,  but  they  told  me  I  could  not  remain.  I  then  went  away.  I 
have  often  been  at  Thalia  Hall  at  the  '  Bible  class,'  I  met  there  frequently 
Engel  and  Fischer.  That  was  in  the  month  of  April,  1886.  At  one  meet- 
ing, when  Engel  and  Fischer  were  present,  some  one  called  on  the  people 
to  be  ready  with  arms  :  that  the  time  would  soon  come  when  they  must  be 
•organized  and  ready  to  defend  themselves.  While  I  was  at  54  West  Lake 
Street  that  evening,  May  3,  some  one  complained  that  there  were  so  few 


340  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

present  and  said  that  there  had  always  been  a  good  attendance  until  that 
night,  and  that  it  was  very  strange.  As  I  could  not  give  the  sign  I  was  put 
out.  I  heard  Engel  say  that  no  revolution  could  be  a  success  with  only  a 
small  group  ;  there  must  be  general,  united  action." 

MARTIN  BECHTEL  was  also  requested  to  report  at  the  station  for  an  inter- 
view. He  willingly  responded,  and  conversed  quite  freely.  He  was  a 
beer-brewer  by  profession,  and  on  May  4  was  foreman  in  the  brewery  of 
Bartholomae  &  Leicht.  He  was  also  president  of  the  Brewers'  Union  and 
presided  at  a  meeting  on  the  afternoon  of  May  3.  His  statement  of  that 
meeting  was  as  follows  : 

"  I  had  a  meeting  called  of  the  brewers  for  that  afternoon,  and  there  I 
saw  a  lot  of  those  '  Revenge '  circulars.  I  saw  all  the  men  reading  them, 
and,  while  some  did  not  appear  to  care  much,  others  got  greatly  excited 
over  the  way  the  police  had  been  clubbing  the  people  at  McCormick's  fac- 
tory. There  was  considerable  excitement  for  awhile,  and  this  was  kept  up 
until  I  called  the  meeting  to  order.  I  found  that  I  had  to  be  very  strict 
before  I  could  do  anything.  We  transacted  our  business  with  great  diffi- 
culty. I  was  interrupted  now  and  then  by  some  one  coming  in  and  talking 
excitedly  about  the  police  killing  people  at  the  factory.  I  restored  order 
once  more,  when  Oscar  Neebe  came  in  with  a  new  supply  of  circulars  and 
handed  them  around  to  the  boys.  Then  the  fire  was  in  the  straw  again. 
After  Neebe  had  distributed  his  circulars,  he  was  called  on  for  a  speech, 
and  whenever  he  was  asked  by  any  one  if  it  was  true  that  the  police  had 
been  killing  people  in  the  manner  described  by  the  circular,  he  would 
answer :  '  Oh,  yes  ;  I  know  it  is  true.  I  saw  it  all.  We  must  get  ready 
and  take  revenge.  Get  ready ;  you  all  know  what  to  do.  You  have  all 
been  to  our  meetings  ;  you  have  all  had  instructions.  Come  out  like  men 
and  show  the  capitalists  what  you  are  made  of.  Show  these  bloodhounds, 
these  hirelings  of  the  capitalists  —  I  mean  the  blue-coated  police  —  that  we 
are  not  afraid  of  them.  We  must  meet  them  and  teach  them  a  lesson. 
They  have  no  regard  for  you  or  your  families.  You  must  feel  the  same  to 
them.'  Such  was  the  character  of  his  speech  and  replies,  and  that  is  all  I 
can  report  of  the  meeting." 

Mr.  Bechtel  was  thanked  for  his  information,  and  left  the  office. 

It  came  out  that  during  that  day,  after  leaving  that  meeting,  Neebe 
went  into  a  saloon  on  Clark  Street,  near  Division,  and  said  that  "by  to- 
morrow or  before  to-morrow  midnight  the  city  of  Chicago  would  swim  in 
blood,  or  perhaps  lie  in  ashes."  There  would  be  a  revolution,  everything 
was  ready,  and  he  said  that  he  would  do  his  share  of  the  work.  At  one 
time  he  was  so  wrought  up  with  excitement  that  he  fairly  shouted  at  the 
top  of  his  voice  and  made  loud  threats.  In  the  trial,  it  was  a  fortunate 
thing  for  Neebe  that  certain  documents  were  not  at  hand,  or  he  would  have 
undoubtedly  been  hung  instead  of  being  let  off  with  the  fifteen  years'  sen- 
tence in  the  penitentiary  which  he  is  now  working  out.  The  documents 
desired  were  in  some  manner  lost,  and,  when  some  of  the  material  witnesses 
were  looked  for  to  appear  at  the  trial,  they  could  not  be  found. 


THE   "COMMUNISTEN-BUDE."  341 

Neebe  knew  perfectly  well  the  character  of  the  men  he  addressed  at  the 
brewers'  meeting.  They  were  all  fire-eaters  on  the  question  of  Anarchy, 
and  the  name  of  the  Brewers'  Union  was  simply  adopted  as  a  cloak.  The 
brewing  companies  could  greatly  contribute  to  the  promotion  of  law,  order 
and  decency  by  replacing  every  one  of  them  with  men  who  appreciate  good 
government  and  the  privileges  of  citizenship. 

In  one  brewery  on  the  North  Side,  these  "  reds  "  managed  to  get  the 
teamsters  and  beer-peddlers  inoculated  with  their  heresy,  and  the  result  was 
that  the  police  were  often  called  upon  to  quell  disturbances  growing  either 
out  of  arguments  with  customers  or  saloon  patrons.  The  injury  thus  done 
to  the  trade  of  the  company  must  have  been  large.  Is  it  a  fear  of  these 
men  or  is  there  a  lack  of  better  material  that  keeps  them  in  their  places  ? 
It  is  certain  that  such  men  are  doing  the  brewing  companies  no  good. 
They  are  a  bad  lot  and  need  watching.  They  are  watched. 

MORITZ  NEFF  was  the  owner  of  what  has  been  called  the  "Shanty  of 
the  Communists,"  at  No.  58  Clybourn  Avenue,  known  also  as  "  Neff's  Hall." 
He  was  intimate  with  the  leaders  of  Anarchy  and  knew  a  great  deal  about 
their  movements.  On  the  ist  of  June,  Schuettler  and  Stift  were  sent  to 
tell  him  that  I  desired  to  see  him.  He  came,  not  under  arrest,  but  volun- 
tarily, as  soon  as  he  had  secured  some  one  to  run  his  saloon  during  his 
absence.  He  was  a  German,  about  thirty-six  years  of  age,  unmarried,  and 
had  kept  the  Anarchist  headquarters  for  over  seven  years.  He  attended 
closely  to  business,  rented  his  hall  in  the  rear  of  the  saloon  to  various  unions 
and  clubs,  and  made  plenty  of  money.  His  place  was  a  sort  of  "  go-as-you- 
please  "  headquarters  for  the  Anarchists,  and  if  all  their  plottings  there  had 
been  carried  into  execution  the  city  of  Chicago  would  not  now  stand  as  a 
monument  of  thrift,  energy,  enterprise  and  wealth.  The  hall  was  rented  to 
any  one  who  desired  it.  No  questions  were  asked,  and  no  publicity  was 
ever  given  to  the  proceedings  through  Neff.  He  could  keep  secrets,  and 
the  Anarchists  knew  it.  He  also  knew  them  thoroughly.  He  was  a  good 
judge  of  character,  and,  as  most  of  his  patrons  were  low-browed,  ignorant 
and  impulsive  fellows,  he  would  in  the  presence  of  some  of  the  more  sensi- 
ble ones  call  them  "fools  and  cattle."  Neff  gave  up  his  money  freely  to 
these  people  for  the  advancement  of  their  cause,  but  he  was  never  known 
to  howl  against  law  and  order  or  make  threats  against  capitalists,  like  other 
Anarchist  saloon-keepers.  He  always  kept  on  friendly  terms  with  the 
police,  and  promised  Lieutenant  Baus  to  keep  him  posted  whenever  any- 
thing of  importance  transpired.  This  promise,  however,  seems  to  have 
been  shrewdly  made  with  a  view  to  "pulling  the  wool  over  the  eyes"  of 
the  Lieutenant.  Neff  would  say,  "  Don't  trouble  yourself.  Whenever  there 
is  anything  going  on,  I  will  put  you  on  ;  "  but  he  never  found  anything  worth 
while  reporting.  The  officers  managed  to  gather  a  good  deal  of  information 
respecting  the  character  of  the  meetings  held,  but,  as  no  important  or  dan- 


342  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

gerous  results  were  ever  expected  to  grow  out  of  them,  the  Anarchists  were 
permitted  to  remain  unmolested. 

On  the  night  of  May  4,  after  the  Anarchists  had  been  put  to  rout,  those 
of  the  North  Side  group  hastened  from  their  various  posts  to  meet  at  Neff's 
place.  They  were  still  inclined  to  go  on  with  the  revolution,  and  Neff 
reproached  them  for  not  continuing  it  the  moment  it  was  started. 

"What  the  d 1,"  said  he,  "did  you  carry  bombs  for  all  night  and  not 

do  anything  ?  Why  didn't  you  go  to  the  Chicago  Avenue  Station  and  blow 
the  d d  building  to  h 1  with  every  one  in  it  ?  " 

This  staggered  the  hot-heads,  and  not  one  made  a  reply. 

"  Why,"  continued  Neff,  "you  are  all  cowards  ;  not  one  of  you  dare  go 
with  me  now." 

No  one  advanced  to  accept  the  challenge.  Presently,  the  hour  getting 
near  eleven  o'clock,  Neff  said  : 

"  Get  out !  I  am  going  to  close  up,  and  to-morrow  we  will  have  different 
music,  and  we  will  see  who  dances." 

Knowing  the  great  resort  his  place  had  been  lor  Anarchists,  Neff  was  in 
momentary  dread  of  becoming  involved  in  the  Haymarket  affair.  He  was 
very  uneasy,  and,  as  described  by  an  acquaintance  of  his,  "  his  clothes  and 
shirt  collar  did  not  fit  him  very  well  for  a  number  of  days."  When  he 
entered  my  office,  Neff  straightened  up  and  appeared  as  if  his  mind  was 
made  up  for  the  worst  and  as  if  he  had  resolved  that  the  police  should  be 
no  wiser  through  any  information  he  possessed.  It  was  not  long,  however, 
before  he  discovered  that  we  meant  business,  and  that  playing  the  fool  in 
the  matter  would  not  be  tolerated.  In  the  room  were  Assistant  State's 
Attorney  Furthmann,  six  detectives  and  myself,  and  he  was  kept  busy 
framing  answers  that  would  not  compromise  himself.  Finally  Neff  looked 
us  all  over  very  carefully  and  said  : 

"  I  know  I  am  called  here  to  answer  questions  and  tell  on  the  Anar- 
chists. I  will  now  tell  all  I  know." 

He  then  gave  a  straightforward  story  and  appeared  as  a  witness  at  the 
trial,  giving  all  its  substantial  points.  After  that  trial  he  sold  out  his  place 
and  left  the  city.  He  remained  away  for  a  time,  but  recently  came  to- 
Chicago  on  a  visit.  His  conduct  has  been  such  as  to  justify  the  hope  that 
he  will  hereafter  hold  himself  aloof  from  Anarchists. 

JOHN  WEIMAN,  a  Suabian,  was  a  peculiar  genius.  He  was  only  twenty- 
three  years  of  age,  and  yet  he  imagined  that  he  could  successfully  hood- 
wink the  police.  He  had  been  pointed  out  as  an  associate  of  some  of  the  lead- 
ers, and  it  was  decided  to  bring  him  to  see  what  he  had  to  say  for  himself.  He 
lived  at  No.  30  Barker  Street,  and  when  notified,  about  the  6th  of  June,  that 
I  wished  to  become  acquainted  with  him,  he  assumed  a  highly  injured  air. 
The  moment  he  set  foot  inside  the  office,  he  threw  up  both  hands  and,  in  a 
loud  voice, 'insisted  that  a  great  mistake  had  been  made  in  arresting  him. 


THE   "CZAR    BOMB. "-FROM  A  PHOTOGRAPH. 

This  is  one  of  the  round  bombs  made  by  Lingg,  and  similar  to  the  infernal  machine  thrown  at  the  Hay- 
market.  It  is  about  three  inches  in  diameter,  and  consists  of  two  hollow  hemispheres  of  lead,  filled  with 
dynamite,  and  secured  by  means  of  an  iron  uult  and  nut.  It  is  fitted  with  fuse  and  fulminating  cap. 


344  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS 

"  I  am  no  Socialist,  no  Anarchist,  no  Nihilist,  no  Communist,"  he 
declared.  "  I  don't  know  Spies,  Parsons,  Schwab,  Fischer,  Lingg,  Engel, 
Neebe  or  Fielden.  I  never  attended  any  meetings  at  No.  54,  No.  71  or 
No.  120  West  Lake  Street,  and  I  have  never  been  in  the  Communisten- 
Bude  [the  Shanty  of  the  Communists]  at  No.  58  Clybourn  Avenue ; 
never  was  at  Mueller's  Hall  basement,  or  at  Thalia  Hall,  or  at  No.  63 
Emma  Street." 

"That  is  right,  John,"  said  I.  "  Keep  on  and  tell  me  a  few  more  places 
where  you  have  never  been,  and  I  shall  be  much  obliged  to  you.  Then  I  will 
know  all  the  places  and  all  the  leaders  of  the  whole  Anarchist  outfit." 

"  Yes,"  said  John,  "  I  have  heard  of  you,  and  I  don't  want  to  be  troubled 
too  much.  I  know  that  you  are  acquainted  with  all  those  places  and  know 
all  the  people  who  went  there,  and  I  heard  of  a  lot  of  people  getting  arrested 
every  day  who  knew  all  the  leaders  and  frequented  those  meeting-places. 
I  thought  I  would  tell  you  all  at  first,  because  I  am  sick  and  I  can't  stand 
much  talking-to." 

"  How  came  you  to  know  so  much  ?  "  I  inquired  ;  "  that  is  to  say,  how 
do  you  know  the  names  of  the  members  ?  " 

"Well,  I  have  a  friend,  and  he  told  me  all  these  things,  but  he  ran  away 
from  the  city.  I  don't  know  where  he  is  now." 

"  What  is  his  name  and  where  did  he  live  ?  " 

"  He  is  a  carpenter.  I  used  to  call  him  Carl.  He  lived  on  Randolph 
Street,  near  Union." 

Further  inquiries  failed  to  elicit  anything  of  importance,  and  he  was 
turned  loose  to  wander  at  his  own  sweet  pleasure. 

EMIL  MENDE,  a  German,  was  a  man  thoroughly  capable  of  desperate 
deeds.  He  lived  at  No.  51  Meagher  Street,  and  so  villainous  a  disposition 
did  he  possess  that  his  own  sister  and  his  brother-in-law  were  obliged  to 
report  him  at  the  station.  Even  the  people  in  his  own  neighborhood  feared 
him,  and  those  that  knew  him  best  shunned  him.  He  was  a  dangerous  man. 
For  two  months  preceding  May  4,  he  boasted  how  the  Anarchists  would 
blow  up  the  city  and  kill  every  one  who  was  not  an  Anarchist.  He  talked 
about  it  so  often  and  in  such  an  earnest  way  that  his  neighbors  grew  appre- 
hensive lest  he  might  set  fire  to  the  neighborhood.  The  children  would  run 
across  the  street  to  avoid  meeting  him.  He  was  always* full  of  liquor,  and 
his  chief  study  was  how  to  get  a  living  without  work.  He  thought  he  had 
found  it  in  Anarchy,  and  he  stood  ready  to  commit  any  crime  to  accomplish 
his  purpose.  He  became  a  drunken  loafer  through  attending  Anarchistic 
meetings,  and  when  his  sister  remonstrated  with  him  he  turned  against  her 
and  threatened  to  kill  her.  His  conduct  finally  became  so  unbearable  that 
his  brother-in-law,  Emil  Sauer,  gave  information  against  him  to  the  police. 
Mende,  he  said,  belonged  to  the  Lehr  und  Wehr  Verein  of  the  Southwest 
Side  group  and  would  assemble  with  his  comrades  in  lonely,  retired  places, 


A    VILLAINOUS  SPECIMEN.  345 

where  the  police  could  not  see  them  drill.  They  would  sneak  into  the  build- 
ings selected  for  their  meeting-places,  and  after  their  drills  they  would 
quietly  sneak  out  again,  like  so  many  thieves  who  had  committed  a  success- 
ful burglary.  Sauer  said  he  had  come  to  know  many  of  the  members,  but 
he  did  not  know  their  names  or  where  they  lived.  They  all  had  numbers, 
were  well  armed  with  rifles  and  revolvers,  and  they  drilled  frequently. 

"  I  remember  the  night  of  May  4,"  said  Sauer,  "  Mende  left  the  house 
about  eight  o'clock.  He  looked  wild  and  desperate.  He  carried  with  him 
a  huge  revolver  and  a  lot  of  cartridges.  About  eleven  o'clock  the  same 
evening,  after  the  bomb  had  exploded,  he  came  sneaking  home,  and  had  in 
his  possession  two  rifles  and  three  dynamite  bombs.  He  brought  them  all 
into  the  house  at  first,  and,  becoming  alarmed,  he  took  them  all  to  No.  647 
South  Canal  Street.  There  he  was  seen  either  going  under  the  house  or 
under  the  sidewalk.  When  he  came  out  he  had  nothing  with  him.  Mende, 
when  he  first  began  to  attend  the  meetings,  had  very  little  to  say  about 
Anarchy.  He  kept  on,  and  during  the  six  months  preceding  the  Haymarket 
riot  he  was  perfectly  crazy  on  the  subject.  After  he  had  become  a  member 
of  the  armed  group,  he  would  speak  of  nothing  else  but  killing  people  and 
destroying  the  city.  On  the  evening  of  May  4,  before  leaving  home,  he 
said  : 

' ' '  This  is  our  night.  This  night  we  will  show  our  strength.  I  would  like 
to  see  any  one  oppose  us.  Nothing  can  stand  before  us.  Before  daylight 
to-morrow  blood  will  flow  deep  in  the  streets,  and  the  air  will  be  hot.  Then 
we  will  have  a  new  government.' 

"  After  he  had  been  gone  about  twenty  minutes,  some  one  came  in  and 
asked  for  him.  The  man  looked  like  a  starved-out  cut-throat.  He  was  told 
that  Mende  had  gone.  The  fellow  remarked,  '  Then  it  is  all  right.  I  know 
where  to  find  him.'  He  pulled  his  hat  over  his  eyes,  turned  up  his  coat  col- 
lar and  disappeared.  This  man  was  watched.  He  went  west  from  our 
house,  and  about  a  block  away  he  met  five  other  men.  They  all  went  west 
together. 

"  On  the  afternoon  of  May  4,  Mende  said  to  me : 

"  '  I  want  you  to  go  with  us.  Everything  is  very  well  planned.  There 
is  no  fear  that  we  will  not  get  all  the  help  we  want  after  we  have  started. 
We  are  going  to  move  like  an  army.  If  we  should  get  whipped  at  first,  or 
if  we  should  have  to  run,  then  we  all  have  places  to  go  to.  The  Southwest 
Side  group  is  going  to  a  church  on  Eighteenth  Street,  and  we  will  fortify 
ourselves  there  until  we  get  help.  We  will  have  a  lot  of  dynamite  bombs 
to  keep  everybody  away.  We  have  rifles  and  revolvers,  and  no  one  will 
dare  come  near  us.  We  can  hold  the  fort  there  for  a  few  days,  and  no  one 
will  trouble  us.  Only  throw  out  a  bomb  once  a  day,  and  that  will  be  suffi- 
cient to  prevent  the  enemy  from  coming  near.  The  North  Side  group  is  going 
to  follow  our  plan.  They  are  going  to  take  charge  of  St.  Michael's  Church. 


346  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

We  have  things  down  fine.  You  had  better  come  along.  There  is  no  dan- 
ger. We  expect  a  lot  of  people  here  from  Michigan  and  all  the  mining 
towns.  They  will  all  come  here  as  soon  as  we  begin  the  attack.' 

"Mende  asked  me  at  one  time  to  go  with  him,  —  this  was  during  the 
McCormick  strike,  —  and  told  me  they  were  going  to  take  with  them  tin 
cans,  which  would  be  filled  with  kerosene.  These  cans  would  have  strong 
corks  in  them,  and  through  each  a  hole  had  been  drilled,  for  the  insertion  of 
a  cap  and  fuse.  They  would  simply  light  the  fuse,  throw  the  can  into  a 
lumber  yard,  and  walk  off.  No  one  would  discover  who  did  it,  and  then 

they  would  see  a  big  fire.     '  In  this  way  we'll  bring  these  d d  capitalists 

to  time.'  I  told  Mende  that  I  would  have  nothing  to  do  with  him  or  his 
plans. 

"  Two  days  after  the  bomb  had  been  thrown,  he  said  to  me  : 

'"I  know  the  man  who  threw  the  bomb,  and,  you  bet,  he  is  a  good  friend 
of  mine.  He  will  never  be  arrested.' 

"  About  eight  days  after  the  explosion,  he  told  me  that  he  knew  the  man 
who  made  bombs,  and  that  the  man  was  going  to  leave  the  city.  This  man, 
he  also  said,  had  changed  his  clothes,  and  he  (Mende)  had  got  the  clothes 
from  a  man  named  Sisterer,  who  lived  on  Sixteenth  Street.  I  then  asked 
him  the  name  of  the  man  who  made  the  bombs,  and  he  said  it  was  Louis 
Lingg." 

Mrs.  Sauer  next  related  her  grievances  against  her  brother. 

"This  brute,"  she  began,  "not  being  satisfied  with  having  all  the  neigh- 
bors afraid  of  him,  had  to  torment  the  life  out  of  me,  telling  me  that  he 
belonged  to  those  fellows  who  would  kill,  give  no  quarter  and  take  none. 
In  a  fight  the  result  would  be  victory  or  death.  He  would  tell  me  that  as 
soon  as  they  had  established  their  government  the  children  of  the  capitalists 
would  he  hunted  up  and  killed,  and  every  trace  of  a  capitalist  wiped  off  the 
face  of  the  earth.  My  brother  reads  all  kinds  of  Anarchist  books  and 
papers.  I  saw  him  have  a  big  revolver  and  a  lot  of  cartridges,  and  he  said  : 

"  '  We  are  going  to  kill  all  the  police  now  in  a  few  days.  They  all  must  be 
killed.  They  stand  in  our  way.  We  cannot  get  our  rights  so  long  as  we 
let  those  bloodhounds  live.  So  we  have  decided  to  kill  them  all.  We  are 
ready  now,  and  you  will  not  see  any  more  of  those  fellows  hanging  around 
the  corners.' 

"  He  also  said  that  the  Fire  Department  was  a  well-organized  body,  and 
they,  too,  must  be  destroyed. 

"'Before  the  battle  commences,'  he  said,  'we  are  going  to  fix  the 
bridges  with  dynamite,  so  that,  in  case  the  Fire  Department  should  come 
to  the  relief  of  the  police  or  go  to  work  to  extinguish  the  fires  that  we  start, 
we  will  blow  the  bridges,  firemen,  horses  and  all  to  h — 1.' 

"  He  further  stated  that  the  city  would  be  set  on  fire  in  all  parts,  so  that 
the  police  and  firemen  would  be  obliged  to  stay  in  their  own  neighborhoods, 


A  SISTERS  ACCUSATION.  347 

and  it  would  be  impossible  for  any  large  bodies  of  them  to  get  together  in 
one  place.  Then,  when  everything  was  in  confusion,  they  had  places  selected 
where  they  would  meet  in  a  body  and  come  into  the  center  of  the  city,  where 
they  would  rob  and  plunder  every  jewelry  store  and  bank,  and  places  where 
they  could  get  the  most  valuable  things  they  wanted. 

"  'We  have,'  he  said,  'all  these  places  picked  out  already.  We  have  on 
hand  all  the  dynamite  we  want,  and  when  we  make  a  start  we  will  have  our 
tools  and  materials  with  us.' 

"A  few  days  after  the  4th  of  May,  my  brother  also  said  that  it  was  too 
bad  that  their  committee  had  become  split  up  during  the  charge  of  the 
police  at  the  Haymarket.  They  failed  to  get  together  again,  and  the  men 
on  the  outside  were  expecting  every  second  to  receive  orders  from  that 
committee  to  commence  setting  fires  and  killing  people.  He  stated  that 
on  that  night  he  was  at  the  Hinman  Street  Station,  and  that  it  was  sur- 
rounded by  seventy-five  men,  fifty  of  them  having  rifles  and  the  balance 
large  revolvers  and  dynamite  bombs.  They  waited  in  an  alley  for  orders. 
Everything,  he  said,  was  complete ;  every  man  had  his  place  and  knew  what 
work  he  had  to  perform.  They  only  needed  the  signal  from  the  committee. 
The  plan  was  that,  as  soon  as  they  had  received  their  orders,  some  of  them 
should  get  near  the  windows  of  the  station  and  throw  in  bombs  among  the 
policemen.  Then  others  were  to  be  ready  with  their  revolvers  and  shoot 
down  any  officer  who  had  not  been  killed  by  the  explosion  and  who  attempted 
to  save  himself  by  jumping  out  through  the  window.  The  fifty  men  with 
rifles  were  to  have  placed  themselves  in  front  of  the  station,  and  as  soon  as 
the  officers  made  an  attempt  to  march  out,  they  should  kill  them  in  the 
hallway  before  they  could  get  outside.  'But,'  said  he,  'the  officers  at  this 
station  will  be  killed  yet,  because  they  have  interfered  with  us  and  injured 
the  success  of  the  strikers.' 

"He  spoke  also  about  their  going  to  barricade  themselves  in  churches, 
if  they  got  whipped,  until  they  had  secured  help.  He  said  that  they  had  a  lot 
of  bombs  buried  near  the  city,  and  they  were  there  still  for  future  use. 
'They  will  not  spoil,'  he  said.  My  brother  further  told  me  one  night  that 
he  had  to  run  home  or  he  would  have  been  arrested.  I  saw  him  come 
home,  and  he  looked  very  much  excited.  He  went  into  the  back  yard  — 
just  like  the  coward  —  and  remained  there  for  some  time.  Later  he  told 
me  that  a  lot  of  them  went  together  to  blow  up  a  freight-house  with  dyna- 
mite bombs.  This  freight-house  is  on  the  corner  of  Meagher  and  Jefferson 
Streets.  He  said  that  he  had  the  place  picked  out,  and  everything  was 
ready.  Then  one  of  their  number,  who  stood  guard,  gave  the  signal  to  run, 
and  they  all  ran  away.  They  had  a  meeting-place  appointed  in  case  they 
should  be  disturbed,  and  there  they  met  afterwards.  They  decided  to 
renew  the  attack,  but  finally,  at  the  suggestion  of  a  man  named  Sisterer, 
that  they  postpone  it  till  another  night,  they  all  went  home.  On  his  way 


HOPES  OF  HABEAS  CORPUS.  349 

home  my  brother  thought  that  some  detective  was  following  him.  He 
became  frightened  and  started  on  the  run,  and  ran  until  he  arrived  home 
safely." 

When  a  sister  would  tell  such  a  story,  fully  corroborated  by  others,  of  a 
brother,  it  can  easily  be  seen  that  he  must  have  been  a  desperate  man.  It 
must  be  borne  in  mind  that  about  the  time  Mrs.  Sauer  notified  me  of  her 
brother's  acts  the  city  was  wrought  up  to  a  high  pitch  of  excitement  over 
the  .foul  murder  at  the  Haymarket,  and  there  was  a  general  sentiment  that 
all  the  conspirators  identified  with  that  plot  ought  to  hang.  It  required, 
therefore,  no  little  courage  on  the  part  of  a  sister  to  give  up  her  own 
brother  to  take  his  chances  on  the  charges  made. 

Mende  must  have  reached  a  very  low,  or  rather  a  very  high  standing 
among  the  bloodthirsty  bandits,  and  the  revelations  concerning  him  showed 
that  he  was  not  only  capable  of  tormenting  a  poor  woman  by  his  savage 
threats,  but  willing  and  anxious  to  distinguish  himself  in  any  wild  carnival 
of  riot,  bloodshed  and  incendiarism.  He  was  a  man  the  police  wanted,  and 
he  was  accordingly  arrested  by  Officers  Whalen  and  Loewenstein  on  the 
7th  of  June.  At  the  station  he  gave  his  age  as  twenty-nine  years,  and  his 
occupation  as  that  of  a  carpenter.  He  was  tall,  well-built,  wore  a  heavy 
beard  and  weighed  about  160  pounds.  His  appearance  did  not  belie  the 
statements  made  about  him,  and  subsequent  inquiries  showed  that  he  was 
all  his  sister  had  represented  him  to  be.  What  he  had  told  his  sister  about 
the  arrangements  around  the  Hinman  Street  Station  was  found  to  be 
strictly  true,  and  the  details  about  the  riot  at  the  Haymarket  and  the 
signal  to  the  armed  men  in  the  outlying  sections  of  the  city  were  borne 
out  by  the  statements  of  other  Anarchists. 

While  on  his  way  to  the  station,  Mende  seemed  perfectly  indifferent  to 
his  fate.  It  came  out,  however,  that  much  of  his  stoical  air  had  been 
inspired  by  statements  previously  communicated  to  him  by  his  Anarchist 
associates.  The  attorneys  of  the  Anarchists,  Messrs.  Salomon  &  Zeisler, 
had  advised  the  order  that  in  case  of  arrest  the  distressed  brother  should 
seek  to  notify  some  friend  they  might  meet  while  being  taken  through  the 
streets  to  the  station,  and  then,  the  information  being  brought  to  them, 
they  would  at  once  secure  a  release  on  a  writ  of  habeas  corpus.  Mende 
acted  on  this  advice.  He  knew  probably,  like  the  rest,  that,  once  locked 
up,  his  chances  for  communicating  with  his  friends  for  a  day  or  two  would 
be  exceedingly  doubtful,  and  so,  while  he  was  being  marched  through  the 
streets,  he  encountered  a  friend  and  told  him  his  name  ;  and  that  friend 
immediately  rushed  to  the  office  of  the  attorneys  and  gave  the  name  of  the 
prisoner  and  the  station  to  which  he  was  being  taken. 

Mende  had  scarcely  been  locked  up  when  the  counsel  came  to  the  Chi- 
cago Avenue  Station  and  demanded  to  see  the  prisoirer.  They  were 
refused.  On  the  next  day  they  applied  for  a  writ  of  habeas  corpus  and 


350  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

wanted  the  prisoner  brought  into  court.  The  object  of  this  was  to  put  me 
•on  the  stand  in  the  case,  and,  by  various  questions,  to  obtain  such  informa- 
tion as  the  State  might  possess  with  reference  to  the  Anarchists.  I  was 
.not  to  be  caught  in  such  a  trap,  and  State's  Attorney  Grinnell  decided  to 
/release  the  prisoner,  have  him  indicted  and  subsequently  re-arrested. 

During  the  short  time  Mende  was  at  the  station  he  was  plied  with  ques- 
tions, but  he  answered  them  all  with  denials.  He  said  that  he  had  never 
spoken  to  his  sister  about  Anarchy  and  had  never  belonged  to  any  organ- 
ization. Under  cross-fire,  however,  he  admitted  that  he  had  attended  the 
meetings  and  owned  a  big  revolver.  The  revolver,  he  said,  he  had  sold  to 
one  Peter  Mann  about  the  ist  of  June.  After  his  experience  at  the  station 
he  was,  as  might  have  been  expected,  at  war  with  his  relatives,  but  he  kept 
.away  from  meetings. 

POLIKARP  SISTERER,  a  German  Pole,  was  an  associate  of  Mende,  but, 
•unlike  that  rapscallion,  he  was  not  violent  or  demonstrative.  Having  a 
iamily  may  have  done  much  toward  tempering  his  disposition,  but  still  he 
-was  an  Anarchist  in  the  full  sense  of  the  word.  He  was  a  quiet,  deep- 
plotting  fellow,  and  perhaps  on  that  account  might  be  regarded  as  really  a 
more  dangerous  man.  He  was  a  sober  man,  not  given  to  beer-drinking 
.and  wine-guzzling  like  Mende  ;  and,  like  Cassius  of  old,  had  a  "lean  and 
hungry  look,"  bringing  him  within  that  class  concerning  whom  the  injunc- 
tion "  Beware "  might  well  be  heeded  in  any  special  crisis.  He  was 
arrested  on  the  8th  of  June  by  Officers  Whalen  and  Loewenstein  and  taken 
to  the  station.  On  the  way  thither  he,  like  Mende,  communicated  his 
troubles  to  friends  on  the  street,  and  was  subsequently  released  under  the 
same  conditions.  At  the  station  he  gave  his  age  as  thirty-one  years,  his 
•occupation  as  that  of  a  carpenter,  and  his  residence  as  No.  85  West  Six- 
teenth Street.  He  belonged,  like  Mende,  to  the  Carpenters'  Union,  which 
met  at  Zepf's  Hall,  and  took  an  active  part  in  all  Anarchistic  movements. 
He  was  at  first  exceedingly  non-communicative  to  the  police,  and  insisted, 
whenever  he  did  speak,  that  he  had  no  secrets  to  divulge.  He  was  shown 
to  the  "  cooler  "  down  stairs,  and  the  next  day  he  was  in  a  talkative  mood. 
He  willingly  took  all  the  officers  into  his  confidence  and  talked  unreserv- 
•edly.  He  said  : 

"  I  belong  to  the  Carpenters'  Union,  and  Louis  Lingg  belongs  to  the 
same  organization.  I  have  known  Lingg  for  about  eight  months.  We 
were  good  friends,  and,  after  the  meetin§  s  of  the  union  were  over,  Lingg 
and  I  often  went  home  together.  I  got  acquainted  with  him  at  those  meet- 
:ings.  .  Lingg  was  a  good  worker  for  the  carpenters,  and  they  all  like  him  for 
the  interest  he  displayed  in  their  behalf.  I  saw  him  at  our  union  meeting 
on  Monday  evening  about  eight  o'clock  in  Zepf's  Hall.  He  made  a  speech 
there  and  called  all  of  us  to  arms  and  to  be  ready.  He  said  that  the  police 
were  ready  to  club  us  and  would  only  protect  the  capitalists  and  work  only 
•in  the  interests  of  the  capitalists.  '  You  can  see  for  yourselves,'  Lingg  said 


"LITTLE  KRUEGER  S"  RECORD.  351 

'  how  the  police  acted  at  the  McCormick  factory  ;  they  clubbed  our  people, 
they  killed  six  of  our  brothers,  and  now  we  will  fight  them  and  take 
revenge.'  He  worked  us  all  up,  and  every  one  was  highly  excited.  He 
said  that  everything  was  ready  and  if  we  would  only  stick  together  we 
would  win  a  certain  victory.  I  saw  at  this  meeting  Hageman,  Poch, 
Mende,  Lehman,  Louis  Rentz  and  Kaiser.  Rau  and  Niendorf  were  there 
and  distributed  the  revenge  circulars.  That  day — Monday — was  a  very 
exciting  one  among  the  Anarchists,  and  it  would  not  have  taken  much  to 
have  started  very  serious  trouble.  Crowds  of  excited  people  were  on  Lake 
Street,  from  Union  Street  to  the  river,  on  that  afternoon,  and  all  were  in 
bad  temper.  I  attended  the  meeting  on  the  afternoon  of  May  3d,  at  about 
three  o'clock,  at  No.  71  West  Lake  Street,  at  Florus'  Hall.  I  never  was  at 
any  meeting  held  at  No.  54  West  Lake  Street,  at  Greif's  Hall,  but  I  heard 
from  others  as  to  what  had  been  done  there.  I  saw  Lingg  again  on  the  5th 
of  May,  at  Florus'  Hall.  I  spoke  to  him,  but  he  had  very  little  to  say. 
He  looked  downhearted.  While  I  was  there  he  disappeared,  and  I  never 
saw  him  again." 

"Did  you  not  give  him  money  and  clothes  to  get  out  of  the  city?"  I 
asked. 

"Well,  no  one  can  prove  that.  If  you  think  I  did,  you  had  better  find 
your  witness." 

"Do  you  mean  to  say  that  you  did  not  help  Lingg  ?  " 

Sisterer  hung  his  head  and  would  vouchsafe  no  answer. 

He  was  released,  as  I  have  already  stated,  but  since  this  episode  in  his 
career,  he  has  taken  the  lesson  to  heart  and  appears  to  be  determined  to 
keep  away  from  uncanny  places  on  moonless  nights. 

AUGUST  KRUEGER,  alias  "Little  Krueger,"  was  a  different  sort  of  a  man 
from  the  rest  of  his  chosen  brotherhood.  He  was  quite  an  intelligent 
fellow,  well  educated,  with  genteel  manners,  well  chosen  language  and 
rather  natty  dress.  He  was  a  draftsman  by  occupation,  and  he  was  highly 
skilled.  He  was,  with  all  his  bloodthirsty  professions,  a  very  clever  fellow, 
and  became  quite  popular  with  his  low-browed  associates.  He  belonged  to 
the  Northwest  Side  company  of  the  Lehr  und  Wehr  Verein  and  took  great 
interest  in  the  drills.  His  ideas,  however,  were  somewhat  different  from 
those  of  the  other  Anarchists.  He  did  not  believe  in  riots,  but  thought  a 
revolution  should  be  brought  about  by  a  general  uprising  of  the  people.  In 
the  old  country,  he  had  been  a  Socialist,  but  had  been  obliged  to  leave 
some  seven  years  before  the  time  of  the  Haymarket  riot.  Arriving  here,  he 
identified  himself  with  the  Anarchists,  and,  taking  a  deep  interest  in  all 
movements  directed  against  capitalists,  he  soon  became  highly  esteemed 
by  Spies  and  others.  He  was  at  the  Haymarket  meeting,  having  come  in 
the  company  of  Schnaubelt,  the  bomb-thrower,  and  claimed  that  he  also 
left  the  meeting  in  his  company.  While  not  in  perfect  accord  with  his 
associates  on  isolated  riots,  and  while  he  did  not  sanction  such  methods  to 
hurt  people,  Krueger  still  entered  into  their  plans  and  worked  hard  for  their 


352 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 


cause,  and  when  Spies  and  others  had  been  condemned  to  die  he  origin- 
ated a  plot  to  release  them  from  the  jail,  which,  however,  failing  to  secure 
members  enough  to  carry  it  out,  he  finally  abandoned. 

After  the  Haymarket  riot,  Krueger  was  continually  watched  by  the 
detectives,  and  on  the  I3th  of  June  he  was  arrested.  He  was  found  at  the 
Terra  Cotta  Works,  on  Clybourn  and  Wrightwood  Avenues,  and  brought 
to  the  Chicago  Avenue  Station.  Here  he  showed  that  he  had  considerable 
grit.  He  was  the  kind  of  man  who  would  risk  his  life  for  a  good  chance 
in  a  general  revolution,  and,  although  he  characterized  some  of  the  Anar- 
chists as  fools,  he  stubbornly  refused  to  testify  against  them.  He  was  kept 

for  two  hours  under  a 
steady  fusillade  of  ques- 
tions by  Assistant  State's 
Attorney  Furthmann,  but 
he  held  out  doggedly  un- 
der the  heavy  fire.  He 
could  not  be  made  to  in- 
form. He  was  subse- 
quently released  by  order 
of  the  State's  Attorney. 
He  was,  when  last  heard 
of,  still  working  for 
Messrs.  Parkhurst  &  Co., 
the  proprietors  of  the 
works,  and  appears  to  be 
well  liked  by  them.  In 
spite  of  his  warning,  he 
still  adheres  to  his  old 
ideas. 

His  answers  to  the 
questions  asked  him  were 
.as  follows  : 

"  I  am  twenty-one  years  of  age.  I  came  from  Germany  seven  years  ago. 
I  reside  at  No.  72  Kenion  Street,  near  Paulina.  I  was  a  member  of  the  Lehr 
und  Wehr  Verein  a  year  and  a  half.  I  know  Breitenfeld.  He  is  the  com- 
mander of  the  second  company  of  the  Lehr  und  Wehr  Verein.  I  am  orderly 
sergeant  and  secretary  of  that  company.  Schrade  was  captain.  I  heard 
of  the  letter  '  Y '  about  the  first  of  April.  We  had  a  different  signal.  It 
was  '?  ?  ?. '  This  signal  invited  the  armed  organizations.  I  cannot  say  who 
originated  the  signal.  The  signal  was  then  changed  to  'Y.'  We  always 
met  up-stairs  under  this  signal  '  Y,'  except  the  last  two  meetings.  I  saw 
that  letter  last  on  Sunday  preceding  the  riot.  I  went  to  that  meeting  at  No. 
54  West  Lake  Street  (May  3)  alone.  I  got  to  the  meeting  about  8:30  o'clock. 
I  went  into  the  saloon  and  then  went  down  stairs.  There  were  then  only  a 
few  people  present.  Seeing  that  the  meeting  had  not  started,  I  went  up 


A  GROUP  OF  THE   LEHR  UND  WEHR  VEREIN. 

From  a  Photograph. 
The  figure  on  the  extreme  right  is  that  of  "Little  Krueger." 


A   CHANGE  OF  SENTIMENT.  353 

stairs  again.  Breitenfeld  had  charge  of  the  door.  I  was  not  asked  to  show 
my  card,  but  I  had  it  with  me.  It  was  a  red  card  —  No.  8.  That  is  my 
number.  We  all  go  by  numbers.  I  went  down  stairs  again  for  a  second 
time  about  a  quarter  to  nine  o'clock." 

A  picture  being  shown  him  of  Schnaubelt,  he  said  : 

"  I  might  have  seen  him.  On  Tuesday  night,  May  4,  I  was  at  Engel's 
house  from  nine  o'clock  to  eleven  o'clock.  At  the  meeting  I  know  that 
Fischer  volunteered  to  have  circulars  printed  for  the  Haymarket  meeting. 
I  am  in  favor  of  a  complete  revolution  —  that  is,  when  a  majority  of  the 
people  are  in  favor  of  it.  I  am  an  Anarchist,  and  will  remain  one  as  Jong  as 
I  live.  My  father  was  one,  and  he  was  warden  of  a  penitentiary  in  the  old 
country.  I  had  to  leave  there  because  I  was  an  Anarchist.  I  am  opposed 
to  all  single  attacks,  like  that  at  the  Haymarket.  I  am  in  favor,  also,  of 
peaceable  agitation.  I  could  say  more  about  others,  but  they  are  in  trouble 
enough  now.  I  don't  want  to  be  put  down  as  a  '  squealer.'  I  hope  you  will 
not  insist  on  my  becoming  one,  as  I  will  not." 

EMIL  NIENDORF,  a  German,  was  arrested  on  the  i4th  of  June,  by  Officers 
Schuettler  and  Stift,  and  brought  to  the  station.  He  had  scarcely  entered 
the  place  when  he  demanded  to  see  me  at  once.  On  being  brought  into  the 
office,  he  was  asked  what  he  wanted  to  say. 

"Well,"  opened  up  Niendorf,  "I  don't  want  to  be  locked  up  here  six 
weeks.  Neither  do  I  want  you  folks  to  believe  that  I  am  a  stubborn  man. 
I  want  to  talk.  I  want  to  tell  you  who  I  am,  what  I  have  done,  and  I  don't 
want  to  be  looked  upon  as  a  murderer.  I  am  an  eight-hour  man.  I  want 
to  get  eight  hours  in  a  peaceable  way.  I  do  not  want  to  kill  people.  I  have 
no  use  for  those  rattle-heads." 

Niendorf  was  informed  that  all  the  officers  connected  with  the  station 
were  too  busy  to  attend  to  his  case  then,  and  that  he  would  have  to  remain 
until  the  next  day,  when  he  would  have  an  opportunity  to  tell  all  his  troubles. 
He  was  locked  up,  but  during  the  night,  it  appears,  some  prisoner  or  some 
one  from  the  outside  "put  a  flea  in  his  ear,"  telling  him  not  to  open  his 
mouth,  to  be  a  brave  man,  and  he  would  come  out  all  right.  The  next  morn- 
ing at  ten  o'clock  he  was  brought  into  my  office,  but  he  was  not  at  all  com- 
municative. He  sat  down  and  said  nothing. 

"Well,  Niendorf,  how  do  you  feel?"  asked  Mr.  Furthmann.  "How  did 
you  sleep  ?  " 

Not  an  answer. 

"  Are  you  sick?  "  interestedly  inquired  Furthmann. 

No  answer. 

"  Did  any  one  insult  you  or  hurt  you  ?  "  continued  Furthmann. 

Still  no  response. 

"  Who  has  changed  your  mind  since  you  were  here  ?  "  I  inquired. 

Not  a  syllable  of  reply. 

"See  here,"  said  I,  "  you  cannot  make  us  feel  bad.  I  will  give  you  just 
two  minutes  by  the  watch  to  get  over  your  lockjaw." 


354  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

This  aroused  Niendorf,  and,  looking  around  at  all  the  officers  present,  he 
said  : 

"Gentlemen,  I  have  been  warned  not  to  speak.  I  did  not  see  the  party,, 
but  some  one  called  out  my  name  and  asked  if  I  had  been  to  the  office  yet. 
I  answered  no.  The  voice  then  said  :  '  When  you  go  there,  don't  open 
your  mouth,  be  motionless,  and  they  will  soon  fire  you  out.  Don't  for- 
get.' " 

"  That  is  just  what  I  expected,"  I  remarked.  "Now  you  can  do  as  you 
please  —  talk  or  not  talk.  That  party  is  not  a  friend  of  yours,  and  he  wants 
to  see  you  go  to  jail.  Officer,  take  him  down  stairs." 

"Are  you  not  going  to  let  me  speak?  "  nervously  inquired,  the  prisoner. 

"  How  long  will  it  take  you  to  find  your  speech  ?  "  exclaimed  Furthmann. 

"  Have  I  got  to  swear  to  what  I  tell  you  ?  " 

"  Yes  ;  you  will  have  to  do  that  whenever  we  send  for  you,  and  you  must 
not  leave  the  city  without  permission,"  said  I. 

Niendorf  then  gave  a  statement  of  his  knowledge  of  Anarchy.  He 
appeared  very  ignorant,  but,  when  spoken  to,  he  showed  that  he  was  quite 
intelligent.  He  was  twenty-six  years  of  age,  lived  at  No.  29  Croker  Street, 
and,  with  fiery  red  hair,  was  a  rather  homely-looking  man. 

He  was  released,  and  after  his  departure  the  officers  determined  to 
ascertain  whether  it  was  an  "Anarchist  ghost "  or  a  man  in  flesh  and  bones 
that  had  hovered  about  the  station  warning  Niendorf  not  to  squeal.  A 
close  watch  was  accordingly  put  in  the  cell  department  to  fathom  the  mys- 
tery. About  ten  o'clock  that  night  a  young  fellow  called  at  the  station  for 
a  night's  lodging.  He  was  told  to  sit  down  and  wait.  He  did  so,  and  his 
wish  was  reported  to  me.  Officer  Loewenstein  was  sent  back  to  look  him 
over,  and  that  officer  presently  returned  and  reported  that  the  man  did  not 
look  like  a  tramp.  He  looked  more  like  an  Israelite  who  had  means,  and 
the  fellow  was  at  once  called  into  the  office.  There  the  officers  unbuttoned 
his  coat  and  discovered  a  clean  young  fellow,  with  a  nice  suit  of  clothes  and 
a  gold  watch  and  chain. 

" What  is  your  name ?"  I  asked  sternly.  "And  don't  forget  to  give  it 
right." 

"Oh,  please, —  I —  I  did  not  mean  anything  bad." 

"Are  you  not  baptized  ;  have  you  no  name  ?  Officer,  look  him  up  until 
I  find  a  name  for  him." 

"  Let  me  go,  and  I  will  never  come  here  again." 

"Who  sent  you  here  ?  "  I  demanded. 

"  I  cannot  tell  —  do  let  me  go.  I  will  never,  I  promise  you,  come  back 
again." 

"  I  don't  think  you  will.  When  you  leave  here  you  will  go  through  the 
'sewer.' ' 

With  exclamations  of  great  grief  and  remorse,  he  looked  appealingly  to 


A  MYSTERY  MADE  CLEAR.  355 

all  the  officers  in  the  room,  and,  recognizing  Officer  Loewenstein  as  one  of 
his  race,  he  fell  on  his  knees  and  begged  the  officer  not  to  have  him  put 
through  the  "sewer." 

"Were  you  not  here  last  night  ?  "  asked  the  Captain. 

"  No,  sir;  it  was  another  fellow." 

The  turnkey  of  the  station  was  sent  for  and  confirmed  the  stranger's 
denial.  The  now  thoroughly  frightened  young  man  was  then  asked  as  to 
who  the  lodger  of  the  night  before  was,  but  all  he  knew  was  that  he  himself 
had  been  hired  by  an  unknown  man  that  evening  for  one  dollar  to  come  and 
seek  lodgings  at  the  station  to  warn  Anarchists.  When  the  stranger  had 
measurably  recovered  from  his  trepidation,  he  gave  his  name  as  Moses 
Wulf,  and,  his  information  being  of  no  value,  he  was  released  with  a  severe 
lecture. 

Niendorf's  statement  ran  as  follows  : 

"  I  was  at  a  meeting  held  May  3  at  8  P.M.,  at  No.  122  West  Lake  Street. 
I  was  chairman.  I  heard  some  one  state  that  the  police  had  killed  a  dozen 
workingmen  at  McCormick's  factory.  That  created  a  great  deal  of  excite- 
ment for  some  time  at  the  meeting.  Then  some  one  shouted:  'Better  be 
quiet  and  let  us  attend  to  our  own  affairs.'  We  were  only  looking  after  the 
eight-hour  movement.  I  saw  the  revenge  circular  at  that  meeting,  which 
called  the  people  to  arms.  Louis  Lingg  was  present  to  report  some  meet- 
ing and  some  business  transactions  as  a  committeeman.  William  Seliger 
was  there  as  recording  secretary  of  the  meeting.  Rau  was  there,  and  some 
one  said  to  me  that  he  had  brought  the  circular.  A  man  named  Soenek 
made  a  speech  and  advised  us  to  use  force.  It  was  decided,  on  motion,  that 
we  should  act  in  sympathy  with  the  people  at  McCormick's  factory.  I  have 
been  a  member  of  the  North  Side  group  for  about  a  year.  I  was  at  a 
meeting  at  Zepf's  Hall  May  3,  which  lasted  till  eleven  o'clock  P.M.  About 
nine  o'clock  a  man  at  the  back  door  called  out  that  all  the  men  who 
belonged  to  the  armed  sections  should  go  to  54  West  Lake  Street  in  the 
basement,  where  a  meeting  was  to  be  held,  and  I  saw  a  lot  of  members  get 
up  and  leave  the  hall.  I  know  Lingg  belonged  to  the  armed  section.  At 
one  time  he  offered  me  some  of  his  dynamite  bombs.  I  told  him  I  did  not 
want  any  of  them.  He  told  me  on  another  occasion  that  I  had  better  take 
some  and  try  some  of  his  stuff.  I  told  him  that  I  was  afraid  to  handle  his 
stuff  and  I  did  not  want  it.  Our  meeting  May  3  at  Zepf's  Hall  was  known 
as  that  of  the  Central  Labor  Union.  A  little  fellow  named  Lutz  was  finan- 
cial secretary  at  that  meeting.  Rau  was  there  only  ten  minutes.  At  a 
meeting  held  some  time  ago  in  Lake  View,  I  was  chairman.  Lingg  was  one 
of  the  speakers,  and  also  a  man  named  Poch.  Seliger  called  the  meeting  to 
order.  I  know  Gruenwald;  he  is  thirty-five  years  old,  a  carpenter  by  trade, 
five  feet  eight  or  nine  inches  tall,  and  has  red  whiskers.  I  heard  Lingg  say 
at  several  meetings  that  if  any  members  wanted  any  of  his  'chocolate,' 
meaning  dynamite  or  dynamite  bombs,  he  would  supply  them." 

JOHANNES  GRUENEBERG,  a  German,  had  the  distinction  conferred  on  him 
of  being  one  of  the  last  of  the  more  conspicuous  Anarchists  to  be  arrested. 
He  had  been  known  to  the  police  for  some  time,  in  a  general  way,  and 


356  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

inquiries  about  him  brought  out  the  fact  that  he  was  a  prominent  figure  in 
Anarchistic  circles.  He  knew  where  all  the  leaders  lived,  frequently  visited 
them,  and  tramped  around  so  often  that  he  became  quite  a  well-known 
character.  Even  the  dogs  that  infested  the  localities  through  which  he 
passed  wagged  their  tails  in  cheerful  recognition,  and  Grueneberg  always 
had  a  kind  word  for  both  the  brutes  and  his  Anarchist  friends.  He  was 
forty-five  years  of  age,  a  married  man  with  a  family,  and  lived  at  No.  750 
West  Superior  Street.  He  was  a  carpenter  by  trade.  On  the  ijth  of 
June  he  was  working  on  a  new  building  at  No.  340  Dearborn  Avenue,  and, 
while  right  in  the  midst  of  an  exhortation  to  the  other  workingmen  on  the 
beauties  of  Anarchy,  he  was  interrupted  by  Officers  Hoffman  and  Schuet- 
tler,  who  notified  him  that  he  was  under  arrest. 

"That  is  just  what  I  have  been  waiting  for,"  he  exclaimed,  not  in  the 

least  disconcerted.  "Is  it  that  d d  Schaack  that  wants  to  see  me?  I 

will  tell  that  fellow  who  I  am.  I  will  surprise  him. " 

"Johannes,"  said  Schuettler,  "you  can  save  yourself  all  of  that  trouble. 
Schaack  knows  all  about  you.  I  saw  your  name  in  the  book. " 

"Come  on  quick,"  said  Johannes,  "I  will  show  you  a  gamy  man. 
Whenever  I  leave  home  I  always  bid  my  wife  good-by,  because  I  have 
expected  to  be  arrested  at  any  time,  and  did  not  know  when  I  would  see 
her  again,  for  I  will  not  squeal.  I  knew  of  these  squealers,  and  I  told  my 
wife  I  would  kill  myself  first  before  I  would  squeal." 

Officers  and  prisoner  started  for  the  station.  Johannes  opened  up  on  a 
half  run,  and  the  officers  could  hardly  keep  up  with  him,  so  anxious  did  he 
appear.  He  entered  the  office  with  hair  disordered  and  on  end,  and  his 
eyes  bulged  out  with  excitement  as  he  hurriedly  surveyed  some  six  officers 
who  were  in  the  office  at  the  time. 

"Which  one  of  you  fellows,"  he  wildly  asked,  "is  Schaack?  Show  him 
to  me  quick." 

"Grueneberg,"  said  I,  for  I  recognized  him  at  once  from  the  descrip- 
tions I  had  had  of  the  man,  "what  is  the  matter?" 

"  Are  you  Schaack  ?  " 

"Yes,  I  am  Schaack." 

"  You  sent  for  me  to  squeal,  did  you  ?  " 

He  instantly  pulled  out  a  big  jack-knife,  and,  handing  it  out  towards 
me,  he  continued  : 

"Take  this  and  cut  my  head  off." 

He  twice  repeated  the  request,  and,  still  holding  out  his  extended  hand, 
said  : 

' '  I  will  never  squeal ;  you  can  kill  me  first." 

"I  heard  that  you  were  crazy,"  said  I,  "but  I  never  thought  you  were 
quite  so  bad  as  this.  You  must  suffer  terribly.  The  weather  is  too  warm 


A  PECULIAR    CHARACTER.  357 

for  you.    '  I   think  you  had  better  go  down  stairs  and  have  a  glass  of  ice 
water." 

"No,"  yehemently  responded  Johannes,  "we  had  better  settle  this 
matter  right  now.  I  want  to  go  out  a  free  man,  or  else  you  will  have  to 
carry  me  out  of  here  a  dead  man.  I  would  thank  you,  however,  for  a  glass 
of  water,  but  don't  put  me  down  stairs.  I  have  heard  too  much  of  that 
place  already." 

"Oh,"  said  I,  "it  is  not  a  bad  place.  Just  go  down  and  see  for  your- 
self. You  will  like  the  place ;  it  is  nice  and  cool." 

"Please,  Captain,  let  me  sit  in  the  next  room,"  said  Johannes,  cooling 
down  considerably,  and  modulating  his  voice  to  a  gentler  key;  "I  will 
behave  myself." 

His  austerity  of  manner  had  completely  vanished,  and  his  ferocious 
mien  and  language  had  gradually  disappeared.  He  saw  in  me  a  different 
man  from  what  he  had  expected,  and  the  courteous  treatment  accorded  him 
had  melted  his  heart  and  vanquished  his  anger.  I  granted  his  request  and 
told  an  officer  to  sit  with  him  in  an  adjoining  room. 

The  moment  the  officer  and  prisoner  were  in  the  room,  Johannes 
remarked  : 

"Schaack  is  not  a  bad  fellow.  Is  he  not  going  to  stop  arresting 
people?" 

"Oh,  no,"  said  the  officer,  "he  has  a  long  list  yet." 

"Are  you  with  him  all  the  time?" 

"I  am." 

"  Do  you  hear  and  see  all  ?  " 

"I  do." 

"Do  the  fellows  all  squeal?  " 

"Yes,  every  one  of  them.  If  they  don't  squeal  right  away,  they  squeal 
the  first  chance  they  get." 

"  I  am  too  much  of  a  man,  and  it  would  be  very  small  in  me  to  do  so." 

"  There  have  been  as  brave  men  as  you  in  this  office,  and  every  one  has 
squealed." 

"Well,  when  a  man  has  a  family,  that  cuts  a  big  figure,"  said  Johannes, 
hesitatingly. 

"  If  you  are  going  to  talk  to  Captain  Schaack,"  said  the  officer,  reading 
the  man's  mind,  "  you  must  understand  that  he  does  not  want  any  fooling. 
You  either  tell  him  all  or  nothing,  because  some  one  has  already  told  on 
you." 

This  settled  the  matter  with  Grueneberg.  He  wanted  to  see  me,  and  he 
was  brought  back  into  the  office. 

"  I  was  a  little  excited,"  began  Johannes,  apologetically. 

"  All  right,"  I  assuringly  replied  ;  "  sit  down  and  tell  on  yourself  first.  I 
am  going  to  give  you  a  trial." 


358  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

Grueneberg  then  went  on  to  say  : 

"Well,  I  am  an  Anarchist.  I  always  worked  hard  for  the  working  people. 
I  am  proud  of  it.  I  did  good  as  long  as  I  could,  but  now  it  is  all  up.  I  am 
a  member  of  the  Northwest  Side  group  and  always  attended  our  meetings. 
I  never  missed  one. 

"On  Monday  night,  May  3,  I  attended  a  meeting  at  Zepf's  Hall.  I 
remained  there  until  about  9:15  o'clock.  From  there  I  went  to  Greif's 
Hall.  This  was  a  secret  meeting  of  the  armed  men.  While  the  meeting 
continued  all  the  doors  were  kept  locked,  and  guards  stood  on  the  outside 
of  each  door,  and  also  on  the  inside,  and  extra  guards  on  the  sidewalk.  If 
any  one  stopped  on  the  sidewalk,  he  would  be  told  to  move  on.  I  heard 
Engel  speak  of  his  plan  ;  that  it  was  a  good  one.  If  only  every  one  would 
do  his  work,  then  the  matter  would  be  a  very  easy  one  of  accomplishment. 
He  stated  that  the  plan  had  been  made  up  last  Sunday  at  63  Emma  Street, 
and  had  already  been  adopted  by  the  Lehr  und  Wehr  Verein  and  the 
groups.  All  who  had  heard  of  the  plan,  he  said,  were  very  much  in  favor 
of  it,  and  all  understood  by  this  time  how  to  act.  '  We  are,'  he  continued, 
'going  to  do  this  right,  because  all  the  boys  look  to  us  as  the  leaders,  and  we 
are  going  to  call  a  meeting  for  to-morrow  night  at  the  Haymarket.  Since 
all  the  people  are  excited,  we  will  have  a  large  crowd,  and  we  will  have  things 
so  shaped  that  the  police  will  interfere.  Then  will  be  the  chance  to  give  it 
to  them  ?  I  could  notice  by  the  acts  of  all  present  at  this  meeting  that 
there  was  a  great  deal  of  bad  blood  among  them  against  the  police  on 
account  of  the  killing  of  so  many  people  at  McCormick's. " 

"Do  you  now  believe  that  a  single  person  was  killed  at  McCormick's?  " 

"  Of  course  I  do.     You  killed  six  men." 

"  Not  one  was  killed,"  said  I,  "and  you  ought  to  know  that  by  this  time." 

"All  I'  know,"  said  Johannes,  "is  what  August  Spies  said.  I  was  a 
carrier  of  the  Anarchist,  Engel's  paper.  My  route  was  on  Madison  Street, 
and  on  the  Southwest  Side,"  he  continued,  dropping  the  54  West  Lake 
Street  meeting. 

"And  what  did  you  think  of  that  paper?"  I  inquired. 

"That  was  the  best  paper  we  ever  had." 

"It  was  too  bad,"  added  I,  "that  the  sweet  little  paper  died  so  young. 
Where  was  it  printed  ?  " 

"  I  don't  know,  because  the  papers  were  sent  to  my  house  by  the  South- 
west Side  group." 

"  Who  else  carried  that  paper  ?  " 

"  Messerschmidt,  Schneider,  Schoenfeld,  Geimer  and  Kirbach.  We 
each  carried  about  fifty  papers  at  a  time." 

"Do  you  know  anything  more  about  the  secret  meeting  at  No.  54  West 
Lake  Street,  May  3d  ?  " 

"Well,  I  don't  know  all.      I  went  out  twice." 

"And  how  did  you  get  in  every  time  ?  " 

"  I  had  a  card,  and  I  had  to  show  that  every  time.  That  is  all,  and, 
besides,  the  boys  all  knew  me." 


THE  "DEAR  OLD  FLAG."  359 

"  What  do  you  know  about  Louis  Lingg  ?  " 

"  He  is  a  good  man.      I  like  him.      He  speaks  to  the  point." 

"On  dynamite,"  I  suggested. 

"  Yes,  and  on  other  things." 

"  He  only  likes  Anarchists,"  I  interrupted. 

"Yes,  that  is  so." 

"What  do  you  know  about  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung ?" 

"Well,  it  is  a  very  good  paper,  but  it  is  too  mild." 

"Do  you  mean  to  tell  me  that  a  paper  which  advises  people  to  murder 
and  kill  is  too  mild  ?  "  I  asked. 

"They  don't  put  force  enough  into  it.  They  don't  keep  up  things  as 
they  ought  to.  I  know  all  who  visit  there.  I  am  a  friend  of  all  the  Spieses." 

After  being  "roasted"  for  three  hours,  Johannes  was  permitted  to  go 
back  to  his  work,  and  he  left  under  the  impression  that,  after  all,  he  had 
not  said  anything  criminally  implicating  any  of  his  comrades.  He  was  not 
asked  to  report  when  wanted,  as  he  was  too  noisy  a  fellow  to  have  around 
the  station,  and  the  officers  were  as  well  pleased  to  see  him  go  as  they  had 
been  pleased  to  arrest  him.  He  inaugurated  no  reform  on  his  release.  On  the 
contrary,  he  was  again  as  rabid  as  ever  and  ran  around  night  and  day  trying 
to  gather  a  mob  to  go  to  the  jail  and  liberate  the  Anarchists.  He  made  no 
secret  of  his  work.  He  loved  the  red  flag,  he  said,  and  he  would  die  for  it 
if  necessary.  One  night  he  came  to  me  in  company  with  two  other  fellows 
and  demanded  the  return  of  a  large  red  flag  which  at  one  time  belonged  to 
International  Carpenters'  Union  No.  i.  This  flag  had  been  taken  by  the 
police  with  many  others  some  time  before.  Grueneberg  said  that  he  had 
marched  behind  it  many  times  and  he  was  proud  of  it.  He  wanted  to  see 
the  "dear  old  flag"  once  more  and  secure  possession  of  it.  I  had  the  flag 
at  the  station,  but,  knowing  that  Anarchists  had  an  "undying  love"  for 
Inspector  Bonfield,  I  remarked  : 

"  If  you  want  the  flag,  all  you  have  to  do  is  to  see  the  Inspector,  and  I 
am  quite  sure  he  will  give  it  to  you." 

An  expression  of  intense  disgust  came  over  the  faces  of  the  three  Anar- 
chists, and  Grueneberg  excitedly  exclaimed  : 

"Bonfield!  Bonfield!  Ah,  the  d d  black  Bonfield!  I  see  him? 

Oh,  no  !  he  is  not  gentleman  enough  for  me  to  see." 

"Bonfield  is  a  very  clever  fellow,"  said  I  ;    "he  likes  such  men  as  you." 

"Oh,  yes;  he  would  like  my  head  in  a  bag.  Good  night,  Mr.  Schaack; 
I  don't  want  the  flag." 

Grueneberg  belonged  at  this  time  to  Carpenters'  Union  No.  241,  and,  on 
account  of  his  peculiar  and  ridiculous  actions,  the  members  gradually  grew 
suspicious  of  him  and  finally  believed  that  he  was  a  paid  spy  in  the  employ 
of  some  detective  agency.  They  harbored  their  mistrust  for  a  time,  and 
then  accused  him  of  being  a  traitor.  He  demanded  that  charges  be  pre- 


360  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

ferred  against  him,  and  it  was  done.  Grueneberg  failing  to  answer  these 
charges,  he  was  expelled  from  the  union.  A  few  weeks  thereafter  he 
reformed,  and  one  day,  meeting  me,  he  said  : 

"  I  am  done  with  these  people.  They  are  all  cranks.  No  person  can  do 
enough  for  them.  I  worked  with  them  night  and  day.  They  put  me  on 
all"  the  committees.  I  had  to  do  all  the  running,  and  for  all  my  trouble  and 
as  a  reward  they  call  me  a  spy.  I  am  working  steady  now  and  they  can  all  go 

to  the  d 1.    I  am  only  sorry  for  my  poor  children  —  the  way  they  suffered 

while  I  was  giving  my  time  to  Anarchy.  I  have  now  worked  four  weeks 
and  made  full  time.  This  I  have  not  done  before  for  the  last  two  years." 

About  two  months  after  the  above  incident,  Grueneberg  and  his  family 
passed  the  Desplaines  Street  Station.  Meeting  me,  Grueneberg  spoke  up, 
saying  : 

"Well,  Captain,  what  do  you  think  of  my  family  now?" 

"  I  must  give  you  a  great  deal  of  credit,"  said  I  pleasantly.  "  You  are 
all  looking  remarkably  well.  A  man  that  has  gone  as  far  as  you  in  Anar- 
chy deserves  credit  for  such  a  great  change,  and  if  all  the  rest  were  kicked 
out  of  their  unions,  I  think  it  would  be  a  blessing  to  their  poor  wives  and 
children." 

After  bidding  me  good-by,  Grueneberg  and  his  family  walked  away 
proud  and  happy  in  their  new  condition,  and  I  went  to  my  office  and  drew 
this  moral  from  the  example  of  reform  I  had  just  seen  :  Here  was  a  man 
who  had  belonged  to  the  Anarchists  for  three  or  four  years,  and  had  been  at 
one  time  one  of  the  "rankest"  kind.  For  two  years  his  family  had  suffered 
want,  and  now,  after  having  left  the  desperate  band  for  two  months  only, 
his  wife  and  children  were  once  more  made  happy.  Anarchy  keeps  men  in 
poverty  and  families  in  trouble,  distress  and  suffering. 

Grueneberg  up  to  the  present  time  has  kept  away  from  his  former 
associates,  and  his  change  appears  permanent  and  sincere. 

OTTO  BAUM  was  one  of  the  desperate  Anarchists  who  made  the  air  blue 
with  imprecations  against  capital.  He  would  have  been  gathered  in  with  the 
others  had  it  not  been  for  his  special  care  to  keep  out  of  the  reach  of  the 
police.  He  lived  at  No.  137  Cleveland  Avenue,  was  married  and  had  three 
children,  and,  when  he  worked,  which  he  rarely  did,  it  was  at  the  carpenter's 
trade.  He  was  a  strong,  robust  man,  nearly  six  feet  high,  and  with  black 
hair,  full,  black  beard,  and  piercing  black  eyes,  he  presented  a  rather  vicious 
appearance.  When  he  first  came  to  Chicago,  some  four  years  preceding 
the  Haymarket  meeting,  he  joined  the  Socialists,  and  he  soon  became  a  full- 
fledged  Anarchist.  He  belonged  to  the  notorious  International  Carpenters' 
Union  No.  i.  This  union  had  then  a  thousand  members,  and  Baum's  number 
was  100.  About  two  years  ago  the  union  changed  its  number  to  241,  and  a 
worse  set  of  Anarchists  could  not  be  found  in  the  United  States  than  the 
members  of  this  organization  just  before  the  4th  of  May,  1886.  They  were 


A    WIFE-BEATING  REVOLUTIONIST.  361 

provided  with  all  kinds  of  arms  —  revolvers,  daggers,  rifles,  dynamite  and 
fire-cans.  Lingg  was  one  of  the  leading  spirits  in  this  revolutionary  gang. 
After  the  Haymarket  explosion,  when  the  police  took  up  a  hot  pursuit  of 
the  conspirators,  Baum  changed  his  residence  with  his  family  and  carefully 
kept  off  the  streets  during  the  daytime.  On  the  conclusion  of  the  trial  of 
the  leading  conspirators,  he  became  emboldened  over  the  immunity  he  had 
enjoyed  from  arrest,  and  crawled  out  of  his  hole,  like  a  coon  does  in  the 
spring-time. 

So  great  was  Baunrs  interest  in  Anarchy  that  he  wholly  neglected  his 
family.  He  never  troubled  himself  about  wife  or  children,  but  hung  around 
saloons  guzzling  beer  and  breathing  vengeance  against  the  police  and  society. 
He  went  lower  and  lower  from  day  to  day,  and  frequently  reeled  home  in  a 
drunken  stupor,  only  to  abuse  his  family.  About  a  year  and  a  half  ago, 
when  his  last  child  was  born,  his  neglect  had  left  not  a  mouthful  in  the 
house,  and,  had  it  not  been  for  the  kindly  assistance  of  friends  and  neigh- 
bors, the  family  would  have  been  in  a  most  deplorable  condition.  When 
the  child  was  a  week  old,  the  wife,  poor  and  sickly  as  she  was,  had  to  leave 
the  house  and  seek  work  to  supply  the  family  with  the  necessaries  of  life. 
With  food  thus  obtained,  almost  at  the  sacrifice  of  the  poor  woman's  life,  the 
burly  brute  of  a  husband  was  always  first  at  the  table,  and  eagerly  devoured 
what  she  had  provided.  Did  he  seek  to  obtain  employment  ?  Not  at 
all.  He  preferred  loafing  and  talking  about  Anarchy.  The  poor  wife's 
uncomplaining  toil  he  rewarded  with  abuse  and  cruelty,  calling  her  the  vilest 
of  names,  and  even  kicking  her  about  as  if  she  were  made  of  rubber.  She 
was  a  delicate,  sickly  woman,  but  she  bore  his  fiendish  treatment,  hoping 
that  a  change  would  come  over  him  after  the  law  had  made  an  example  of 
other  Anarchists.  But  the  change  did  not  come,  and  finally  she  determined 
to  seek  the  protection  of  the  courts.  Accordingly  she  went  to  the  Chicago 
Avenue  Police  Court  on  the  6th  of  February,  1888,  with  her  infant  in  her 
arms,  and  swore  out  a  warrant  against  her  husband. 

The  lazy  giant  was  at  once  arrested,  and  on  the  next  morning  the  poor 

woman  appeared  to  testify  against  him.     Being  unable  to  speak  English,  an 

interpreter  was  called,  and  during  the  recital  of  her  grievances  and  the  many 

indignities  imposed  upon  her  by  her  liege  lord,  the  court-room  was  as  quiet 

Imost  as  a  death-chamber.     All  eagerly  listened  to  her  troubles,  and,   her 

statements  being  given  in  such  a  simple,  convincing  manner,  many  eyes  were 

loist  with  tears.     Justice   Kersten,  who  presides  over  this  court,  has  no 

regard  for  wife-beaters,  and  he  promptly  fined  Baum  $50. 

"That,"  said  he,  in  an  emphatic  manner,  "will  keep  you  locked  up  for 
one  hundred  and  three  days." 

The  brute  was  then  locked  up  where  so  many  of  his  former  associates 
had  been  incarcerated  two  years  previously,  and  in  the  afternoon  he  was 
sent  to  the  House  of  Correction  by  Bailiff  Scanlan. 


362 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 


During  this  episode  it  came  out  that  Baum  had  been  quite  active  in 
Anarchist  circles,  and  at  the  time  the  Anarchists  were  confined  in  the 
County  Jail  he  was  engaged  in  an  attempt  to  gather  a  mob  to  effect  their 
liberation.  One  night  he  went  about  saying  that  he  was  determined  to  kill 
somebody  before  the  next  morning.  The  more  he  talked,  the  more  frenzied 
he  became,  and  with  his  frenzy  grew  his  thirst  for  liquor,  the  need  of 
which  he  felt  to  get  up  his  courage  to  the  required  pitch.  A  few  hours 
afterwards  he  was  found  in  the  yard  fronting  his  house,  asleep  and  "dead 
drunk."  The  only  courage  he  ever  displayed  was  in  lording  it  over  his 


THE   WIFE-BEATER'S   TRIAL. 


wife  and  beating  her  almost  to  death.  He  was  a  type  of  a  very 
large  class  of  Anarchists.  He  would  call  the  better  class  of  people 
tyrants,  because  they  did  not  fill  his  pockets  with  plenty  of  money  so  that 
he  could  get  drunk  as  often  as  he  desired,  but  in  his  own  household  he  was 
the  meanest  of  tyrants. 

Had  Mrs.  Baum  been  a  little  shrewder,  she  would  not  have  had  to 
endure  his  brutalities  as  long  as  she  did.  There  are  many  other  wives  of 
Anarchists  who  are  ill-treated  by  their  husbands,  but  some  of  these 
managed  to  bring  their  lords  to  their  senses  by  a  neat  ruse.  While  the 
investigations  into  the  deeds  of  the  Anarchists  were  going  on  the  bandits 


A   COMMITTEEMAN'S   GRIEVANCE.  363 

would  almost  crawl  into  a  sewer  to  get  out  of  the  way  of  the  police,  and, 
noticing  the  timely  fright  that  overcame  the  "reds"  whenever  an  officer  or 
detective  appeared  in  their  midst,  many  shrewd  wives  quieted  wrathful 
husbands  by  threatening  to  go  out  and  see  me.  This  ruse,  I  learn,  was  often 
resorted  to  to  avert  a  beating  from  a  drunken  Anarchist. 

GUSTAV  POCH  was  a  conspicuous  figure  in  Anarchist  plots,  and  never 
tired  of  working  for  the  cause.  But  Anarchists  are  an  anxious,  jealous  and 
thankless  lot  of  people,  and  because  Gustav  was  achieving  a  little  more 
prominence  than  some  of  his  immediate  associates,  they  found  fault  with 
him  and  sought  to  degrade  him.  They  might  have  secretly  given  him 
away  to  the  police,  and  thus  got  him  out  of  the  way  of  their  own  advance- 
ment, but  a  fear  for  their  own  safety  prevented  such  a  course,  and  so  they 
began  calling  him  hard  names.  But  I  shall  let  Gustav  state  his  own  griev- 
ance. Here  is  a  letter  he  wrote  to  his  union  : 

CHICAGO,  September  10,  1884. 

At  a  meeting  held  on  the  3rd  of  September,  instant,  of  Branch  No.  2,  of  Union  No.  21, 
Carpenters  and  Joiners,  the  Secretary  read  a  letter  in  which  I,  the  undersigned,  was  insulted 
in  a  shameful  manner.  In  this  letter  they  called  me  a  swindler  simply  for  the  purpose  of 
breaking  up  the  Union,  and  at  the  end  of  the  letter  they  stated  that  I  would  be  expelled  from 
the  Union  on  account  of  it.  The  letter  was  signed  by  Fr.  Ebert  and  Dom.  All  these  insults 
and  injuries  to  my  reputation  I  can't  let  pass.  My  honor,  my  reputation  and  my  future  pros- 
perity are  damaged  and  at  stake.  I  would,  therefore,  move  that  an  investigation  be  made 
into  the  matter  and  that  the  instigators  of  the  complaint  be  punished.  What  was  their 
motive  ?  For  the  last  few  weeks  complaints  have  been  made  against  me  by  the  Secretary  to 
the  effect  that  I,  as  Acting  Secretary,  had  made  false  entries  on  the  books.  As  he  could  not 
exonerate  himself  in  the  eyes  of  my  brothers,  he  drew  up  the  letter,  which  was  published  at 
the  meeting  of  September  3rd,  and  which  was  signed  by  Fritz  Ebert  and  Dom,  to  put  me  in 
a  bad  light  before  the  Union.  The  evidence :  Fritz  Ebert  told  me  in  the  presence  of  John 
Zwirlein  that  the  main  object  out  of  which  this  accusation  originated  was  the  following :  I 
•was  selected  by  President  Blair  on  the  3rd  of  May  to  the  Main  Committee  in  place  of 
Brother  Eppinger,  who  could  not  serve  on  account  of  having  too  much  other  work  while  the 
strike  lasted.  After  that  I  held  this  position  nineteen  days.  I  got  paid  for  twelve  days,  and 
they  withheld  seven  days  from  me  and  said  I  was  discharged  from  the  Main  Committee.  Is 
there  anything  to  show  that  I  was  expelled  ?  Of  course  I  put  in  my  claim  for  $21  in  writing, 
and  no  one  ever  told  me  what  became  of  this  claim.  I  was  the  only  German-speaking  repre- 
sentative on  the  Strike  Committee,  and  I  had  to  do  more  labor  than  any  one  else.  Any  one 
who  participated  in  the  strike  during  the  last  seven  days  can  confirm  this  assertion.  Now, 
how  can  Mr.  Printer  put  up  such  a  letter  and  show  me  up  as  a  swindler  ? 

In  consequence  of  the  insults  inflicted  on  me,  I  besj  for  an  investigation  and  for  his 
punishment  according  to  the  rules  and  regulations  of  the  Brotherhood. 

GUSTAV  POCH 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

The  Plot  against  the  Police  —  Anarchist  Banners  and  Emblems —  Stealing 
a  Captured  Flag  —  A  Mystery  at  a  Station-house  —  Finding  the  Fire-cans  —  Their 
Construction  and  Use — Imitating  the  Parisian  Petroleuses  —  Glass  Bombs  —  Putting 
the  Women  Forward  —  Cans  and  Bombs  Still  Hidden  Among  the  Bohemians  — 
Testing  the  Infernal  Machines  —  The  Effects  of  Anarchy  —  The  Moral  to  be  Drawn  — 
Looking  for  Labor  Sympathy  —  A  Crazy  Scheme  —  Catling  Gun  vs.  Dynamite  —  The 
Threatened  Attack  on  the  Station-houses  —  Watching  the  Third  Window  —  Selecting  a 
Weapon  —  Planning  Murder  —  The  Test  of  Would-be  Assassins  —  The  Meeting  at  Lin- 
coln Park  —  Peril  of  the  Hinman  Street  Station-house  —  A  Fortunate  Escape. 

IN  the  numerous  arrests  and  raids  made,  the  police  became  thoroughly 
acquainted  with  the  most  notorious  Anarchists  in  the  city,  the  ins  and 
outs  of  their  resorts,  and  even  the  interior  arrangement  of  their  dwelling- 
places.  Not  only  were  suspects  arrested,  but  search  was  made  for  contra- 
band articles.  A  varied  collection  of  arms,  bombs,  etc.,  and  a  large  assort- 
ment of  red  bunting  thus  found  their  way  to  the  Chicago  Avenue  Station. 
In  all  the  public  demonstrations  made  by  the  Anarchists  in  the  city  they  had 
carried  many  flags,  banners  and  transparencies  as  emblems  of  defiance,  and 
whenever  such  were  found  they  were  carefully  taken  in  charge.  When  the  in- 
vestigations were  concluded,  the  inner  room  of  my  private  office  was  well  filled 
with  a  most  curious  display  of  these  time-worn  and  weather-beaten  ensigns, 
and  the  collection  is  very  interesting  as  a  reminder  of  a  critical  period  in  the 
history  of  Chicago.  There  are  flags  of  a  very  primitive  and  cheap  descrip- 
tion, and  flags  more  or  less  elaborate  and  expensive.  They  varied  in  size 
and  differed  in  the  degree  of  their  crimson  colors.  Those  belonging  to 
groups  were  large  and  plain,  showing  frequent  handling  by  dirt-begrimed 
hands,  and  were  mounted  on  plain  pine  staffs.  Those  carried  by  the  Lehr 
und  Wehr  Verein  were  of  finer  texture  and  larger  in  size,  its  principal 
standard,  of  silk,  being  a  present  from  the  female  revolutionists  and  gor- 
geous in  the  amplitude  of  its  folds.  This  silken  standard  was  the  pride  and 
joy  of  the  whole  fraternity,  and  at  one  time  it  served  to  relieve  the  motley 
collection  with  its  bright  vermilion,  but  in  some  unaccountable  manner  it 
disappeared  one  day  from  a  West  Side  police  station.  The  reds  had  evi- 
dently set  their  hearts  on  recapturing  it,  and  by  some  sort  of  legerdemain 
the}7  succeeded.  Who  it  was  that  accomplished  the  deed  has  never  been 
disclosed,  and  in  whose  custody  it  is  now  is  a  profound  secret,  carefully 
kept  by  the  Anarchists. 

The  men  who  were  always  relied  upon  to  carry  these  flags  in  the  pro- 
cessions of  the  reds  were  Ernst  Hubner,  Appelman,  Paul  Otto,  Stohlbaum, 
W.  Hageman,  Seliger,  Lutz,  Gustav  Lehman,  Paul  Lehman,  and  Mrs. 
Parsons,  Mrs.  Holmes  and  some  other  women,  and  possibly  some  of  these 

364 


AN  INCENDIARY  CAN.— FROM  A  PHOTOGRAPH. 

This  is  a  tin  can  filled  with  petroleum,  and  provided  with  a  small  powder  flask,  secured  in  the  center  by 
•means  of  a  screw-top,  which  also  serves  to  hold  the  fuse  in  position.  Numbers  of  these  cans  were  found. 
They  were  intended  for  setting  fire  to  buildings  and  other  property. 


366  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

may  know  something  of  the  mysterious  disappearance  of  the  Anarchists' 
chief  standard. 

During  the  searches  by  the  department  for  other  suspicious  and  inflam- 
matory articles,  several  fire-cans  were  found  in  the  northwest  part  of  the 
city,  on  the  3d  of  June,  by  Officer  Whalen.  In  exterior  appearance  these 
looked  very  harmless,  but  an  examination  of  their  contents  showed  them 
capable  of  doing  a  great  deal'of  mischief.  They  each  had  a  capacity  of  a 
quart,  and  were  made  of  medium  heavy  tin,  with  a  round  hole  in  the  center 
of  the  top,  about  an  inch  in  diameter.  This  opening  was  provided  with  a 
threaded  neck  of  tin  about  an  inch  high,  with  a  cover  to  fit.  Underneath 
the  cover  was  a  sort  of  clasp,  into  which  fitted  the  neck  of  a  small  vial, 
and  through  the  cover  a  small  hole  was  bored,  for  the  admission  of  a  fuse 
into  the  vial.  When  ready  for  use  the  can  would  be  filled  with  an  explosive 
or  with  coal-oil,  and  the  flask  would  contain  powder.  All  that  then  remained 
would  be  to  light  the  fuse,  throw  the  can  either  into  a  lumber-yard  or  under 
the  stairway  of  some  residence  or  business  block,  and  no  one  would  know 
the  perpetrator  of  a  possibly  disastrous  fire.  The  cans  found  by  Officer 
Whalen  were  loaded  and  had  evidently  been  intended  for  use  on  the  night 
of  May  4.  Fortunately  the  owner  must  have  become  frightened  and  hid 
them  to  escape  arrest. 

The  suggestion  for  the  manufacture  of  these  cans  came  from  across  the 
water.  A  short  time  preceding  May  4,  at  a  meeting  held  in  Thalia  Hall,  a 
few  Frenchmen  and  several  Germans,  who  had  passed  through  the  reign  of 
the  Commune  in  Paris  in  1871,  gave  a  general  idea  of  the  important  part 
such  cans  had  played  in  that  city  and  added  that  women  at  that  time  did 
as  good  work  with  them  as  the  men.  Such  fire-cans,  together  with  glass 
balls  filled  with  nitro-glycerine,  were  carried  in  baskets,  and  if  the  reds 
wanted  to  destroy  a  building  they  would  throw  a  can  through  the  window,  or 
if  they  desired  to  annihilate  a  guard  of  soldiers  they  would  hurl  into  their 
midst  one  of  the  glass  balls,  which  would  explode  by  concussion  and  tear 
the  men  to  pieces. 

These  missiles  had  created  great  havoc  in  Paris,  and  the  members  of 
the  Thalia  Hall  gathering  were  urged  to  adopt  them  for  use  in  Chicago. 
At  that  time  there  were  enough  desperate  Anarchists  in  the  city  to  have 
used  all  that  could  have  been  manufactured,  but  some  of  the  men  at  the 
meeting  insisted  that  the  women  should  be  asked  to  assist  in  disposing  of 
them  to  the  destruction  of  the  town.  One  big,  loud-mouthed  fellow,  evi- 
dently a  coward,  shouted  : 

"My  wife  will  do  that.  She  is  an  Anarchist  as  good  as  any  one 
of  us." 

No  doubt  she  was  an  Anarchist,  as  the  city  had  a  great  many  of  these 
poor,  deluded  creatures  at  the  time,  who  were  willing  to  do  almost  any- 
thing their  husbands  might  ask,  but  many  of  whom  have  since  had  occasion 


EXPERIMENTING   WITH  FIRE-CANS.  367 

to  feel  the  poverty  into  which  they  were  finally  forced  by  men  who  neglected 
work,  family  and  all  for  the  sake  of  talking  revolution. 

Many  of  these  men  were  just  cowardly  enough  to  thrust  their  wives  for- 
ward where  danger  lurked,  and  while  they  themselves  enjoyed  the  safety  of 
a  groggery,  they  would  have  been  pleased,  "for  principle's  sake,"  to  see 
their  poor  helpmeets  go  around  and  set  fire  to  houses  and  other  property, 
so  that  the  dauntless  husbands  could  brag  of  the  brave  achievements  of 
"the  family." 

The  meeting  in  question  must  have  set  the  Anarchists  to  thinking ;  and 
it  is  a  matter  of  record  that  Parsons  had  fallen  into  the  same  idea  when  he 
addressed  a  secret  meeting  on  the  North  Side,  to  which  I  shall  subsequently 
refer.  It  is  certain  that  many  of  these  fire-cans  were  manufactured. 

Besides  the  petroleum-cans  discovered  by  Officer  Whalen,  a  lot  of  the 
same  kind  were  taken  out  of  the  city  by  way  of  West  Lake  Street  on  May 
7,  when  the  Anarchists  were  hurrying  their  ammunition  out  of  town  to  pre- 
vent detection.  According  to  the  statements  of  some  reformed  reds,  there 
are  a  great  many  of  these  cans  and  bombs  still  concealed  in  the  Bohemian 
settlement  in  the  southwest  part  of  the  city. 

On  the  8th  of  June,  1886,  I  decided  to  have  the  cans  tested,  and  for  this 
purpose  detailed  Officers  Rehm  and  Coughlin.  The  latter  had  at  one  time 
been  a  miner,  and  was  therefore  experienced  in  the  use  of  explosives.  The 
two  officers  took  one  of  the  cans  to  the  lake  shore.  The  can  was  placed  on 
a  plot  of  grass  and  the  fuse  lighted.  In  eight  seconds  an  explosion  fol- 
lowed. The  grass  burned  within  a  circumference  of  five  feet.  The  flame 
extended  four  feet  in  height  and  continued  for  about  three  minutes.  The 
officers  gave  it  as  their  opinion  that  any  one  of  the  cans  was  sufficient  to 
set  a  building  on  fire. 

What  a  blessing  it  was  for  our  citizens  that  this  devilish  invention  did 
not  spread  its  destructive  work  before  May  4,  1886. 

As  stated  at  the  outset,  the  police  were  brought,  in  all  these  raids,  into 
close  acquaintanceship  with  the  malcontents,  and  often  came  in  close  con- 
tact with  their  families.  Some  of  the  sights  they  saw  were  shocking  in  the 
extreme,  and  they  had  many  opportunities  to  sound  the  depths  of  misery 
and  want  entailed  upon  families  by  husbands  gone  daft  on  Anarchy.  The 
tales  of  woe  and  domestic  infelicity  poured  into  their  ears  would  fill  many 
pages,  but  the  general  tenor  of  all  can  be  judged  by  what  has  been  revealed 
in  the  statements  given  in  the  preceding  chapters. 

Anarchy  may  look  extremely  inviting  when  depicted  by  a  plausible 
speaker,  but  its  practical  side  is  strikingly  brought  out  in  the  home  life  of 
its  devotees.  Any  one  visiting  the  homes  of  Anarchists,  and  carefully  con- 
trasting the  surroundings  with  those  of  true  laboring  men  not  affected  by 
the  taint  of  revolution,  would  give  Anarchy  a  wide  berth.  But  unfortun- 
ately men  get  their  brains  turned  over  sophistical  arguments  against 


368 


ANARCHY  AATD  ANARCHISTS. 


capital  and  madly  rush  to  ruin  without  thinking  of  consequences  until  it  is 
too  late.  Read  the  reports  made  to  me  at  the  time,  and  they  all  tell  the 
same  story  of  want  and  degradation. 

There  always  has  been  and  always  will  be  a  fascination  about  any 
scheme  that  promises  ease  without  labor.  So  long  as  men  can  be  found 
with  impressionable  minds  that  can  be  swayed  by  demagogues  into  a  belief 
that  Anarchy  has  in  it  the  elements  of  comfort,  splendor  and  luxury  with 
very  little  toil,  so  long,  no  doubt,  will  dupes  be  found  ready  to  sacrifice 
energy,  thrift  and  independence  for  the  life-degrading  scarlet  banner.  But 
such  ease  can  never  be  attained  through  blood  in  the  United  States.  That 
fact  has  been  established  in  Chicago,  and  the  precedent  ought  to  serve  as 

a  terrible  warning  to  all  malcontents.  If 
the  abject  want  of  those  who  constitute 
the  bulk  of  the  revolutionists,  whose 
very  squalor  has  been  the  result  of  their 
zeal  for  Anarchy,  is  not  sufficient  to  deter 
men  from  becoming  Anarchists,  the  fate 
of  the  eight  conspirators  who  were 
brought  to  trial  in  Chicago  ought  at  least 
to  prevent  men  from  plotting  murder, 
incendiarism  and  pillage. 

With  the  tremendous  odds  against 
them,  it  is  surprising  that  men  could  be 
found  willing  to  take  up  arms  for  the 
destruction  of  life  and  property,  and 
the  action  of  the  reds  in  Chicago  can  be 
explained  only  on  the  theory  that  they 
felt  they  had  only  to  strike  one  severe 
blow  to  bring  thousands  of  secret  sym- 
pathizers  into  line,  and  cause  capitalists 
HENRY  SPIES  to  humble  themselves  in  the  dust  be- 

From  a  photograph.  fore  the  Social  Revolution.     This  theory 

is  borne  out  by  the  statements  of  the  many  repentant  Anarchists  who  came 
under  the  displeasure  of  the  police.  In  their  excited  gatherings  they  had 
each  propped  up  the  hopes  and  spirits  of  the  others,  and  all  reason  was  sunk 
in  the  one  frenzied,  consuming  desire  to  wreak  vengeance  upon  those  who 
had  accumulated  more  wealth  than  themselves.  They  were  bent  on 
wresting  away  the  wealth  of  others,  and  no  mercy  was  to  be  shown  to 
those  who  stood  between  them  and  that  end. 

The  police,  as  protectors  of  wealth  in  property  and  property  in  wealth, 
were  the  immediate  objects  of  their  enmity  and  wrath,  and  throughout  the 
Anarchistic  conspiracy,  as  has  been  shown  by  the  disclosures  made,  we 
were  to  receive  their  first  and  special  attention  before  the  grand  onslaught 


DYNAMITE  vs.  GATLING  GUN.  369 

upon  capitalists.  Crazed  by  their  speakers  and  dazed  with  the  glittering 
prospect  held  out  to  them,  the  human  fiends  proposed  to  exterminate  us 
with  dynamite  and  then  vanquish  the  rich  and  abolish  all  forms  of  property. 

Could  anything  be  more  absurd  ?  And  yet  that  is  what  they  sought  to 
accomplish  on  the  eventful  night  of  May  4th. 

It  would  seem  that  the  scheme  to  blow  up  the  police  stations  could  only 
originate  in  a  lunatic  asylum,  but  the  confessions  of  those  arrested  show 
that  men  with  apparently  sound  minds  —  minds  at  least  sane  enough  to 
keep  them  out  of  such  institutions  —  actually  contemplated  it  and  had 
made  all  the  necessary  arrangements  to  execute  the  plot.  Strange  must 
have  been  their  conceptions  of  public  sentiment  when  they  believed  that  the 
execution  of  their  bloody  plan  would  result  in  the  establishment  of  wider 
and  freer  social  conditions,  and  strange,  indeed,  must  have  been  their 
hallucinations  when  they  thought  that  the  devastation  they  proposed  would 
be  seconded  and  aided  by  the  laboring  men  whom  they  counted  upon  as 
secret  sympathizers  ready  to  reveal  their  true  feelings  the  moment  the  revo- 
lution was  generally  inaugurated. 

The  danger  of  the  scheme  to  themselves  did  not  strike  them  until  the 
last  moment,  when  their  courage  was  to  be  put  to  a  practical  test,  but, 
fortunately  for  themselves,  they  went  no  further  than  the  Haymarket  riot. 

That  they  seriously  contemplated  more  than  they  perpetrated  is  beyond 
dispute.  They  saw  the  intense  excitement  consequent  on  the  eight-hour 
strike  and  the  troubles  at  McCormick's  factory,  and  knew  that  the  police 
stations  would  be  filled  with  officers  in  readiness  for  emergencies.  They 
had  called  the  Haymarket  meeting  for  the  express  purpose  of  provoking 
hostilities,  and  they  regarded  it  as  an  opportune  time  to  strike  a  terrible 
blow  against  the  police  all  over  the  city.  Their  calculations  in  that  respect 
were  eminently  correct. 

The  moment  the  reds  began  to  incite  a  vicious  mob  to  deeds  of  blood- 
shed, hostilities  were  provoked,  and  they  got  a  dose  of  their  own  medicine. 
Had  it  not  been  for  their  precipitate  flight  they  would  have  fared  far  worse. 
All  the  police  stations  were  full  of  men,  all  the  reserves  having  been  called 
out  for  duty  on  the  first  sign  of  violent  demonstrations,  and  these  stood 
ready  to  make  short  work  of  all  who  might  stand  up  against  them  in  a  con- 
flict. It  was  fortunate  for  the  conspirators  that  they  considered  "discretion 
the  better  part  of  valor"  at  the  Haymarket,  and  doubly  fortunate  that  they 
received  no  signal  to  commence  their  bloody  operations  at  the  stations. 

The  loss  of  life  no  doubt  would  have  been  appalling  on  both  sides,  but 
the  outcome,  as  far  as  the  triumph  of  law  and  order  is  concerned,  would 
have  been  the  same.  The  bomb  would  have  done  deadly  work  at  the  start, 
but  the  Gatling  gun  would  have  come  to  the  rescue  had  the  police  been 
seriously  crippled. 

Missiles  of  dynamite  hurled  into  the  stations  on  that  eventful  night  of 


370  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

May  4  would  indeed  have  created  terrible  havoc.  In  fact,  the  reds  could 
not  have  chosen  a  time  more  favorable  for  their  bloody  plans.  The  East 
Chicago  Avenue  Station  that  night  contained  a  very  large  force.  I  had  in 
reserve  and  waiting  orders  one  hundred  and  twenty-five  officers.  They 
were  all  over  the  building,  up  and  down  stairs,  in  the  court-room,  in  the 
reception-room  and  in  every  other  available  place.  Many  were  in  the  office, 
which  is  used  as  a  roll-call  room,  and  in  which  all  details  of  officers  are 
made.  This  office  is  in  the  center  of  the  building  and  overlooks  an  alley  on 
the  east.  The  officers  were  organized  into  five  companies,  and  all  duly 
numbered.  Any  company  could  be  called  at  any  time,  and  in  less  than  five 
minutes  it  would  be  in  marching  order. 

This  precaution  was  taken  in  expectation  of  a  call  to  the  Haymarket, 
and  the  Anarchists,  in  the  damnable  conspiracies  of  that  evening,  had  anti- 
cipated such  preparations.  They  were  accordingly  on  the  ground.  Fif- 
teen members  of  the  North  Side  group,  as  appears  plainly  from  the 
confessions  of  some  of  the  Anarchists,  loitered  around  the  station,  waiting 
for  orders  or  signal,  or  to  abide  their  own  pleasure  as  soon  as  they  could 
see  for  themselves  that  the  riot  had  begun  on  the  West  Side.  When 
that  time  arrived,  they  were  to  watch  the  windows  of  the  roll-call  room  from 
the  alley  and  throw  their  infernal  machines  into  the  midst  of  the  officers  the 
moment  the  room  was  full. 

The  cut-throats  skulked  around  the  station  like  so  many  Indians  around 
the  cabin  of  a  helpless  settler,  constantly  dodging  around  in  the  darkness, 
fearful  that  they  might  be  discovered.  True  to  their  instincts,  however, 
these  Chicago  reds  could  not  do  without  their  beer  while  awake,  and  they 
made  frequent  trips  to  neighboring  beer-saloons.  About  9:30  o'clock  Lieut. 
Baus  and  Lieut.  Lloyd,  each  with  a  company  of  officers,  returned  from  the 
Central  Station,  where  I  had  sent  them  as  a  reserve  during  the  Haymarket 
meeting,  and  when  the  Anarchists  saw  them  in  the  roll-call  room  of  my 
station,  they  sneaked  around  on  the  dark  side  of  the  alley  and  selected  the 
third  and  fourth  windows  as  those  through  which  their  deadly  bombs  should 
crash  on  their  destructive  mission.  These  windows  are  in  the  center  of  the 
large  room.  They  had  with  them  a  number  of  bombs,  both  of  the  round 
lead  and  the  long  gas-pipe  variety.  While  they  stood  underneath  those 
windows,  they  got  into  a  whispered  quarrel  about  the  kind  of  bomb  that 
should  be  used. 

Bock  had  a  round  lead  bomb,  and  he  said  : 

"I  don't  think  this  will  go  off.      Let  one  of  you  throw  a  larger  bomb." 

Then  Abraham  Hermann  became  angry  and  said  : 

"You  d d  fool,  what  the  d -1  are  you  here  for,  if  your  d d 

bombs  are  no  good  ?  You  are  too  much  of  a  coward  to  throw  them." 

Just  at  this  point  two  officers  left  the  station  to  visit  a  cigar-store,  and 
stopped  for  a  moment  at  the  entrance  of  the  alley  to  finish  their  conversation. 


COWARDS  IN  AMBUSH. 


The  Anarchists  saw  them,  and,  thinking  that  they  had  been  discovered, 
they  hurriedly  made  their  exit  in  an  opposite  direction,  running  to  the  rear 
of  the  building  on  its  dark  side  and  then  emerging  on  Superior  Street. 
Some  of  them  went  over  to  the  West  Side,  to  the  Haymarket  meeting,  and 
others  sought  different  saloons  on  Clark  Street. 

After  frequent  libations,  some  met  again  on  Superior  Street  in  the 
vicinity  of  a  wagon-manufacturing  establishment,  and,  under  the  cover  of 
numerous  wagons  standing  on  the  street  between  Clark  Street  and  La  Salle 
Avenue,  they  decided  that  the  men  who  then  had 
bombs  should  proceed  to  the  call-room  windows, 
and  the  others,  with  revolvers,  should  take  position 
in  the  alley  diagonally  across  from  the  entrance  of 
the  station.  Then, 
at  the  proper 
signal,  the  bombs 
were  to  be  hurled 
in^p  the  room,  and 
the  men  across 
the  way  were  to 
fire  a  volley  into 
such  officers  as 
might  come  out. 

While  this  plan 
was  being  form- 
ed, I  received  an 
order  from  In- 
spector Bonfield 
to  send  all  my 
men  to  the  West 
Side  dou  ble  - 
quick,  ready  for 
action,  with  a 
hurried  explana- 
tion of  the  riot 
and  the  killing  of 

officers,  and  in  less  than  four  minutes  I  had  seventy-five  men  on  the  way  to 
the  Haymarket.  The  Anarchists  were  still  standing  among  the  wagons,  and, 
to  their  great  surprise  and  dismay,  they  saw  three  patrol  wagons  passing  with: 
a  tremendous  speed.  Their  hearts  at  once  fell  into  their  boots,  and  they 
knew  that  the  trouble  had  commenced.  They  repaired  to  Moody's  church, 
and  remained  there  a  few  moments  deliberating  what  should  be  done.  One 
of  them  tried  to  brace  up  the  flagging  spirits  of  his  comrades  by  saying! 
that  "now  the  time  had  arrived  when  something  must  be  done,  but  thefyJ 


THE  LARRABEE  STREET  STATION. 
From  a  Photograph. 


372  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

must  never  tell  of  their  being  there."  Not  one,  however,  seemed  willing  to- 
execute  the  plot  they  had  agreed  upon.  On  the  contrary,  they  turned  up 
La  Salle  Avenue  and  ran  to  Neff's  Hall  as  fast  as  their  legs  could  carry 
them.  What  occurred  at  that  hall  that  night  I  have  already  shown  in  a 
preceding  chapter. 

The  plan  to  throw  bombs  into  the  roll-call  room  was  afterwards  unfolded 
to  me  by  one  of  those  in  the  plot,  and,  had  it  not  been  for  the  two  officers 
accidentally  stopping  at  the  entrance  of  the  alley,  many  of  the  boys  of  the 
Fifth  Precinct  would  have  been  murdered  even  before  the  commencement 
of  the  riot  at  the  Haymarket.  The  ruffians  who  hung  around  that  station 
were  Abraham  Hermann,  Lorenz  Hermann,  the  two  Hageman  brothers, 
Habizreiter,  Heineman,  Charles  Bock,  Heumann,  and  others  from  the 
North  Side  group  and  Lake  View. 

Another  station  in  great  danger  that  night  was  that  on  Larrabee  Street,, 
in  charge  of  Lieut.  John  Baus,  with  forty-eight  officers.  It  is  located  on 
the  northwest  corner  of  Larrabee  Street  and  North  Avenue,  and  is  a  two- 
story  brick  building  with  a  basement.  This  basement  contains  a  cell-room 
located  in  the  center  of  the  building,  with  windows  on  the  North  Avenue 
side,  and  that  side  twas  chosen  for  the  scene  of  operations.  The  men 
especially  relied  upon  to  blow  up  this  building  were  Lingg,  Seliger,  Muntz- 
enberg,  Huber,  Thielen  and  Hirschberger,  and  they,  together  with  other 
members  of  the  North  Side  group,  lingered  in  the  vicinity,  loaded  with 
bombs,  and  waiting  only  to  see  "the  heavens  illuminated"  or  to  receive  a 
message  from  one  of  the  runners.  But  before  they  knew  what  had  trans- 
pired at  the  Haymarket  a  patrol  wagon  dashed  out  of  the  station  and 
whizzed  by  with  a  load  of  officers.  This  dazed  them,  and  they  hurried  to 
Neff's  Hall  to  learn  particulars  and  receive  new  instructions.  When  they 
got  there  Neff  told  them  that  they  were  all  a  set  of  cowards  and  advised 
them  to  go  home.  They  took  his  advice  and  were  glad  to  crawl  back  into- 
their  holes. 

Webster  Avenue  Station,  in  charge  of  Lieut.  Elias  E.  Lloyd,  with  forty- 
four  officers,  also  received  attention.  The  building  is  a  two-story  frame 
located  on  the  north  side  of  the  street,  near  Lincoln  Avenue,  and  its  prin- 
cipal apartment,  the  roll-call  room,  is  on  the  first  floor  facing  the  street. 
The  men  especially  assigned  to  the  destruction  of  this  station  were  Ernst 
Hubner,  Gustav  Lehman,  Otto  Lehman,  Jebolinski  and  Lange,  backed  by 
several  other  frowsy  and  low-skulled  sneaks,  and  these  hovered  around  the 
station,  hiding  in  dark  recesses  whenever  some  one  casually  passed  along 
the  sidewalk,  or  dodging  into  an  alley  whenever  an  officer  was  discovered 
approaching  them.  They  all  waited  for  "the  signal  which  never  came," 
and,  getting  tired  of  stimulating  each  other  with  a  courage  they  did  not 
possess,  they  finally  concluded  to  adjourn  to  Neff's  Hall.  Whenever,  on 
the  way  to  that  place,  one  upbraided  the  other  for  not  throwing  a  bomb, 


A  NO  THER   TR  YS  TING-PL  A  CE. 


373 


each  would  point  to  the  fact  that  the  area  in  front  of  the  building  was 
always  occupied  by  officers  sitting  in  easy  chairs  and  sniffing  the  evening 
breeze,  and  there  was  no  chance  to  get  near  the  cell-room  ;  but  they  all 
promised  one  another  that  they  would  go  back  and  blow  the  building  into 
smithereens  and  the  officers  into  shreds  of  flesh,  regardless  of  personal 
consequences,  if  they  should  hear  "good  news"  at  Neff's.  But  they  did 
not  go  back.  Lieut.  Lloyd  was  not  called  on  for  assistance  at  the  Hay- 
market  until  about  eleven  o'clock,  and  by  that  time  the  cowards  had  got 
their  information  at  Neff's  and  were  glad  for  an  excuse  to  make  a  "bee  line  " 
for  home,  if  the  hovels  they  lived  in  can  be  dignified  by  that  designation. 

There  is  no  doubt  that  these  wretches  would  have  blown  up  the  station 
if  the  police  had  dispersed  the 
Haymarket  meeting  earlier  in 
the  evening,  but  by  waiting  so 
long  they  lost  what  little  courage 
they  had.  There  was  no  patrol 
wagon  attached  to  this  station 
at  that  time,  but,  as  one  of  them 
told  me  afterwards,  the  Anarch- 
ists stood  ready  to  hurl  a  bomb 
into  a  street-car  had  the  officers 
come  out  earlier  to  take  the  cars 
in  order  to  hasten  to  the  assist- 
ance of  the  force  at  the  Hay- 
market.  They  intended  to  make 
their  work  complete,  and  they 
were  all  well  provided  with 
bombs,  even  though  they  were 
rather  short  on  courage.  This 
was  a  part  of  the  gang  which 
had  an  appointment  at  Lincoln 
Park,  only  five  blocks  from  the  station,  and  some  of  them  sought  there 
early  in  the  evening  for  a  large  number  of  recruits  who  failed  to  materialize 
when  danger  was  in  sight. 

The  spot  chosen  for  the  meeting-place  in  Lincoln  Park  was  at  "Schiller's 
Denkmal "  (monument).  Here  it  was  that  a  few  gathered,  but,  not  finding 
as  many  present  as  they  expected,  they  separated  to  the  several  localities 
assigned  them  for  the  execution  of  their  plot. 

It  will  be  recalled  that,  at  the  Monday  night  meeting  preceding  the  Hay- 
market  riot,  those  living  on  the  North  Side  were  ordered  to  report  at  Lin- 
coln Park  for  definite  instructions,  and  those  on  the  West  Side  at  Wicker 
Park,  and  the  order  seems  to  have  been  obeyed  by  a  few  of  the  more  cour- 
ageous Anarchists. 


THE  SCHILLER  MONUMENT. 
From  a  Photograph. 


374 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 


The  vicinity  of  the  Schiller  monument  was  the  place  also  where  those 
who  had  been  arrested  and  had  made  confessions  met,  along  with  other 
Anarchists,  on  the  night  preceding  the  taking  of  testimony  in  the  trial  of 
the  prisoners,  and  on  this  occasion,  Mr.  Furthmann  tells  me,  they  agreed, 
with  one  exception,  to  inform  the  prosecution  that  they  would  not  take  the 
witness-stand  to  testify  to  the  matters  they  had  revealed  to  the  State.  If 
they  were  put  on  as  witnesses,  they  agreed,  they  could  swear  that  all  they 
had  told  me  and  Mr.  Furthmann  with  reference  to  the  conspiracy  was  pure 

and  unadulterated  false- 
hood. Mr.  Waller  refused 
to  be  a  party  to  such  an 
agreement,  and  by  his 
stubborn  stand  he  caused 
several  of  the  other  wit- 
nesses for  the  State  to 
change  their  minds  and 
stick  to  the  truth.  Others, 
however,  held  out,  and, 
when  asked  by  the  State 
to  appear,  refused.  Waller 
proved  a  very  strong  wit- 
ness, and,  as  Mr.  Furth- 
mann says,  not  one  of  the 
witnesses  for  the  defense 
dared  to  contradict  his 
testimony. 

But  to  return  to  the 
contemplated  attacks  on 
the  police  stations.  The 
Hinman  Street  house  was 
the  fourth  one  in  the  list 
marked  for  destruction. 
This  station  was  in  charge 
of  Lieut.  Richard  Shep- 
pard,  and  contained  on 
the  night  in  question 
thirty-four  officers.  It  is  a  two-story  brick  building  with  basement,  and 
is  situated  at  the  northwest  corner  of  Hinman  and  Paulina  Streets. 
The  basement  is  used  as  a  lock-up  for  the  detention  of  prisoners,  and 
all  the  offices  are  located  on  the  first  floor,  facing  Paulina  Street.  The 
patrol-wagon  barn  is  situated  in  the  rear  of  the  station,  contiguous  to  an 
alley,  through  which  the  street  is  reached.  Around  this  locality  between 
eighty  and  a  hundred  Anarchists  gathered  for  work  and  to  await  the 


THE  HINMAN  STREET  STATION. 
From  a  Photograph. 


BOMBS,  RIFLES  AND  REVOLVERS.  375 

signal.  Mende  and  Sisterer  were  at  the  head  of  this  murderous  gang. 
Some  were  to  exploit  with  rifles  from  the  alley  north  of  the  station  and 
on  the  east  side  of  the  street;  others,  with  dynamite  bombs,  were  to 
look  after  the  officers  in  the  rooms  where  they  might  happen  to  be  most 
numerous,  and  those  with  revolvers  were  to  station  themselves  in  the  alley 
directly  behind  the  station  to  shoot  down  any  of  the  officers  who  might  come 
out  in  the  patrol  wagon,  and  also  to  kill  the  horses.  Others,  again,  with 
revolvers,  were  to  post  themselves  in  front  of  the  station  to  kill  those  who 
might  escape  the  deadly  bombs  and  seek  safety  by  rushing  into  the  street. 
The  riflemen  were  to  come  as  a  reserve  force  to  shoot  down  any  who  might 
have  escaped  both  the  revolvers  and  bombs.  They  were  a  desperate  set 
and  appeared  determined  on  the  execution  of  the  plot.  The  men  who  com- 
posed the  gang  were  Germans,  Bohemians  and  Poles,  all  members  of  the" 
West  Side  group,  and  some  outsiders  who  worked  in  freight-houses  and 
lumber-yards,  and  not  one  of  them  had  any  love  for  a  policeman.  This 
district  had  been  for  several  years  the  scene  of  numerous  strikes,  and,  as  the 
officers  had  always  suppressed  the  rioters,  the  latter  were  viciously  dis- 
posed towards  the  guardians  of  the  peace.  Some  of  these  reds  were  very 
anxious  to  see  the  work  of  annihilation  commence,  and  they  loitered  around 
in  small  squads  so  as  not  to  arouse  suspicion  until  they  could  learn  whether 
the-  revolution  had  been  inaugurated  at  the  Haymarket  meeting.  There 
was  no  call  on  this  station  for  assistance  at  the  time  of  the  explosion,  as 
Inspector  Bonfield  thought  it  possible  that  trouble  might  arise  at  McCor- 
mick's,  and  the  officers  in  that  locality  might  thus  be  required  in  that  direc- 
tion ;  and  as  the  diabolical  conspirators  saw  no  officers  or  patrol  wagon 
move  out,  they  became  anxious  to  know  how  the  Haymarket  affair  had  termi- 
nated, and  one  by  one  they  sneaked  away  from  their  hiding-places.  When 
they  finally  learned  particulars  about  the  shooting,  they  ran  home,  and,  like 
the  cowards  they  were,  kept  under  cover  for  several  days.  Later  in  the 
evening  one  company  was  ordered  from  this  station  to  guard  Desplaines 
Street,  after  the  wounded  officers  had  all  been  brought  from  the  Haymarket. 
When  the  wagon  had  reached  Halsted  and  Harrison  Streets,  however, 
Capt.  O'Donnell  halted  it  and  ordered  the  officers  back  to  the  station,  as 
it  had  been  ascertained  that  all  the  Anarchists  had  sought  their  homes  for 
the  night. 

It  was  very  fortunate  that  the  officers  were  not  called  out  earlier  in  the 
evening.  If  Inspector  Bonfield  had  ordered  them  to  report  a  few  moments 
after  the  riot,  very  few  of  the  men  would  have  escaped  alive.  I  have  since 
learned  that  the  brigands  who  were  sneaking  around  that  station  that 
night  numbered  nearly  one  hundred,  and  as  one-half  of  them  were  under 
the  influence  of  liquor,  it  is  very  likely  that  they  would  have  committed 
desperate  deeds  had  the  occasion  offered. 


CHAPTER   XIX. 

The  Legal  Battle  —  The  Beginning  of  Proceedings  in  Court  —  Work  in 
the  Grand  Jury  Room — The  Circulation  of  Anarchistic  Literature  —  A  Witness  who  was 
not  Positive  —  Side  Lights  on  the  Testimony  —  The  Indictments  Returned  —  Selecting 
a  Jury  —  Sketches  of  the  Jurymen  —  Ready  for  the  Struggle. 

THE  case  was  now  in  condition  to  be  turned  over  to  the  courts.  The 
detective  work  was  done,  and,  as  I  flatter  myself,  and  as  the  result 
proved,  well  done.  A  deliberate  and  fiendish  conspiracy  to  bring  about 
riot,  destruction  and  death  had  been  proven.  The  Haymarket  gathering 
was  projected  to  invite  a  police  attack,  and  this  attack  was  to  be  the  pre- 
text for  dynamite,  murder  and  the  social  revolution.  Of  course  much  of 
the  information  given  in  the  preceding  pages  was  not  used  either  in  the 
grand  jury  room  or  at  the  trial.  It  was  not  necessary.  State's  Attorney 
Grinnell,  with  his  usual  wisdom  and  tact,  selected  only  the  best,  strongest 
and  most  reliable  witnesses,  and  left  out  the  minor  ones.  The  statements 
of  all  those  who  "  squealed  "  were  conclusive,  criminative  and  corroborative, 
but  their  presentation  in  court  would  have  simply  lumbered  up  the  case. 

As  a  result  of  the  energetic  work  of  Coroner  Hertz  the  principal  con- 
spirators had  been  bound  over,  without  bail,  at  the  inquest. 

The  grand  jury  was  impaneled  on  the  i7th  of  May,  1886,  and  was  com- 
posed of  the  following  named  persons :  John  N.  Hills  (foreman),  George 
Watts,  Peter  Clinton,  George  Adams,  Charles  Schultz,  Thomas  Broderick, 
William  Bartels,  Fred.  Wilkinson,  P.  J.  Maloney,  John  Held,  A.  J.  Grover, 
Frank  N.  Seavert,  E.  A.  Jessel,  Theodore  Schultze,  Alfred  Thorp,  N.  J. 
Webber,  Adolph  Wilke,  Fred  Gall,  Edward  S.  Dreyer,  John  M.  Clark, 
John  C.  Neemes,  N.  J.  Quan  and  T.  W.  Hall. 

Judge  John  G.  Rogers  delivered  a  long,  able  and  forcible  charge  to  the 
members  of  this  grand  jury.  He  first  called  attention  to  the  necessity  of 
their  not  being  influenced  in  their  acts  by  fear,  favor  or  affection,  and  then 
dwelt  upon  what  constitutes  freedom  of  speech.  He  said  : 

"We  hear  a  good  deal  these  days  about  what  is  called  the  freedom  of 
speech.  Now,  there  is  a  good  deal  of  misconception  of  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States  and  of  the  Constitution  of  the  State  of  Illinois,  and  I  may 
say  of  all  States  in  the  Union,  upon  this  question  of  freedom  of  speech.  I 
have  copied  the  provisions  upon  which  persons  rely  who  continually  say 
that  in  this  free  country  men  have  a  right  to  assemble  —  men  have  a  right 
to  speak  and  say  what  they  please.  There  is  no  such  right.  There  is  no 
such  constitutional  right.  The  constitutional  rights  as  expressed  in  the 
Constitution  are  :  'That  Congress  shall  make  no  law  abridging  the  freedom 
of  speech  or  of  the  press,  or  the  right  of  the  people  peaceably  to  assemble 
and  to  petition  the  Government  for  a  redress  of  grievances.'  The  same 
principle  is  carried  along  into  the  State  Constitutions;  and  in  the  Constitu- 

376 


THE  RIGHT  OF  FREE  SPEECH. 


377 


tion  of  the  State  of  Illinois,  and  in  its  Bill  of  Rights,  there  is  a  provision 
that  '  every  person  may  freely  speak,  write  and  publish  on  all  subjects, 
being  responsible  for  the  use  of  that  liberty.'  And  in  another  provision  the 
people  have  a  right  '  to  assemble  in  peaceable  manner,  to  consult  for  the 
common  good,  to  make  known  their  opinions  to  their  representatives,  and 
to  apply  for  a  redress  of  grievances.'  You  will  perceive  in  a  moment  that 
the  construction  of  the  United  States  constitutional  right  has 
been  interpreted,  if  I  may  so  express  myself,  in  the  Consti- 
tution of  the  State  of  Illinois,  and  that  interpretation  is  the 
one  that  the  courts  have  always  recognized,  and  that,  while  a 
man  may  speak  freely  and  write  and  publish  upon  all  sub- 
jects, he  is  responsible  for  the  abuse  of  the  liberty  of  speech. 
I  refer  to  these  constitutional  rights  because  some  men  are 
so  inconsistent  as  to  say  there  shall  be  no  law  for  any  such 
rights,  yet  claim  the  protection  of  these  rights  in  the  broadest 
sense,  and,  with  an  interpretation  satisfactory  to  their  own 
minds,  that  a  man  may  get  up,  and,  in  a  public  speech  to 
a  public  crowd,  advise  murder  and  arson,  the  destruction  of 
property  and  the  injury  of  people.  That  is  a  wild  license  which 
the  Constitution  of  this  country  has  never  recognized  any 
more  than  it  has  been  recognized  in  the  worst  despotisms  of 
old  and  of  monarchical  Europe.  I  hope  and  you  hope  it 
will  never  be  recognized." 

The  eminent  jurist  then  illustrated  the  point  of  responsi- 
bility. If,  said  he,  he  should  get  up  and  there  advise  mem- 
bers of  the  jury  that  the  foreman  ought  to  be  hanged  for  some 
assumed  offense,  he  would  be  advising  the  commission  of  a 
crime ;  and  if  his  advice  was  followed  he  himself  who  incited 
the  hanging  would  be  just  as  guilty  of  murder  as  the  ones 
who  did  it.  He  next  referred  to  the  Haymarket  riot  and 
counseled  the  jury  to  look  not  only  to  the  man  who  actually 
committed  the  crime,  but  to  those  who  stood  behind  him, 
who  actually  advised  it.  He  held  that  the  men  who  so  advised 
were  equally  guilty  and  should  be  held  responsible  for  it. 
"What,"  he  said  "is  an  incendiary  speech  but  inciting  men 
to  commit  wild  acts  ?  "  He  spoke  of  the  red  flag  in  Chicago 
and  said  :  "  What  is  a  red  flag  in  a  procession,  or  a  black 
flag,  but  a  menace,  a  threat  ?  It  is  understood  to  be  emble- 
matic of  blood,  and  that  no  quarter  will  be  given.  Flags  of  NEEBE'S SWORD 

,  ...  AND  BELT. 

that  sort  ought  not  to  be  permitted  to  be  borne  in  proces- 
sions in  this  city."  He  referred  to  the  labor  troubles  of  the  Knights  of 
Labor,  which,  he  acknowledged,  happily  had  no  connection  with  the  Hay- 
market  or  with  Anarchy,  and  then,  for  the  guidance  of  the  jury  in  reaching 
conclusions  on  the  Anarchistic  conspiracy,  he  quoted  the  statutes  on  what 
constituted  conspiracy  and  the  penalty  for  riots.  In  closing  Judge  Rogers 
counseled  the  jury  to  consider  all  evidence  submitted  with  fairness  and 
impartiality. 


378  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

The  next  day  the  grand  jury  entered  upon  its  work.  A  great  many  wit- 
nesses appeared  before  it,  but  many  of  them  were  not  required  at  the  trial,  as 
their  testimony  would  neither  add  to  nor  detract  from  the  strength  of  the 
case.  Facts  were  brought  out  under  the  latitude  allowed  in  a  grand  jury  room 
that  could  not,  under  court  procedure,  be  brought  into  a  cause  on  trial 
because  of  their  not  bearing  directly  on  the  charges,  or  not  tending  to  sup- 
ply some  material  connecting  link  in  the  chain  of  evidence.  Some  of  this 
testimony,  while  not  serving  to  throw  any  special  light  upon  the  conspiracy, 
may  yet  illustrate  some  phases  of  Anarchy  growing  out  of  the  propagation 
of  Anarchistic  ideas  and  features  incidental  to  the  cause  celebre;  and  for 
that  purpose  I  have  carefully  scanned  over  the  official  grand  jury  reports 
and  selected  such  omitted  points  as. will  serve  to  give  a  better  general  idea 
of  the  whole  subject.* 

The  sale  and  circulation  of  Anarchistic  literature  in  Chicago  was  one  of 
the  matters  into  which  inquiry  was  made.  Anton  Laufermann,  a  Division 
Street  bookseller,  testified  that  Most  had  written  "The  Solution  of  the 
Socialistic  Question,"  "  The  Movement  in  Old  Rome,  or  Caesarism,"  "  The 
Bastile  at  Platzensee,"  and  other  works,  including  "The  Science  of  War." 
It  appeared  that  these  Anarchistic  books  were  not,  as  a  rule,  handled  by 
booksellers. 

Edward  Deuss,  city  editor  of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung,  told  the  grand  jury 
that  the  dynamite  book  —  Most's  "  Science  of  War  " — was  usually  sold  by 
men  at  picnics  and  similar  gatherings,  and  that  a  book-store  would  be  the 
ast  place  to  look  for  it.  The  men  who  peddled  this  literature  were  volun- 
teers who  made  no  money  out  of  the  sales. 

This  evidence  was  corroborated  by  other  persons.  The  plan  seemed  to 
be  to  scatter  Most's  works  quietly  among  the  people,  thus  avoiding  any  of 
the  difficulties  or  dangers  which  might  follow  from  open  and  undisguised 
sale.  The  main  source  of  supply  was  manifestly  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung 
office.  The  books  were  easy  to  get :  nearly  all  the  arrested  Anarchists  had 
copies  of  the  dynamite  book  in  their  possession.  One  of  the  most  persistent 
colporteurs  was  Muntzenberg.  The  hundreds  of  copies  of  incendiary  books 
and  pamphlets  were  passed  around  from  one  man  to  another,  and  it  is  out 
of  the  question  to  attempt  to  estimate  the  amount  of  injury  they  have  done. 
The  evidence  upon  this  point — so  much,  at  least,  as  came  from  the  office  of 
the  Arbeiter-Zeitung — was  unsatisfactory.  This,  however,  was  to  have  been 
expected  when  the  character  and  peculiar  beliefs  of  the  witnesses  is  con- 
sidered. For  instance,  Gerhardt  Lizius,  an  editorial  writer  on  this  paper, 
after  being  questioned,  without  satisfactory  results,  about  the  interior 
arrangements  of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  and  various  articles  about  the 
premises,  was  asked  to  define  Anarchy  and  Socialism. 

"A  Socialist,"  he  said,  "wants  the  State  to  regulate  everything,  while 
we  don't  want  any  authority  whatever.  We  want  the  people  to  associate 


THE  CREED  OF  THE  "JtEDS."  379 

themselves  for  production  and  consummation  (of  the  highest  good),  accord- 
ing to  their  own  desires." 

"How  does  it  happen  that  capital  is  in  your  way?  "  asked  Mr.  GrinnelL 

"Because  the  capitalist  has  taken  something  from  us  that  is  not  his, 
that  we  have  created." 

"What  is  the  manner  the  Anarchists  have  adopted  in  reaching  that 
which  they  have  not  got  now?" 

"We  want  to  get  it  any  way  we  can — peaceably  if  we  can,  and  forcibly 
if  we  must." 

"Even  to  the  extent  of  a  capitalist's  life  ?  " 

"Yes." 

"  Do  you  believe  in  the  use  of  dynamite  ?  " 

"Yes." 

"You  say  that  you  should  not  divide  your  property  with  your  neighbor. 
Why  should  the  capitalist?" 

"We  don't  want  him  to  divide  anything.  We  want  him  to  make  it 
public  property.  He  has  got  as  much  right  to  it  as  we  have.  Everybody, 
according  to  our  view,  should  have  the  right  of  life,  liberty  and  the  pursuit 
of  happiness.  That  means  that  I  should  have  the  right  to  the  means  of 
life,  and  that  means,  of  course,  that  we  should  have  the  right  to  everything 
that  nature  gives  us,  so  that  every  man,  if  he  wants,  can  work,  and  every- 
body make  a  living.  If  he  don't  want  to  work,  then  of  course  he  should 
not  make  a  living." 

"The  Arbeiter-Zeitung  was  an  Anarchistic  paper?  " 

"Yes." 

"Did  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  divide  its  things  ?  " 

"There  was  nothing  to  divide  there.     We  didn't  make  any  money." 

"Supposing  that  you  and  I  should  want  the  same  thing  —  how  would 
you  settle  that  question  ?  " 

"Well,  I  guess  there  can  be  more  than  one  of  these  things  made." 

"  I  might  want  a  cow  that  you  would  want,  or  a  horse ;  you  might  want 
the  same  thing  —  how  would  you  settle  that  matter?" 

"I  work  for  it  and  get  it." 

"I  thought  you  did  not  believe  in  that?"  continued  Mr.  GrinnelL 

"You  did  not  hear  me  say  anything  of  the  kind.  I  said  that  we  should 
have  the  right  to  work  so  that  we  could  make  a  living.  We  didn't  want 
anything  without  work." 

"Now,  you  figure  that  a  man  who  has  got  a  hundred  thousand  dollars 
by  reason  of  having  worked  hard,  stands  in  your  way ;  isn't  that  your  idea  ?  " 

"Yes." 

"Suppose  I  have  got  ten  cows  and  you  don't  get  any;  you  have  been 
lazy  and  haven't  earned  your  ten  cows.  Now,  how  do  you  get  half  of  my 
cows?" 


380  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

"You  are  looking  at  this  thing  from  the  standpoint  of  the  present  system 
of  society.  It  is  impossible  for  any  of  you  gentleman,  if  you  are  not  Social- 
ists and  don't  understand  what  Socialism  is,  to  get  at  the  idea  at  all  as  to 
how  things  are  run.  You  have  to  look  at  it  from  the  standpoint  of 
Socialism." 

"  Your  idea  is  to  have  society  without  any  law  ?  " 

"The  Government  is  only  for  the  oppression  of  people.  We  would 
have  to  organize  for  some  purposes." 

"Supposing  this  Government  should  get  something  in  its  mails  that  you 
would  happen  to  want,  should  you  have  a  right  to  take  it  ?  " 

"No,  sir." 

"  Suppose  you  did  take  it,  what  would  be  done  with  you  ?" 

"No  man  is  supposed  to  take  anything  that  does  not  belong  to  him." 

"  You  would  have  law  to  punish  people,  wouldn't  you  ?  " 

"No,  sir." 

Being  asked  if  he  had  seen  about  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  office  any  imple- 
ments of  warfare,  Lizius  answered  in  the  negative  —  not  even  pistols  or 
anything  of  that  kind. 

"  Do  you  believe  that  the  man  who  threw  the  bomb  over  there  [meaning 
the  Haymarket]  did  right?" 

"Yes,  sir." 

"And  that  it  was  a  righteous  act  in  shooting  down  the  policemen?" 

"Yes,  sir." 

The  reason  he  advanced  for  his  belief  was  that  it  was  an  act  of  self- 
defense;  that  the  police,  according  to  his  knowledge,  had  attacked  the 
crowd  with  clubs  before  the  bomb  was  thrown.  This  sort  of  misinforma- 
tion seems  to  have  been  spread  among  the  ignorant  Anarchists,  and  Lizius, 
when  he  said  he  believed  it,  knew  better  and  simply  adopted  it  as  an 
excuse  for  their  acts. 

"Do  you  believe  in  the  existence  of  a  God?"  asked  one  of  the  jurymen. 

"No,  sir." 

"Have  you  any  regard  for  law  at  all  ? " 

"No,  sir." 

"  Have  you  any  regard  for  the  obligation  of  an  oath  taken  before  the 
grand  jury?" 

"No,  sir." 

"You  have  been  sworn  here  'by  the  ever-living  God.'  You  have  no 
regard  for  that  oath,  have  you  ?  " 

"No,  sir." 

"Have  you  told  the  truth  ?  " 

"Yes,  sir." 

"How  did  you  come  to  tell  the  truth?  " 

•"  I  am  not  in  the  habit  of  lying.      There  is  no  cause  for  it." 


i.  Round  Iron  Bombs,  cast  whole,  and  designed  for  use  with  percussion  caps,  to  explode  on  falling. 
The  bomb  in  center  was  cast  several  years  ago,  and  was  saved  from  a  number  thrown  into  the  lake 
by  a  scared  Anarchist. 


2.  Sheet-iron  Molds,  used  by  Lingg  in  the  construction  of  Infernal  Machines. 


3,  4,  Sectional  views  of  the  "  Czar  Bomb.1 


ANARCHIST  AMMUNITION  — II.     FROM  PHOTOGRAPHS. 


382  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS 

"  If  you  had  a  good  cause,  would  you  lie  ?  Would  you  lie  to  save  a  life?" 

"If  it  hung  upon  such  a  slender  thread  as  that,  I  would." 

"Would  you,  if  you  thought  it  would  help  the  cause  of  Anarchy?" 

"I  don't  see  how  it  could." 

Among  the  many  witnesses  examined  in  the  grand  jury  room  was 
Ernst  Legner.  It  will  be  remembered  that  the  defense,  at  the  trial, 
claimed  that  this  man  had  been  spirited  away  by  the  prosecution.  This 
was  done,  of  course,  with  a  view  to  damaging  the  case  of  the  State  before 
the  jury.  Now,  the  facts  are  these :  Legner's  name  was  placed  on  the 
back  of  the  indictment  somehow  —  I  do  not  know  why.  Certainly  neither 
the  State  nor  the  defense  could  have  used  him,  and  he  would  have  been 
even  less  valuable  for  the  prisoners  than  for  the  prosecution.  Legner  was 
a  man  who  was  sure  of  nothing.  His  testimony  before  the  grand  jury  was 
continually  and  invariably  qualified  by  the  statement  that  he  "could  not  be 
positive;"  that  he  "was  not  sure."  For  instance,  here  is  some  of  his 
testimony : 

Did  he  meet  Chris  Spies  at  that  meeting?  He  could  not  say.  "I  saw 
him  that  night,  but  I  couldn't  say  whether  I  saw  him  there.  I  don't  recol- 
lect. I  couldn't  say  positive.  I  couldn't  say  anything  positive  about  that. " 

This  answer  prompted  Mr.  Grinnell  to  ask  :  "Since  when  have  you 
grown  so  unpositive  ?  " 

"Well,  in  that  way,  I  guess  ever  since,"  was  his  lucid  reply. 

"You  remember  me,  don't  you,  down  at  the  Central  Station,  talking 
with  you?" 

"No,  sir." 

"Don't  you  remember  coming  in,  seeing  me  and  your  brother 
come  in?  " 

"Well,  that  was  in  the  City  Hall." 

"  Well,  that  is  what  we  call  Central  Station.  You  saw  me  there,  did 
you  ?  " 

"Yes,  sir." 

"  You  remember  your  brother  told  you  he  had  advised  you  to  keep 
away  from  those  people,  and  advised  you  to  tell  the  truth  about  this  trans- 
action ?  " 

"Yes,  sir." 

"  And  you  then  and  there  told  me  that  you  saw  Chris  Spies  right  near 
that  wagon  that  night  ?  " 

"Well,  I  might  have  seen  him,  but  I  won't  say  anything  positive  on 
that." 

"  Have  you  seen  him  since  then  ?" 

"Yes,  sir,  I  did." 

"When?" 

"I  saw  him  yesterday." 


"  /  COULD  NOT  SA  Y  POSITIVE."  383 

"And  he  talked  —  you  spoke  to  him  about  this  case  then,  didn't  you?" 

"  I  only  spoke  to  him  —  I  told  him  that  he  looked  pale,  and  that  was  all 
the  speaking,  and  he  went  off.  I  was  going  west,  and  he  was  going  east." 

"  Now,  why  should  there  be  any  confusion  in  your  mind  to-day  where 
you  saw  him  that  night  ?  " 

"  Well,  I  saw  him  that  night,  but  I  could  not  say  positive  whether  I 
saw  him  there  or  not,  at  the  meeting." 

"You  said  a  moment  ago  that  you  looked  around,  and  you  thought  you 
saw  him  right  there  ?  " 

"Well,  yes.  That  is  where  I  said ;  I  could  not  say  positive ;  I  saw  him, 
but  I  could  not  say  positive." 

This  sort  of  fire  was  kept  up  for  some  time,  but  the  witness  always 
dodged  behind  "  I  could  not  say  positive."  He  was  asked  how  long  it  was 
after  August  Spies  got  through  speaking  when  he  (Spies)  left,  but  the  only 
answer  was  :  "Well,  that  is  something  I  don't  know  certain." 

Now,  why  should  the  State  want  such  a  witness,  or  what  interest  could  it 
have  in  spiriting  him  away  ?  He  certainly  developed  a  remarkable  want 
of  memory,  and  with  his  testimony  before  the  grand  jury  the  de- 
fendants, if  they  had  put  him  on  the  stand,  could  not  have  utilized  him 
on  their  side.  If  he  knew  anything,  as  would  seem  to  be  the  case,  judging 
from  his  brother's  advice  to  tell  everything  and  some  statements  he  had 
previously  made  to  the  State's  Attorney,  it  all  must  have  been  in  favor  of 
the  State.  It  is  a  justifiable  conclusion  that  Chris  Spies,  on  meeting  him 
the  day  preceding  his  appearance  before  the  grand  jury,  must  have 
influenced  him  to  testify  the  way  he  did.  The  truth  about  the  whole 
matter  is  that  the  defendants  would  not  have  touched  Legner  had  he  been 
procurable,  and  if  he  went  out  of  the  city  it  must  have  been  at  their 
instigation.  The  above  samples  of  his  testimony  show  that  his  appear- 
ance on  the  stand  would  have  made  him  dead  timber  to  either  side. 

A  good  deal  was  also  said  about  the  absence  of  Mr.  Brazleton,  an 
Inter-Ocean  reporter,  from  the  witness-stand.  He  was  not  produced  by  the 
State  because  many  of  his  statements  were  not  of  a  positive  character. 

As  there  were  so  many  other  witnesses  who  had  paid  special  attention 
to  the  incendiary  character  of  the  speeches,  and  remembered  distinctly  the 
various  details  in  connection  with  the  Haymarket  meeting,  there  was  no 
occasion  to  use  Brazleton  as  a  witness.  All  the  others  who  were  put  on  the 
stand  gave  fuller  particulars  and  corroborated  each  other  in  all  essential 
points.  Had  the  general  information  of  the  others  been  of  the  same  nature 
as  that  of  Brazleton,  it  might  have  been  well  to  have  used  him  as  a  witness, 
but,  with  so  much  direct  testimony  as  the  State  possessed,  his  evidence  was 
not  necessary.  The  defense  simply  sought  to  make  a  point  on  his  absence  — 
that  is  all. 

A  great    deal  has  been  said  with  reference  to   Schnaubelt.      There  is 


384 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 


no  doubt  that  he  threw  the  fatal  bomb.  The  defense  at  the  trial  of  Spies 
and  the  others  sought,  however,  to  discredit  such  a  belief.  They  asserted 
that  there  was  not  an  iota  of  evidence  to  sustain  such  an  opinion,  and  for 
their  part  they  did  not  believe  it.  Per  contra,  it  may  be  said  that  if  he  was 
innocent  he  took  the  wrong  course  to  show  it.  Schnaubelt  was  arrested  by 
Officers  Palmer  and  Boyd,  of  the  Central  Station.  Before  the  grand  jury 
Palmer  testified  as  follows  : 

"  I  was  told  that  he  was  working  at  224  Washington  Street,  rooms  5  and 

6.  I  went  up  there  and  found 
him  and  brought  him  to  the 
Central  Station.  That  was 
on  the  6th  of  this  month." 

"Did  he  have  whiskers, 
or  not?  " 

"His  face  was  shaved 
clean,  except  a  mustache." 

"You  had  been  looking 
for  a  man  with  whiskers?  " 

"  Yes.  I  was  told  by  his 
employer  that  he  shaved  his 
whiskers  off  the  morning 
after  the  riot." 

"  Did  he  say  anything  to 
you  about  having  shaved 
himself?" 

"  I  asked  him  why  ne 
shaved,  and  he  said  he  al- 
ways did  it  in  the  summer 
time." 

"Do  you  know  what  the 
size  of  his  whiskers  was  ?  " 

"About  six  or  eight 
inches  long." 

"  Did  you  have  any  talk 
with  him  when  you  brought  him  to  the  Central  Station  ?" 

"  Yes.  I  asked  him  if  he  was  at  the  scene  of  the  riot  on  the  Tuesday 
night  previous,  and  he  said  he  was.  I  asked  him  where  he  was.  He  said 
he  was  up  on  the'wagon.  I  asked  him  where  he  was  when  the  bomb  was 
thrown.  He  said  he  was  on  the  wagon  half  a  minute  before  the  bomb  was 
thrown,  but  he  had  got  off,  and  when  it  exploded  he  supposed  he  was  about 
fifty  feet  from  the  wagon." 

"  He  was  let  go  that  morning  ?  " 
"Yes." 


HON.     JOSEPH     E.     GARY. 
From  a  Photograph. 


THE  BOMB-THROWER'S  ESCAPE.  385 

"  Tell  us  about  his  place  of  work  and  what  you  found  out  yesterday  ?  " 

"Captain  Schaack  sent  a  couple  of  men  to  me  yesterday  to  find  out  if 
we  could  get  this  man  again.  I  took  them  over  to  where  I  had  found  him 
pre\?iously.  His  employer  told  me  that  after  he  got  away  from  me  on  the 
6th  of  this  month  [May]  he  came  back  and  finished  the  day's  work,  and  he 
had  not  shown  up  from  that  time  to  this.  His  tools  were  there,  and  he  did 
not  call  for  his  money.  His  sister  had  called  for  the  money  several  days 
after  he  quit,  but  he  did  not  give  it  to  her." 

"He  had  a  good  job,  didn't  he?" 

"He  was  a  machinist,  working  at  a  turning-lathe." 

Schnaubelt  was  described  as  having  sandy  whiskers,  about  six  feet 
tall,  weighing  about  190  pounds,  large  and  bony,  not  very  fleshy,  and  about 
twenty-four  years  of  age. 

Lieut.  John  Shea,  then  in  charge  of  the  Central  Station,  testified  to  the 
same  facts  and  that  the  police  had  been  unable  to  find  the  man  in  the  city. 

At  the  time  there  were  no  strong  circumstances, connecting  Schnaubelt 
with  the  massacre,  but  suspicious  evidence  ought  to  have  held  him  in  cus- 
tody for  a  day  or  two  until  all  his  antecedents  could  have  been  inquired 
into.  His  release  was  a  sad  mistake,  and  the  fact  that  he  hastened  out  of 
the  city  shows  the  fear  he  had  of  being  directly  connected  with  the  throw- 
ing of  the  bomb.  The  evidence  of  various  parties  points  to  him  as  the 
guilty  party,  and  it  was  fortunate  for  him  that  he  escaped. 

C.  M.  Hardy,  a  leading  attorney  of  Chicago,  testified  to  a  conversa- 
tion which  he  had  had  with  Spies  the  day  before  the  Haymarket  tragedy. 

During  this  conversation,  which  occurred  accidentally  in  a  restaurant, 
•"  Spies,"  to  use  the  words  of  the  witness,  "  turned  and  said  to  me  laugh- 
ingly, 'Are  you  with  us?'  'Well,'  I  said,  '  If  you  mean  that  I  am  in  favor 
of  the  laborer  getting  well  paid  for  his  labor,  I  am  with  you,  but  no  further 
than  that.'  'Well,'  he  said,  still  laughing,  'you  had  better  be,  for  we  are 
going  to  raise  h 1,'  and  then  went  on." 

On  the  28th  of  May  the  grand  jury  concluded  its  labors  and  returned 
into  court  fifteen  indictments  for  murder,  conspiracy  and  riot,  against  Spies, 
Parsons,  Fischer,  Engel,  Lingg,  Fielden,  Schwab,  Neebe,  Schnaubelt  and 
some  lesser  lights  in  the  Anarchistic  circle. 

The  trial  began  on  the  igth  of  June.  No  case  ever  brought  before  the 
Chicago  courts  excited  so  much  interest  or  brought  out  a  greater  crowd. 
Not  one  tithe  of  the  throng  of  people  who  were  eager  to  see  the  notorious 
•defendants  were  able  to  find  place  in  the  court-room. 

Judge  Joseph  E.  Gary  presided,  and  with  his  suave,  dignified  bearing 
and  his  prompt  manner  of  handling  legal  details  and  technicalities,  he  im- 
pressed all  with  the  conviction  that,  while  the  Anarchists  would  have  a  full 
and  fair  trial,  no  trifling  with  the  law  would  be  permitted.  The  case  was 
one  which  not  alone  interested  Chicago,  but  touched  the  stability  and  wel- 


386 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 


fare  of  every  city  of  any  considerable  size  in  the  United  States.  The  eyes 
of  the  whole  country  were  riveted  on  Chicago,  and  the  outside  world  was 
eagerly  watching  the  results  of  a  case,  the  first  in  America,  to  determine 
whether  dynamite  was  to  be  considered  a  legal  weapon  in  the  settlement  of 
socio-political  problems  in  a  free  republic.  Time  was  when  our  system  of 
government  was  looked  upon  abroad  as  an  experiment  of  doubtful  nature, 
but  when  it  had  passed  the  experimental  period  it  was  pointed  to  by  foreign 


HARRY   T.  SANDFORD.  FRANK  S.  OSBORNE.  JAMES   H.  BRAYTON. 


GEO.  W.  ADAMS. 


SCOTT   G.  RANDALL. 


ANDREW    HAMILTON. 


PORTRAITS    OF    THE    JURY.— I. 

friends  as  furnishing  no  pretext  for  Socialistic  or  Anarchistic  outbursts  of 
violence,  and  as  supplying  no  favorable  conditions  for  the  growth  even  of 
Anarchistic  doctrines.  In  a  speech  before  the  French  Legislative  Assem- 
bly, De  Tocqueville  once  said,  pointing  to  America  :  "  There  shall  you  see 
a  people  among  whom  all  conditions  of  men  are  more  on  an  equality  even 
than  among  us  ;  where  the  social  state,  the  manners,  the  laws,  everything  is 
democratic ;  where  all  emanates  from  the  people  and  returns  to  the  people, 
and  where,  at  the  same  time,  every  individual  enjoys  a  greater  amount  of 


A   GREAT  RESPONSIBILITY. 


387 


liberty,  a  more  entire  independence,  than  in  any  other  part  of  the  world,  at 
any  period  of  time  ;  a  country,  I  repeat  it,  essentially  democratic  —  the  only 
democracy  in  the  wide  world  at  this  day,  and  the  only  republic  truly 
democratic  which  we  know  of  in  history.  And  in  this  republic  you  will 
look  in  vain  for  Socialism." 

Still,  Anarchy  found  lodgment  in  America  through  men  exiled  under  the 
rigorous  baiting   of  their  own  country  —  men  whose   early  education  had 


CHAS.  B.  TODD. 


JOHN   B.  GREINER. 


JAMES   H.  COLE. 


ALAXSON    H.  REED.  TIIEO.  E.  DEXKER.  CHAS.  H.  LUDWIG. 

PORTRAITS    OF    THE    JURY.- II. 

been  set  against  all  government  and  whose  prejudices  operated  against  the 
study  of  our  institutions.  In  the  violent  culmination  of  their  doctrines 
at  the  Haymarket  the  point  was  reached  where  it  became  necessary  to 
demonstrate  that  it  is  a  rank  growth  and  has  no  excuse  in  a  republic  in 
which  the  utmost  liberty  is  allowed  consistent  with  the  rights  of  life  and 
property. 

When,  therefore,  this  trial  opened,  both  the  Judge  and  the  State's  Attor- 
ney felt  that   a  great  responsibility  had  been  laid  upon  their  shoulders, 


388  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

and  that  the  whole  civilized  world  would  sit  in  judgment  upon  the  manner 
in  which  they  performed  their  duty.  They  entered  into  the  case  with  no 
revengeful  feelings,  but  held  firmly  to  their  course,  mindful  of  the  rights  of 
the  defendants,  but  determined  to  maintain  law  and  justice.  The  case  was 
called  on  the  day  indicated,  in  the  main  court-room  of  the  Criminal  Court 
building,  and  the  moment  the  State's  Attorney  had  announced  his  readiness 
to  commence  proceedings,  the  defendants'  counsel  entered  a  motion  for  a 
separate  trial  of  each  of  the  prisoners.  This  was  argued  and  overruled. 

On  the  morning  of  June  21,  at  ten  o'clock,  everything  was  in  readiness 
for  the  trial  proper,  and  the  work  of  selecting  the  jury  was  entered  upon. 
Within  the  bar  of  the  court  sat  the  eminent  counsel  of  both  sides.  On  the 
left,  in  front  of  the  bench,  there  was  State's  Attorney  Grinnell,  surrounded 
by  his  assistants,  Francis  W.  Walker  and  Edmund  Furthmann,  and  Special 
State's  Counsel  George  C.  Ingham,  and  on  the  right  of  the  bench  sat  the 
defendants'  attorneys,  Capt.  W.  P.  Black,  W.  A.  Foster,  Sigismund  Zeisler 
and  Moses  Salomon,  flanked  by  the  prisoners  and  their  relatives.  The 
remaining  space  within  the  bar  was  occupied  by  attorneys  of  the  city  as 
spectators,  and  the  rest  of  the  court-room  was  filled  with  a  motley  throng, 
including  here  and  there  representatives  of  the  fair  sex  drawn  by  personal 
interest  or  moved  by  morbid  curiosity.  The  prisoners  were  dressed  in  their 
best,  each  with  a  button-hole  bouquet. 

During  the  preliminary  proceedings,  as  we  have  noted  elsewhere,  Par- 
sons had  joined  his  associates,  and  his  bronzed  appearance,  from  out-door 
exposure,  was  in  marked  contrast  with  that  of  his  pale-looking  companions. 

The  task  of  selecting  a  jury  proceeded,  but  it  was  not  an  easy  thing  to 
find  men  unbiased  and  unprejudiced.  Four  weeks  were  consumed  in  this 
work,  but  finally  twelve  "good  men  and  true"  were  chosen,  as  follows: 
F.  S.  Osborne,  Major  James  H.  Cole,  S.  G.  Randall,  A.  H.  Reed,  J.  H. 
Brayton,  A.  Hamilton,  G.  W.  Adams,  J.  B.  Greiner,  C.  B.  Todd,  C.  H. 
Ludwig,  T.  E.  Denker  and  H.  T.  Sandford. 

So  notable  was  the  trial,  and  so  tremendous  the  interests  involved,  that 
the  reader  will  naturally  want  to  know  something  of  the  personnel  of  the 
jury  whose  verdict  vindicated  and  guaranteed  law  and  order  in  America  : 

FRANK  S.  OSBORNE,  a  resident  at  No.  134  Dearborn  Avenue,  the  foreman  of  the  jury, 
was  born  in  Columbus,  Ohio,  and  at  the  time  of  the  trial  was  thirty-nine  years  of  age.  He 
filled  the  position  of  chief  salesman  in  the  retail  department  of  Marshall  Field  &  Co.,  and 
was  a  man  of  liberal  ideas  and  good  education.  He  possessed  keen  judgment,  and  proved 
a  critical  examiner  of  all  the  evidence  submitted.  He  readily  grasped  all  the  strong  and 
weak  points  in  the  defense,  and  showed  himself  a  thorough  master  of  the  evidence. 

MAJ.  JAMES  H.  COLE,  a  resident  at  No.  987  Lawndale  Avenue,  was  born  in  Utica,  New 
York,  and  was  fifty-three  years  of  age.  During  the  war  he  was  a  Captain,  and  subsequently 
rose  to  the  rank  of  Major  in  the  Forty-first  Ohio  Infantry.  After  the  close  of  the  Rebel- 
lion, he  engaged  in  the  railroad  business  as  contractor  and  constructor,  residing  at  different 
times  in  Vermont,  Ohio,  Tennessee,  Illinois  and  Iowa.  He  came  to  Chicagp  in  1879,  and 


PERSONNEL   OF  THE  JUR  Y.  389 

was  book-keeper  for  the  Continental  Insurance  Company  until  shortly  before  serving  on 
the  jury. 

CHARLES  B.  TODD,  a  resident  at  No.  1013  West  Polk  Street,  was  born  in  Elmira,  New 
York,  and  was  forty-seven  years  of  age.  He  had  served  in  the  Sixth  New  York  Heavy 
Artillery,  and  since  his  arrival  in  Chicago,  four  years  preceding,  had  been  a  salesman  in  the 
Putnam  Clothing  House. 

ALANSON  H.  REED,  a  resident  at  No.  3442  Groveland  Park,  was  born  in  Boston,  Mass., 
and  was  forty-nine  years  of  age.  He  was  a  member  of  the  firm  of  Reed  &  Sons,  at  No.  136 
State  Street,  and  during  the  trial  proved  a  close  listener  to  all  the  evidence. 

JAMES  H.  BRAYTON,  a  resident  of  Englewood,  and  Principal  of  the  Webster  School,  on 
Wentworth  Avenue,  in  Chicago,  was  born  in  Lyons,  New  York,  and  was  forty  years  of  age. 

THEODORE  E.  DENKER,  a  resident  of  Woodlawn  Park,  in  the  town  of  Hyde  Park,  was 
born  in  Wisconsin  and  was  twenty-seven  years  of  age.  He  was  shipping  clerk  for  H.  H. 
King  &  Co. 

GEORGE  W.  ADAMS,  a  resident  of  Evanston,  was  born  in  Indiana,  and  was  twenty-seven 
years  of  age.  He  traveled  in  Michigan  as  commercial  agent  of  Geo.  W.  Pitkin  &  Co.,  deal- 
ers in  liquid  paints,  on  Clinton  Street,  Chicago. 

CHARLES  H.  LUDWIG,  a  resident  at  4101  State  Street,  was  born  in  Milwaukee,  Wisconsin, 
and  was  twenty-seven  years  of  age.  He  was  a  book-keeper  in  the  mantel  manufactory  of  C. 
L.  Page  &  Co. 

JOHN  B  GREINER,  residing  at  No.  70  North  California  Avenue,  was  born  in  Columbus, 
Ohio,  and  was  twenty-five  years  of  age.  He  was  a  stenographer  in  the  freight  department  of 
the  Chicago  and  Northwestern  Railway.  Mr.  Greiner's  mother  was,  after  the  trial,  the  recipi- 
ent of  so  many  threatening  letters  from  the  reds  that  she  almost  lost  her  mind. 

ANDREW  HAMILTON,  a  resident  at  1521  Forty-first  Street,  was  a  hardware  merchant  at  No. 
3913  Cottage  Grove  Avenue.  He  had  resided  in  Chicago  twenty  years. 

HARRY  T.  SANDFORD,  a  resident  of  Oak  Park,  was  born  in  New  York  City,  and  was 
twenty-five  years  of  age.  He  was  a  son  of  Attorney  Sandford,  compiler  of  the  Supreme 
Court  Reports  of  New  York,  and  since  his  arrival  in  Chicago  had  been  voucher  clerk  in  the 
auditor's  office  of  the  Chicago  and  Northwestern  Railway. 

SCOTT  G.  RANDALL,  a  resident  at  No.  42  La  Salle  Street,  was  born  in  Erie  County,  Penn- 
sylvania, and  was  twenty-three  years  of  age.  He  had  lived  in  Chicago  for  three  years,  and 
was  a  salesman  in  the  employ  of  J.  C.  Vaughn,  seedsman,  at  No.  45  La  Salle  Street. 


CHAPTER  XX. 

Judge  Grinnell's  Opening —  Statement  of  the  Case  —  The  Light  of  the  4th 
of  May  —  The  Dynamite  Argument  —  Spies'  Fatal  Prophecy  —  The  Eight-hour  Strike 
—  The  Growth  of  the  Conspiracy  —  Spies'  Cowardice  at  McCormick's  —  The  ' '  Revenge  " 
Circular — Work  of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitting  and  the  Alarm — The  Secret  Signal  —  A  Fright- 
ful Plan  —  ' '  Ruhe  "  —  Lingg,  the  Bomb-maker  —  The  Haymarket  Conspiracy  —  The 
Meeting  —  "We  are  Peaceable"  —  After  the  Murder  —  The  Complete  Case  Pre- 
sented. 

IT  was  on  Thursday,  the  i5th  of  July,  that  the  preliminary  work  was  fin- 
ally ended  and  the  court  was  ready  for  a  formal  statement  of  the  case. 
This  statement  was  made  by  State's  Attorney  Grinnell,  and  his  arraign- 
ment of  the  defendants  was  such  a  clear,  convincing  and  masterful  argu- 
ment—  giving,  as  it  did,  the  whole  history  of  the  Anarchist  conspiracy,  and 
foreshadowing  eloquently  and  in  detail  all  the  proof  which  was  to  be  got 
before  the  jury  —  that  I  will  print  here  a  verbatim  copy  of  his  speech, 
believing  that  the  reader  will  find  nowhere  else  so  business-like  a  statement 
of  what  these  prisoners  did  and  how  they  did  it. 

During  the  delivery  of  Mr.  Grinnell's  remarks  the  crowded  court-room, 

prisoners  and  sympathizing  Anarchists,  wounded  policemen,  judge,  jurors 

and  representatives  of  the  press  hung  upon  his  words  with  a  keen  interest 

which  has  seldom  been  duplicated  in  the  annals  of  American  jurisprudence. 

Mr.  Grinnell  said  : 

"GENTLEMEN:  —  For  the  first  time  in  the  history  of  our  country  are 
people  on  trial  for  their  lives  for  endeavoring  to  make  Anarchy  the  rule, 
and  in  that  attempt  for  ruthlessly  and  awfully  destroying  life.  I  hope  that 
while  the  youngest  of  us  lives  this  in  his  memory  will  be  the  last  and 
only  time  in  our  country  when  such  a  trial  shall  take  place.  It  will  or  will 
not  take  place  as  this  case  is  determined. 

"  The  State  now  and  at  no  time  hereafter  will  say  aught  to  arouse  your 
prejudices  or  your  indignation,  having  confidence  in  the  case  that  we  pre- 
sent ;  and  I  hope  I  shall  not  at  any  time  during  this  trial  say  anything  to 
you  which  will  in  any  way  or  manner  excite  your  passions.  I  want  your 
reason.  I  want  your  careful  analysis.  I  want  your  careful  attention.  We 
—  my  associates  and  myself  —  ask  the  conviction  of  no  man  from  malice, 
from  prejudice,  from  anything  except  the  facts  and  the  law.  I  am  here, 
gentlemen,  to  maintain  the  law,  not  to  break  it ;  and,  however  you  may  be- 
lieve that  any  of  these  men  have  broken  the  law  through  their  notions  of 
Anarchy,  try  them  on  the  facts.  We  believe,  gentlemen,  that  we  have  a 
case  that  shall  command  your  respect,  and  demonstrate  to  you  the  truthful- 
ness of  all  the  declarations  in  it,  and,  further,  that  by  careful  attention  and 
close  analysis  you  can  determine  who  are  guilty  and  the  nature  of  the  crime. 

"On  the  4th  of  May,  1886,  a  few  short  weeks  ago,  there  occurred,  at 
what  is  called  Haymarket  Square,  the  most  fearful  massacre  ever  witnessed 
or  heard  of  in  this  country.  The  crime  culminated  there  —  you  are  to  find 
the  perpetrators.  The  charge  against  the  defendants  is  that  they  are 


THE  STATE'S  CASE  STATED. 


responsible  for  that  act.  The  testimony  that  shall  be  presented  to  you  will 
be  the  testimony  which  will  show  their  innocence  or  their  guilty  complicity 
in  that  crime. 

"We  have  been  in  this  city  inclined  to  believe,  as  we  have  all  through 
the  country,  that,  however  extravagantly  men  may  talk  about  our  laws  and 
our  country,  however  severely  they  may  criticise  our  Constitution  and  our 
institutions ;  that  as  we  are  all  in  favor  of  full  liberty,  of  free  speech,  the 
great  good  sense  of  our  people  would  never  permit  acts  based  upon  senti- 
ments which  meant  the  overthrow  of  law.  We  have  believed  it  for  years  ; 
we  were  taught  it  at  our  schools  in  our  infancy,  we  were  taught  it  in  our 
maturer  years  in  school,  and  all  our  walks  in  life  thereafter  have  taught  us 
that  our  institutions,  founded  on  our  Constitution,  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence, and  our  universal  free- 
dom, were  above  and  beyond  all 
Anarchy.  The  4th  of  May  demon- 
strated that  we  were  wrong,  that 
we  had  too  much  confidence,  that  a 
certain  class  of  individuals,  some 
of  them  recently  come  here,  as  the 
testimony  will  show,  believe  that 
here  in  this  country  our  Constitu- 
tion is  a  lie.  Insults  are  offered  to 
the  Declaration  of  Independence, 
the  name  of  Washington  is  reviled 
and  traduced,  and  we  are  taught  by 
these  men,  as  the  testimony  will 
show,  that  freedom  in  this  country 
means  lawlessness  and  absolute 
licence  to  do  as  we  please,  no 
matter  whether  it  hurts  others  or 
not.  In  the  light  of  the  4th  of  May 
we  now  know  that  the  preachings 
of  Anarchy,  the  suggestions  of  these 
defendants  hourly  and  daily  for 
years,  have  been  sapping  our  in- 
stitutions, and  that  where  they  have 
cried  murder,  bloodshed,  Anarchy 
and  dynamite,  they  have  meant 
what  they  said,  and  proposed  to  do 
what  they  threatened. 

"We  will  prove,  gentlemen,  in  this  case,  that  Spies  no  longer  ago  than 
last  February  said  that  they  were  armed  in  this  city  for  bloodshed  and  riot. 
We  will  prove  that  he  said  then  that  they  were  ready  in  the  city  of  Chicago 
for  Anarchy,  and  when  told,  by  a  gentleman  to  whom  he  made  the  declara- 
tion, that  they  '  would  be  hung  like  snakes,'  said  —  and  there  was  the  insult 
to  the  Father  of  our  Country  —  then  he  said  George  Washington  was  no 
better  than  a  rebel,  as  if  there  was  any  possible  comparison  between  those 
declarations,  between  that  sentiment  of  Washington's  and  his  noble  deeds, 
and  the  Anarchy  of  this  man.  He  has  said  in  public  meetings  —  and  the 
details  of  them  I  will  not  now  worry  you  with  —  he  has  said  in  public  meet- 
ings for  the  last  year  and  a  half,  to  go  back  no  further  —  he  and  Neebe  and 
Schwab  and  Parsons  and  Fielden  have  said  in  public  meetings  here  in  the 


HON.  JULIUS  S.  GRINNELL. 
From  a  Photograph. 


392  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

city  of  Chicago  that  the  only  way  to  adjust  the  wrongs  of  any  man  was  by 
bloodshed,  by  dynamite,  by  the  pistol,  by  the  Winchester  rifle.  They  have 
advised,  as  will  appear  in  proof  here,  that  dynamite  was  cheap,  and  'you 
had  better  forego  some  luxuries,  buy  dynamite,  kill  capitalists,  down  with 
the  police,  murder  them,  dispose  of  the  militia,  and  then  demand  your 
rights.'  That  is  Anarchy. 

"On  the  nth  day  of  October,  1885,  in  a  prominent  public  hall  upon 
the  West  Side,  August  Spies,  the  defendant  in  this  case,  and  his  confreres 
there,  introduced  a  resolution  at  a  public  meeting,  in  which  he  said  that  he 
did  not  believe  that  the  eight-hour  movement  would  do  the  laboring  man 
any  good.  WTe  will  prove  in  this  case  that  he  has  always  been  opposed  to 
the  eight-hour  law.  That  is  not  what  he  wants.  He  wants  Anarchy. 
These  defendants  that  I  mentioned  passed  a  resolution,  which  we  shall  offer 
in  evidence  here,  and  it  shall  be  read  to  you  later — -to  the  effect  that  the 
laboring  men  must  arm,  must  prepare  themselves  with  rifles  and  dynamite. 
When  ?  By  the  ist  of  May,  1886,  because  then  would  come  the  contest. 

"I  will  prove  to  you  that  Parsons  —  be  it  said  to  the  shame  of  our 
country,  because  I  understand  that  he  was  born  on  our  soil  —  that  Parsons, 
in  an  infamous  paper  published  by  him,  called  the  Alarm,  has  defined  the 
use  of  dynamite,  told  how  it  should  be  used,  how  capitalists  could  be 
destroyed  by  it,  how  policemen  could  be  absolutely  wiped  from  the  face  of 
the  earth  by  one  bomb  ;  and  further  has  published  a  plan  in  his  paper  of 
street-warfare  by  dynamite  against  militia  and  the  authorities. 

"  Gentlemen,  leaders  of  any  great  cause  are  -either  neroes  or  cowards. 
The  testimony  in  this  case  will  show  that  August  Spies,  Parsons,  Schwab 
and  Neebe  are  the  biggest  cowards  that  I  have  ever  seen  in  the  course  of 
my  life.  They  have  advised  the  use  of  dynamite  and  have  advised  the 
destruction  of  property  for  months  and  years  in  the  city  of  Chicago,  and 
now  pitifully  smile  at  our  institutions,  as  they  have  through  their  lives  —  and, 
like  cowards  contemplating  crime,  they  sought  to  establish  an  alibi  for  the 
4th  of  May,  of  which  I  will  speak  directly. 

"  I  will  prove  to  you  further  that  in  January  last  August  Spies  told  a 
newspaper  reporter  of  integrity,  honesty  and  fidelity  that  they  were  going 
to  precipitate  the  matter  on  or  about  the  ist  of  May;  that  he  told  this  man 
how  they  could  dispose  of  the  police,  and  in  that  connection  he  told  that 
reporter  that  they  would  arrange  it  so  that  their  meeting  should  be  at  or 
near  the  intersection  of  two  streets.  Having  this  as  Randolph  Street  and 
Desplaines  (pointing  on  map),  not  calling  it  any  particular  name,  and  that 
he  would  have  a  meeting  in  which  there  should  be  assembled  large  bodies 
of  laboring  men,  of  which  he  falsely  claims  to  be  the  exponent ;  that  they 
would  be  located  just  above  the  intersection  of  the  streets  ;  that  he  and  his 
dynamiters  would  be  there ;  that  they  would  be  provided  with  dynamite 
bombs  at  the  place  of  meeting;  that  they  would  hold  a  meeting  there  ;  that 
the  police  or  the  militia  would  walk  up  towards  them ;  that  when  they  got 
up  there  their  dynamite-throwers  would  be  situated  on  different  sides  of  the 
street  near  the  walks  ;  that  when  they  proceeded  up  here  they  would  throw 
the  dynamite  into  their  ranks,  clean  them  out  and  take  possession  of  the 
town.  '  But,'  said  the  reporter  to  him,  '  Mr.  Spies,  that  sounds  to  me  like 
braggadocio  and  vaporing  nonsense.'  That  is,  gentlemen,  what  it  has 
sounded  to  us  for  years.  Let  it  sound  no  longer  like  that  to  us.  Spies  said 
to  him,  red  in  the  face  and  excited  :  '  I  tell  you  I  am  telling  the  truth,  and 
mark  my  words,  that  it  will  happen  on  or  about  the  ist  of  May,  1886.' 


AN  INSIDIOUS  PLOT.  393, 

And  the  reason  he  was  so  ready  to  say  so  was  because  he  believes  our  Con- 
stitution is  a  lie,  our  institutions  are  not  worthy  of  respect,  and  he  desires 
to  pose  as  a  leader,  although  in  fact  a  coward. 

"  That  is  not  all,  gentlemen.  Mr.  Spies  at  that  interview  at  that  time 
handed  that  gentlemanly  reporter  -T—  and  I  will  commend  him  to  you  now, 
whatever  may  be  your  notion  of  newspaper  men.  Look  at  that  man  when 
he  goes  upon  the  stand  and  judge  him  by  his  words  and  by  his  appearance. 
He,  Spies,  did  more  than  what  I  have  said.  At  that  time  he  handed  to  the 
newspaper  reporter  a  dynamite  bomb,  empty  —  almost  the  exact  duplicate 
of  the  bomb  Lingg  made  which  killed  the  officers ;  handed  it  to  this  witness 
and  said  to  him :  '  These  are  the  bombs  that  our  men  are  making  in  the 
city  of  Chicago,  and  they  are  distributed  from  the  Arbeiter-Zeitting  office, 
because  the  men  who  make  them  have  not  the  facilities  for  distributing 
them,  and  we  distribute  them  here.' 

"  Those  are  facts  that  will  be  proven  here. 

"  I  want  to  suggest  to  you  now,  gentlemen,  this  is  a  vastly  more  important 
case  than  perhaps  any  of  you  have  a  conception  of.  Perhaps  I  have  been 
with  it  so  long,  have  investigated  it  so  much,  come  in  contact  with  such 
fearful  and  terrible  things  so  often,  that  my  notions  may  be  somewhat  exag- 
gerated ;  but  I  think  not.  I  think  they  are  worse  even  than  my  conception 
has  pictured.  The  firing  upon  Fort  Sumter  was  a  terrible  thing  to  our 
country,  but  it  was  open  warfare.  I  think  it  was  nothing  compared  with 
this  insidious,  infamous  plot  to  ruin  our  laws  and  our  country  secretly  and 
in  this  cowardly  way ;  the  strength  of  our  institutions  may  depend  upon  this 
case,  because  there  is  only  one  step  beyond  republicanism — that  is  Anar- 
chy. See  that  we  never  take  that  step,  and  let  us  stand  to-day  as  we  have 
stood  for  years,  firmly  planted  on  the  laws  of  our  country. 

"After  teaching  Anarchy,  bombs,  the  manufacture  of  them  and  every- 
thing of  that  character  for  months,  and  I  may  say  for  years,  here  in  town, 
having  put  the  ball  in  motion,  having  done  everything  toward  the  end  they 
declared  should  be  accomplished  —  towards  the  end  they  sought  —  then 
began  the  numerous  conspiracies.  The  beginning  of  the  whole  matter  was. 
among  the  nest  of  snakes  in  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  office,  and  the  foundation 
of  the  conspiracy,  published,  notorious  and  open,  was  at  West  Twelfth 
Street  Turner  Hall,  on  the  nth  of  October  last.  At  that  time,  on  the  intro- 
duction of  that  resolution  by  Spies,  it  was  opposed  by  one  man  in  the 
audience,  who  is  a  labor  agitator,  but  not  an  Anarchist  —  opposed  by  one 
man  in  that  audience,  and  he  was  denounced ;  he  was  told  to  take  a  back 
seat,  and  in  support  of  the  resolution  it  was  there  said  by  Spies  —  and  a  man, 
as  I  understand,  by  the  name  of  Belz  was  chairman  —  that  the  time  for 
argument  has  passed  ;  the  only  argument  by  which  to  meet  these  things 
was  dynamite  and  the  rifle — by  force. 

"As  is  well  known,  requiring  no  proof,  for  a  long  time  before,  it  was 
arranged  by  a  universal  arrangement  or  consent  among  all  the  laboring 
classes  in  town  that  there  should  be  a  universal  strike  for  eight  hours,  to 
take  place  on  or  about  the  ist  day  of  May.  On  the  ist  day  of  May  began 
those  strikes.  On  the  2nd  —  on  the  3d  —  the  and  was  Sunday  —  on  the 
3d  day  of  May,  on  Monday,  you  will  remember  from  your  reading,  as  it 
will  appear  in  proof  here,  there  was  difficulty  at  McCormick's  factory 
down  on  what  they  called  the  Black  Road.  The  fact  about  that  meeting 
was  this :  A  large  number  of  lumber-shovers,  or  men  who  work  in  the 
lumber-yards,  had  a  meeting  appointed  to  wait  on  the  lumber-dealers,. 


394  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

There  were  a  great  many  of  them  Bohemians,  some  Germans,  and  some  of 
•other  nationalities — mostly  embraced  in  those  two  nationalities  that  I  first 
spoke  of,  but  all  nationalities  represented  there.  The  chief  officers  and  the 
chief  men  in  the  movement  were  Bohemians.  Some  of  them  will  be  pre- 
sented to  you  by  us.  The  committee  that  was  to  wait  upon  the  lumber- 
dealers  was  to  report  there  in  an  open  place  called  the  Black  Road,  or  in 
that  locality,  to  the  meeting,  what  the  lumber-dealers  proposed.  In  other 
words,  a  peaceful  proposition  was  made  by  that  committee  to  the  lumber- 
men to  accede  to  eight  hours,  and  a  meeting  was  held  there  ;  the  committee 
were  to  come  back  from  the  lumber-dealers  and  report  to  that  meeting. 
Spies  and  a  man  by  the  name  of  Fehling  —  who  ought  also  to  have  been  in 
this  indictment,  and  I  will  say  just  a  word  later  about  that  — one  other  man 
whose  identity  we  have  not  fully  established — went  down  there  uninvited 
by  any  of  that  committee,  or  by  the  chairman  of  it — went  down  there  and 
made  an  inflammatory  speech  for  the  purpose  of  precipitating  that  riot. 
'That  is  the  truth.  It  was  precipitated.  I  am  rather  inclined  to  think  that 
some  other  of  these  men  were  there.  I  am  not  going  to  state  anything  to 
you  here,  at  any  time,  in  this  case,  that  I  do  not  believe  I  can  prove.  I 
know  Spies  was  there,  and  spoke  from  the  top  of  a  car.  He  wrote  up  the 
speech  later  on,  which  I  will  speak  of  directly.  The  president  of  that  organ- 
ization down  there,  the  laborers,  opposed  his  speaking  and  informed  the 
people  that  this  man  was  not  one  of  them,  but  that  he  was  a  Socialist,  and 
they  did  not  want  to  hear  him.  He  insisted  upon  speaking,  and  the  friend 
that  was  with  him  has  fled  the  city  and  does  not  dare  return.  That  will  be 
in  proof.  Spies  did  the  unmanly  thing  that  he  always  does.  He  exasper- 
ated other  people  to  rush  on  McCormick's  regardless  of  the  president  of  that 
committee,  who  desired  quiet  and  peace  and  desired  it  honestly,  although 
he  was  in  favor  of  eight  hours.  But  Spies  is  not  anxious  for  eight  hours. 
We  will  prove  that  in  this  case.  He  does  not  want  eight  hours.  If  the 
laboring  men  —  if  the  bosses  and  employers  in  the  city  of  Chicago  on  the 
ist  day  of  May  had  universally  acceded  to  the  eight-hour  project,  Spies  was 
a  dead  duck ;  they  would  have  had  no  further  use  for  him,  and  he  didn't 
"want  it.  Therefore  he  went  down  there  and  exasperated  the  people,  and 
he  made  a  speech.  The  police  didn't  come  on  the  ground  until  after  Mc- 
Cormick's was  attacked,  and  until  after  stones  and  bombs  were  used,  or 
pistols  and  lead  against  McCormick's  factory.  What  does  Spies  do,  this 
redoubtable  knight  ?  He  runs  away  and  gets  home  just  as  soon  as  he  can.  He 
takes  a  car  and  comes  north.  I  will  say  nothing  more  about  that  meeting 
for  the  present.  Let  us  follow  Spies.  Now,  mind  you,  he  saw  trouble.  He 
had  exasperated  this  crowd  to  attack  McCormick's  ;  they  did  attack 
McCormick's,  and  stones  were  thrown  by  the  mob  at  McCormick's  men  — 
•some  of  them  — they  are  called  scabs  ;  they  didn't  happen  to  belong  to  any 
union.  Of  course  my  opinion  about  that  may  be  different  from  some  of 
yours  ;  I  will  not  criticise.  I  believe  one  man  is  just  as  good  as  another, 
whether  he  belongs  to  a  union  or  not.  If  he  is  an  honest  man  and  desires 
to  work,  I  think  he  ought  to  be  permitted  to  work.  But  those  fellows  didn't 
belong  to  the  union.  They  swam  across  the  river,  got  away  the  best  they 
could,  saved  their  lives.  But  what  does  Spies  do  ?  He  rushes  away  as 
soon  as  he  can,  when  he  sees  the  starting  of  the  difficulty  ;  when  he  has 
got  everybody  inflamed  into  frenzy  and  madness  he  quietly  gets  out  to  save 
his  august  person  ;  he  quietly  gets  out  and  goes  away.  That  is  not  all.  He 
lands  that  afternoon  at  the  corner  of  Desplaines  and  Lake,  where  there  was  a 


THE  "REVENGE"   CIRCULAR.  395 

crowd  of  other  men,  laborers  meeting  there,  and  pronounces  a  lie  by  telling 
them  that  '  twelve  or  fourteen  of  your  brothers  have  been  killed  at 
McCormick's,  and  by  the  bloodhounds,  the  police.'  Spies  knew  as  well 
as  anything  that  he  ever  knew  in  his  life  that  he  was  uttering  a  falsehood. 
He  knew,  if  he  knew  anything,  that,  so  far  as  his  observation  was  concerned, 
not  a  man  had  been  killed — not  a  single  man  had  been  killed  —  and  he 
inflamed  the  people  there  by  his  suggestion,  heated  as  he  was  and  showing 
excitement,  coming  in  there  at  Desplaines  and  Lake  at  that  meeting,  inflam- 
ing those  people  so  that  they  were  then  ready  to  go  with  the  torch  and  the 
sword  and  level  everything  before  them. 

"That  is  not  all.  He  left  there  about  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon, 
perhaps  between  four  and  five,  and  went  to  this  nest  of  treason  and  Anar- 
chy, No.  107  Fifth  Avenue,  and  there  about  five  o'clock  arrived,  heated, 
excited,  and  told  his  men  not  to  stop  work,  that  he  wanted  to  use  them. 
What  did  he  do  ?  He  then  and  there  wrote  what  is  called  the  '  Revenge ' 
circular.  It  is  written  in  English  and  in  German.  The  English  part  is 
tame,  more  tame  than  the  German  —  and  he  knew  what  he  was  doing  then  ; 
there  was  a  plan  in  that.  We  have  the  circular  as  printed,  which  will  be 
presented  to  you.  We  have  in  addition  to  that  the  type  from  which  it  was 
printed ;  we  have  in  addition  to  that  the  manuscript  from  which  the  type 
was  set.  The  manuscript  is  in  Spies'  handwriting  !  That  '  Revenge  '  cir- 
cular, gentlemen,  perpetrated  another  lie.  It  said  that  'six  of  your  brothers 
have  been  killed  at  McCormick's.'  He  decreased  it  a  little.  That  '  Re- 
venge '  circular  was  hurriedly  passed  out  to  all  the  German  settlements  of 
the  town  and  everywhere,  by  every  possible  means.  Neebe  distributed 
them  ;  others  distributed  them.  They  were  '  revenge  ; '  revenge  for  what  ? 
Revenge  for  the  declared  murder  of  the  brothers  of  the  laboring  men  at 
McCormick's  Monday  afternoon  —  when  he  had  no  knowledge  that  a  single 
man  was  killed.  I  have  since  learned  and  shall  prove  that  one  man  did 
die  days  or  weeks  afterwards  from  wounds  he  did  receive  there,  and  only 
one. 

"  I  want  to  suggest  another  thing  to  you  here.  It  will  appear  in  proof 
—  because  we  have  had  the  German  part  of  that  circular  translated  —  that 
the  German  part  of  that  circular  is  the  most  infamous  thing  that  ever  was 
in  print.  The  translation  of  the  German  part  of  that  circular  is  not  like 
the  English  part.  A  man  picking  up  the  circular  who  was  an  English 
scholar — as  I  remember,  the  English  part  of  the  circular  comes  first,  and  fol- 
lowing that  is  the  German  part  —  and  any  man,  even  some  of  these  German 
newspaper  men,  would  pick  that  up,  and  the  first  thing  they  would  read 
would  be  the  English  part,  not  the  German.  They  would  read  the  English 
hastily  through  and  they  would  say,  '  That's  some  of  Spies'  vaporing  non- 
sense again;  nothing  very  serious  about  it,  but  bad — bad  taste  —  bad 
judgment  in  inflamed  times.'  But  the  revenge  circular  as  printed  in  Ger- 
man is  altogether  a  different  thing  It  is  not  only  treason  and  Anarchy, 
but  a  bid  to  bloodshed,  and  a  bid  to  war.  Anybody  reading  the  English 
part  of  that  circular  would  drop  it —  even  the  Germans.  And  the  German 
newspapers  until  afterwards  did  not  perceive  the  dissimilarity  between  the 
two,  the  English  and  the  German.  Now,  where  is  this  matter  read  ?  It  is 
fortunate  for  the  English-speaking  people  that  defendants  embrace  only 
two  of  that  class  •  one  of  them  was  born  in  this  country,  the  other  in  Eng- 
land. That  circular  was  read  among  the  Germans.  That  circular  was 
spread  throughout  the  western  part  and  the  northern  part  of  the  city  of 


396  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

Chicago  and  in  other  places,  at  the  instance  of  Spies,  who  had  it  circulated 
himself.  '  Revenge  on  the  bloodhounds,  the  police.'  For  his  life,  in  re- 
gard to  those  who  were  killed,  he  could  not  have  known  whether  anybody 
was  killed  or  not,  because  he  took  care  of  his  royal  person  so  speedily  after 
the  difficulty  at  McCormick's  that  he  had  no  chance  to  know  whether  any- 
body was  killed,  and  he  took  good  care  to  see  that  he  was  not  hurt.  So 
much  for  the  '  Revenge '  circular. 

"  Now,  gentlemen,  we  are  getting  down  to  the  4th  of  May.  There  is  more 
in  it  than  this.  Monday  was  the  3d  day  of  May ;  Tuesday  was  the  4th,  the 
day  the  bomb  was  thrown.  Everything  was  ripe  with  the  Anarchists  for 
ruining  the  town.  Bombs  were  to  be  thrown  in  all  parts  of  the  city  of 
Chicago.  Everything  was  to  be  done  that  could  be  done  to  ruin  law  and 
order.  I  wish  to  say  right  here,  gentlemen,  that  the  proof  in  this  case  will 
develop  a  strange  state  of  facts  in  regard  to  the  complicity  of  others  in  this 
matter,  and  in  that  particular  perhaps  there  ought  to  be  some  apology  for 
myself.  The  conspiracy  was  so  large,  the  number  of  criminals  interested 
in  that  conspiracy  so  appalling,  that  I  distrusted  my  own  judgment,  and, 
whereas  in  my  soul  I  believed  that  at  least  thirty  men  and  perhaps  more 
should  have  been  indicted  for  murder,  the  developments  in  the  case  were  of 
that  kind,  when  the  grand  jury  was  in  session,  that  the  facts  could  not  all 
clearly  be  known.  And  further,  there  was  that  feeling  and  inspiration  in 
the  matter,  if  you  please,  that  the  leaders,  the  men  who  have  incited  these 
things,  the  men  who  have  caused  this  anarchy  and  bloodshed  here,  and 
who  seek  for  more  —  that  they  should  be  picked  out  and,  if  possible,  pun- 
ished and  blotted  out. 

"The  Arbeiter-Zeitung,  the  paper  itself  —  we  shall  attempt  to  show  you  in 
proof  here  its  circulation,  or  its  sworn  issue  for  a  year.  We  will  have  them 
translated  for  you.  We  will  also  attempt  to  show  to  you  from  the  Alarm,  the 
English  organ  of  the  Anarchists  —  that  is  what  it  is  called,  just  think  of  it  — 
the  English  organ  of  the  Anarchists,  published  by  the  redoubtable  and 
courageous  Parsons.  We  will  show  you  in  proof  its  writings  and  its  senti- 
ments, its  invitations  to  Anarchy,  to  bloodshed,  to  the  throwing  of  bombs, 
and  his  advice  to  people  how  to  make  bombs. 

"  If  I  prove  only  this  that  I  have  stated  to  you,  it  seems  to  me  that  from 
every  principle  of  law  and  evidence,  from  every  principle  of  justice,  the 
men  whose  names  I  have  mentioned  should  be  punished. 

"  But  one  step  more.  This  was  Monday  night,  remember,  that  Spies 
wrote  the  '  Revenge  '  circular.  That  was  not  all  he  wrote.  He  himself 
wrote  the  account  of  his  speech,  wrote  the  account  of  the  McCormick  riot, 
wrote  his  notions  about  it,  and  that  is  in  his  handwriting.  We  have  the 
manuscript.  And  in  that  he  said  this,  gentlemen  —  that  'so  far  as  the 
McCormick  matter  was  concerned  it  was  a  failure,  and  if  there  only  had 
been  one  bomb  the  result  might  have  been  different.'  The  one  bomb  at 
least  was  supplied  by  his  inflammatory  utterances  the  next  night. 

"On  Monday  evening,  after  Spies  had  inflamed  these  people  up  there — 
on  Monday  in  the  daytime,  rather,  appeared  in  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung,  a  news- 
paper published  at  107  Fifth  Avenue  —  it  is  a  four-page  paper,  it  has  been 
constantly  and  carefully  read  in  the  progress  of  this  trial  by  the  gentlemen 
seated  over  there  in  a  row  —  in  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  appeared  on  Monday 
in  a  column  devoted  to  editorial  notices,  a  secret  word  for  the  meeting  of 
the  armed  men.  That  was  in  German  —  the  letter  '  Y,'  called  ypsilon  in 
German  — "  Ypsilon,  come  Monday  night."  Ypsilon  was  the  secret  word 


7 HE  SECRET  SIGNAL  "K"  397 

agreed  on  by  the  armed  men  to  meet  in  secret  session,  when  they  saw 
printed  in  this  treasonable  sheet  that  secret  word.  As  I  am  informed  and 
believe  from  the  proof,  Balthasar  Rau  wrote  that  secret  word.  The  armed 
men  of  the  Anarchists,  to  be  brief,  are  those  of  the  Anarchists  who  are  will- 
ing to  throw  bombs  and  fire  pistols  behind  people's  backs.  It  is  divided 
into  groups.  Why,  all  their  literature  from  Pittsburg  to  San  Francisco, 
including  the  pen  of  Neebe,  Spies,  Schwab  and  Parsons  —  all  of  them  have 
advised  how  to  make  up  groups,  based  upon  the  Anarchistic  notions.  On 
that  page  appears  this  secret  word.  Balthasar  Rau  is  the  confidential 
friend  of  Spies,  works  in  their  office ;  he  is  not  an  editorial  writer,  he  is  not 
a  writer  at  all,  unless  he  occasionally  essays  to  say  something  in  print.  I 
do  not  know,  but  I  believe  that  that  is  his  writing,  the  letter  '  Y  '  in  Ger- 
man — '  Come  Monday  night.'  That  is  all  there  was  of  it.  What  does  it 
mean  ?  Pursuant  to  that  secret  word,  on  Monday  night  —  that  is  the  same 
night  that  Spies  got  back  from  McCormick's  —  on  that  night  the  armed 
men  did  assemble  pursuant  to  '  Ypsilon,  come  Monday  night,'  and  they 
knew  where  to  go  to.  They  went  to  Greif's  Hall.  Greif's  Hall  is  on  Lake 
Street,  just  east  of  Clinton."  Mr.  Grinnell  indicated  the  points  on  a  map. 
"  This  is  Zepf's  Hall  (indicating)  ;  the  name  will  be  mentioned  to  you. 
Here  is  Desplaines  Street  Station,  so  that  you  can  keep  in  your  mind  from 
this  map  the  idea.  Here  is  Desplaines  Street  Station ;  north  up  here  to 
Lake,  Zepf's  Hall;  east,  Greif's  Hall.  They  met.  Greif's  Hall  is  a  four- 
story  building,  as  I  remember;  a  family  lives  in  it,  there  is  a  saloon,  and 
down  in  the  basement  is  a  place  for  truck  and  one  thing  and  another,  and 
also  a  rough-and-ready  place  for  meetings.  The  armed  men .  were  there ; 
Fischer  was  there ;  Lingg  was  there ;  Engel  was  there.  The  armed  men 
met  there  with  others  —  other  armed  men  than  those  that  I  have  mentioned. 
They  pass  into  Greif's  Hall;  they  say  to  Mr.  Greif :  '  Have  you  a  hall  we 
can  take?'  He  said:  'No,  my  halls  are  all  occupied  ;' one  kind  of  labor 
association  was  meeting  in  one  hall,  and  another  in  another  ;  but  he  said, 
'  If  you  want  the  basement ' —  and  I  have  a  plan  and  map  of  the  basement  -  - 
'if  you  want  the  basement,  go  down  stairs  and  hold  your  meeting.'  So 
these  men,  the  numbers  of  them  variously  estimated  from  thirty  to  sixty, 
meet  in  that  place.  Among  them  were  Fischer,  Lingg,  Engel  and  Schnau- 
belt.  Schnaubelt  is  in  this  indictment,  and  not  here.  He  has  run  away. 
These  men  met  in  this  hall  underneath  the  saloon,  a  dingy  and  dark  base- 
ment —  the  only  proper  place  for  conspirators  —  by  the  light  of  a  dingy  lamp  — 
and  they  held  an  organized  meeting.  The  plan  of  warfare  was  devised  — 
not  for  the  next  night.  I  will  explain  that.  But  for  some  night.  Engel,  a 
man  who  is  gray,  has  been  in  this  country  some  years  and  talks  some  Eng- 
lish—  he  understands  me,  andi laughs  and  smiles  at  every  word  I  utter  — 
Engel  was  at  that  meeting  that  night,  and  told  the  plan.  I  am  going  to  be 
brief  about  the  recitation  of  that  plan.  That  was  the  most  fearfully  declared 
plan  that  I  ever  heard  in  my  life.  It  meant  destruction  to  this  town  abso- 
lutely if  this  programme  had  been  carried  out.  Engel  said  :  '  When  you 
see  printed  in  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung,  under  the  Letter-box,  the  word  '  Ruhe,' 
that  night  prepare  for  war.'  'Ruhe'  means  'rest,'  'peace.'  The 
manuscript  for  that  is  in  our  possession  and  is  in  the  handwriting  of  Spies. 
That  word  on  Tuesday  morning  appeared  in  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  and  in  a 
double  lead,  with  an  emphasis  under  it,  before  it  and  behind  it.  It  meant 
'war.'  They  understood  it;  and  Engel  refers  to  Fischer  in  the  meeting 
and  he  says:  'Is  not  this  the  order  of  the  Northwest  group  ?'  That  is 


3g8  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

another  group  for  conspiracy  and  treason.  Fischer  said 'Yes.'  As  I  am 
informed,  Fischer  undertook  to  carry  the  word  back  to  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung 
office  and  have  it  inserted.  Fischer  was  the  foreman  of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung 
office  at  that  time.  He  carried  the  word  back,  I  assume.  Spies  wrote  it 
out,  double-leaded  it,  made  it  emphatic,  and  they  were  ready  for  war. 

"But  that  was  not  all.  Somebody  had  to  make  the  bombs.  Lingg  was 
there,  and  he  said  that  he  would  make  the  bombs.  He  was  the  bomb-maker 
of  the  Anarchists,  and  we  have  found  and  traced  to  him  at  least  twenty-two 
of  these  infernal  machines,  one  of  which  passed  from  his  hands  to  the  man 
who  threw  it  at  the  Haymarket  Square.  I  will  prove  to  your  absolute 
satisfaction  that  Lingg  made  the  bomb  that  killed  the  officers,  and  will  show 
to  you  that  it  was  his  bomb,  and  his  manufacture  alone.  Lingg  lived  at 
No.  442  Sedgwick  Street,  occupied  a  room  in  Seliger's  house.  Seliger  is 
in  this  indictment  for  murder  also.  He  is  not  on  trial.  I  am  not  yet  pre- 
pared to  say  whether  the  State  will  use  him  as  a  witness  or  not.  I  will 
have  a  suggestion  to  make  on  that  subject  directly. 

"Lingg  was  to  make  the  bombs.  Engel  devised  the  plan  and  deliber- 
ately told  him  over  and  over  so  that  there  would  be  no  mistake.  Now,  what 
was  the  plan?  That  these  conspirators  should  proceed  to  Lingg's  house 
that  next  night,  or  before  night,  and  obtain  from  Lingg  the  bombs.  He 
had  already  sixteen  halves,  or  eight  whole  bombs.  But  he  wanted  more, 
and  they  were  to  be  filled  with  dynamite  on  Tuesday  afternoon. 

"  And  what  next  ?  Then  these  people  were  informed  where  they  could 
obtain  them,  and  he  was  to  go,  as  he  did,  in  the  evening,  or  between  seven 
and  eight  o'clock,  to  Neff's  Hall,  at  No.  58  Clybourn  Avenue.  They  went 
to  work.  There  Seliger  helped  fill  the  bombs  that  afternoon.  Lingg  was 
there.  Lingg  left  in  the  afternoon.  He  didn't  stay  there  through  it  all, 
but  came  back  again.  I  do  not  think  that  Lingg  was  at  the  Haymarket 
that  night ;  he  may  have  been ;  I  don't  think  he  was.  His  part  on  the  pro- 
gramme—  part  of  it  had  been  performed  —  was  to  furnish  the  bombs  and 
do  the  work  elsewhere. 

"Now,  gentlemen,  just  look  at  this  plan,  and  this  is  the  plan  that  Engel 
told  them  should  be  performed.  They  were  to  get  these  bombs ;  certain  of 
them  were  to  be  at  the  Haymarket  Square,  where  this  meeting  was ;  and  in 
this  meeting,  mind  you,  in  this  conspiracy  meeting  the  programme  was  that 
there  should  be  at  least  twenty-five  thousand  laboring  men  present ;  that 
they  would  not  hold  the  meeting  down  on  the  square,  but  that  they  would 
get  up  in  the  street,  because  they  were  out  in  a  great  open  place  there,  the 
police  could  come  down  on  them  and  clean  them  all  out ;  but  they  must 
get  back  where  the  alleys  were,  instead  of  holding  the  meeting  down  here 
where  it  was  advertised.  You  see  there  are  two  blocks  here.  Instead  of 
holding  the  meeting  on  this  broad  spot  here  (indicating  on  the  map),  they 
were  to  hold  it  up  here  ;  and  that  very  thing  was  discussed  down  there  that 
night  in  the  conspiracy  meeting,  as  to  the  feasibility  of  holding  it  here 
where  the  police  could  corner  them.  Then  these  individuals  with  the 
bombs  were  to  distribute  themselves  in  different  parts  of  the  city.  They 
were  to  destroy  the  station-houses ;  they  were  to  throw  bombs  at  every 
patrol  wagon  that  they  saw  going  toward  the  Haymarket  Square  with 
police  officers.  They  expected  there  would  be  a  row  down  there  at  the 
Haymarket  Square,  of  course.  There  was  going  to  be  one  bomb  thrown 
there  at  least,  and  perhaps  more,  and  that  would  call  the  police  down  ;  but 
the  police  must  be  taken  care  of  and  must  not  be  permitted  to  go,  and  they 


THE  HAYMARKET  MEETING.  399, 

were  to  be  destroyed,  absolutely  wiped  off  from  the  earth  by  bombs  in, 
other  parts  of  the  city.  And  Lingg  went  around  with  bombs  in  his  pocket 
that  night  and  desired  to  throw  them  at  a  patrol  wagon  and  was  only 
restrained  by  his  friends.  And  they  were  to  build  a  fire  up  toward  Wicker 
Park  —  some  building  was  to  be  set  on  fire  for  the  purpose  of  attracting  the 
police  in  that  direction  and  scattering  them  about.  Others  were  to  take 
other  parts  of  the  city  and  burn  them  so  that  they  would  be  destroyed. 

"  Now,  this  sounds  as  if  it  was  a  large  story.  But  that  is  what  Spies 
had  been  talking  for  years ;  that  is  what  Parsons  had  been  talking  for 
years  ;  that  is  what  he  came  back  here  so  courageously,  on  the  arm  of  the 
learned  counsel  on  the  other  side,  to  hear  again  in  court. 

"That  meeting  that  night  was  fruitful  of  great  results.  A  bomb  was, 
thrown  at  the  Haymarket,  and  seven  killed  and  many  others  injured.  It  is 
not  necessary  for  me  to  go  into  any  more  of  the  details  of  that  conspiracy. 
It  was  carried  out  to  the  letter. 

"Now,  there  is  one  other  little  step  in  this  case,  gentlemen,  that  I  wish 
to  bring  to  your  attention.  When  that  '  Revenge  '  circular  was  circulated,. 
Fischer,  immediately  thereafter,  and  at  the  conspiracy  meeting  —  Fischer 
is  the  foreman  printer  of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung,  and  the  immediate  friend  of 
Spies  and  all  these  people  —  Fischer  was  to  advertise,  to  see  that  the 
proper  number  of  people  came  to  that  meeting,  and  he  got  up  an  advertise- 
ment, and  it  was  printed.  He  ordered  twenty  thousand.  That  advertise- 
ment will  be  presented  to  you  in  the  proof.  That  advertisement  called  for 
'Revenge'  and  'A  big  meeting  of  the  workingmen  at  the  Haymarket 
Square  on  Tuesday  night.'  Now,  you  see,  the  'Ruhe'  had  appeared.  The 
conspiracy  was  all  complete ;  everything  was  arranged ;  there  was  only  one 
step  more  to  make — to  get  the  laboring  men  there  —  because,  thank  God,, 
all  the  laboring  men  were  not  in  this  conspiracy.  A  very  few  were  in  it. 
It  is  to  their  credit,  gentlemen ;  and  in  my  investigation  in  this  case  I  have 
more  respect  for  the  laboring  man  than  I  had  before.  The  laboring  mart 
as  a  class  is  an  honest  man,  and  when  he  saw  the  '  Revenge '  circular  and 
the  call  'to  arms'  he  stayed  away.  Fischer  had  the  advertisement  printed,, 
and  the  last  sentence  is  this  :  'Workingmen,  come  armed.'  But  that  was 
a  little  too  much  for  Spies ;  that  was  too  close  home.  After  about  five 
thousand  of  these  circulars  were  printed,  Spies  orders  that  sentence 
stricken  out ;  but  the  whole  twenty  thousand  were  distributed,  and  with 
Spies'  knowledge.  Spies  was  preparing  the  alibi. 

"  On  the  evening  of  Tuesday,  at  107  Fifth  Avenue,  there  was  a  meeting 
of  these  conspirators,  of  these  Anarchists,  of  what  is  called  the  American 
group,  that  Parsons  and  Fielden  and,  I  suppose,  Spies  belong  to,  and 
some  others.  That  was  held  at  107  Fifth  Avenue.  That  is  at  the  Arbeit er- 
Zeitung  office.  They  were  there  on  Tuesday  night.  Parsons  was  on  Hal- 
sted  Street,  to  be  sure,  but  yet  seemed  anxious  to  get  away  and  go  down  to 
this  other  meeting  on  the  South  Side.  He  went  down  there.  The  meet- 
ing was  advertised  for  a  large  number  of  laboring  men.  The  laboring  men 
did  not  materialize  to  any  large  extent.  Between  Halsted  and  Desplaines 
there  were  hundreds  of  people  walking  oackwards  and  forwards,  wondering 
why  the  meeting  did  not  take  place.  It  was  advertised  for  half  past  seven ; 
they  expected  to  precipitate  the  matter  at  half  past  seven,  because,  pursu- 
ant to  'Ruhe'  and  the  other  declarations,  and  pursuant  to  Engel  and 
Lingg  and  Fischer's  arrangement  at  the  conspiracy  meeting,  they  were  to 
begin  their  work  in  the  other  parts  of  the  city  about  eight  o'clock,  as  they 


400  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

expected  the  police  would  precipitate  the  difficulty — they  would  precipi- 
tate the  difficulty  by  the  police  coming  about  eight,  or  between  half  past 
:seven  and  eight.  Good  speakers  were  advertised,  yet  no  names  given. 
Spies  went  over  there  that  night  himself,  wandered  around,  seemed  care- 
less, walked  over  here  with  his  friend  Schnaubelt,  up  to  the  other  street 
—  with  Schwab,  too.  Schwab  went  away  finally  .and  went  up  to  Deering. 
They  marched  backwards  and  forwards  there,  and  finally  Spies  comes  back 
to  the  corner  here  and  opens  the  meeting,  and  says,  when  he  opens  it : 
'We  will  not  obstruct  that  road  on  Randolph  Street,  but  will  go  up  here.' 
'So  he  got  where  he  had  always  said  they  would  get,  just  above  the  inter- 
section of  the  streets.  They  got  up  there  on  the  wagon,  and  Spies 
opened  the  meeting. 

''Now,  gentlemen,  we  have  got  down  to  the  meeting.  I  have  endeav- 
ored to  give  you,  in  a  kind  of  historical  way,  how  this  thing  leads  up  to, 
without  saying  specifically,  the  proof.  I  have  told  you  that  we  would  prove 
declarations  of  these  men,  time  out  of  number,  about  dynamite  and 
bombs,  and  the  destruction  of  property  and  the  destruction  of  the 
police.  That  we  will  attempt  to  do.  There  is  no  need  of  my  specifying  or 
saying  what  each  individual  witness  will  say. 

"  Neebe  has  upheld  bloodshed  and  riot  time  and  again,  although  from 
all  the  inquiries  put  to  you  it  would  seem  as  if  he  was  known  as  one  of 
these  peaceable,  peaceful,  quiet  labor  organizers. 

"  The  laboring  men  did  not  come  to  any  large  extent.  There  probably 
were  not  two  thousand  men  there  at  any  time,  even  early  in  the  evening. 
There  were  not  enough  there  to  get  up  a  riot.  They  could  not  get  up  a 
riot  with  such  a  small  number  as  that,  and  they  were  compelled  to  have 
somebody  speak  to  keep  what  they  had ;  they  were  dissolving  —  going 
away.  Now,  Spies  was  there.  He  is  the  man,  I  think,  that  knew  of 
'  Ruhe  ;  '  I  think  that  he  himself  will  state  —  I  think  others  will  state  —  that 
they  knew  of  all  the  circumstances  about  the  'Ruhe,'  and  about  what  they 
were  going  to  do.  I  think  the  proof  will  show  that  he  knew  of  the  whole 
conspiracy.  He  did  not  stop  it.  They  will  undertake  to  show  that  he 
tried  to.  Now,  I  want  you  to  watch  that  carefully.  We  will  have  some- 
thing to  say  on  that  subject  as  the  basis  of  all  this.  There  never  was  a  great 
criminal  in  the  world,  especially  if  he  was  a  coward,  but  what,  if  he  under- 
took to  commit  a  great  crime  and  wanted  to  conceal  himself,  he  prepared 
.an  alibi.  Parsons,  Fielden,  Schwab,  Neebe  and  Spies  prepared  that  alibi. 
They  were  going  to  let  these  three  other  men  suffer,  let  the  man  that  threw 
the  bomb  surfer ;  but  they,  who  had  been  teaching  dynamite  for  years, 
.asking  people  to  throw  bombs  for  years  —  they,  after  the  bomb  had  been 
thrown,  were  going  to  say  that  they  were  not  liable  at  all. 

"  Now,  at  that  meeting,  Spies  got  back  up  here  and  opened  the  meeting. 
There  was  some  significance  in  the  very  way  he  opened  it.  We  will  have 
it  all  here.  Fortunately,  one  of  the  newspaper  reporters — Mr.  English,  of 
the  Tribune — stood  there  with  his  overcoat  on,  with  his  hands  in -his  pocket, 
not  daring  to  take  his  paper  out,  and  took  a  minute  of  everything  that  was 
said  —  wrote  in  shorthand,  with  his  hand  in  his  pocket,  what  they  said,  as 
long  as  he  could.  Spies  opened  the  meeting  up  here  near  the  alley.  A 
wagon  was  standing  there  upon  which  they  stood  and  from  which  they 
spoke.  Spies  found  that  the  meeting  was  going  to  dissolve  ;  there  wasn't 
going  to  be  any  interference  by  the  police  to  any  extent  unless  they  could 
ikeep  that  crowd  there.  So  he  sends  Balthasar  Rau  over  to  the  Arbeiter- 


CONSPIRACY  AND  COWARDICE.  401 

Zeitung  office,  where  the  American  group  were.  Now,  how  did  he  know  that 
they  were  over  there  ?  They  went  over  to  the  Arbeit er~ Zeitung  office  to  get 
Parsons,  Fielden  and  the  rest  of  them  to  come  over  and  address  the  meet- 
ing, and  they  came  over,  and  we  will  have  what  they  said  —  where  speeches 
were  inflammatory,  denunciatory,  crying  for  bloodshed  —  everything  of  that 
character. 

"Gentlemen,  I  have  called  several  of  these  men  cowards.  The  testi- 
mony will  show  that  they  are.  I  am  rather  inclined  to  think  that  Fielden, 
although  he  is  an  Anarchist,  is  the  only  man  in  the  whole  crowd  that  stood 
his  ground  that  night. 

"  The  history  of  the  throwing  of  that  bomb  shows  that  the  police  did  not 
interfere  any  too  soon.  Gentlemen,  it  is  our  humble  opinion,  from  looking 
this  case  all  over,  that  Inspector  Bonfield,  although  it  is  sad  to  think  that 
life  is  destroyed  —  I  think  Inspector  Bonfield  did  the  wisest  thing  that  he 
possibly  could  have  done,  to  have  called  the  police  there  that  night  as  he 
did.  If  he  had  not,  the  next  night  it  would  have  had  to  be  done,  or  the  next, 
and  whereas  seven  poor  men  are  dead,  there  would  have  been  instead  hun- 
dreds, perhaps  thousands.  I  say  again,  to  the  credit  of  Bonfield  and  the 
police,  I  wish  it  understood  that  at  that  meeting  it  was  the  wisest  thing  that 
ever  happened  to  this  town,  although  cruel  as  it  may  seem  in  the  light  of  the 
fact  that  seven  died.  Hundreds  and  perhaps  thousands  were  saved. 
Anarchy  had  been  taught  and  cried  for  months  ;  it  had  almost  come  with 
its  demoralization,  and  the  strength  and  courage  of  the  police  saved  the 
town. 

"About  ten  o'clock,  from  the  reports  coming  to  Bonfield,  as  will  appear 
in  proof,  the  inflammatory  utterances  of  these  American  citizens,  of  these 
people,  had  decided  Bonfield  that  the  meeting  must  be  broken  up.  He  was 
wise.  He  passed  down  there  with  his  force  of  police,  and,  gentlemen,  not  a 
policeman  except  the  commanding  officer  in  front  had  a  weapon  in  his  hand. 
They  marched  down  there  shoulder  to  shoulder,  covering  the  whole  street, 
and  came  to  the  wagon.  Fielden  was  shouting  to  the  police,  talking  about 
the  bloodhounds  as  they  advanced,  because  he  was  facing  them  as  he  spoke. 
He  probably  saw  them  as  they  turned  the  corner.  They  formed  here 
(indicating  On  the  map),  in  this  court  back  here,  and  marched  into  the 
street  at  Desplaines,  occupying  almost  the  entire  width  of  the  street,  facing 
down  —  what  we  may  call  up  Desplaines  Street,  north  towards  where  this 
meeting  was.  The  meeting  was  held  about  the  vicinity  of  that  alley.  This 
property  here,  all  through  there,  is  Crane's  factory — R.  T.  Crane  &  Co. 
Here  is  an  alley  that  runs  in  through  here.  Eagle  Street  is  here,  and  of 
course  here  is  Lake,  and  here  is  Randolph.  Fielden  was  speaking  ;  the 
police  came  up  to  the  wagon  ;  Captain  Ward  stepped  up  to  the  crowd  and 
told  them  that  he  commanded  them,  in  the  name  of  the  people  of  the  State 
of  Illinois,  to  depart,  to  leave,  to  disperse.  He  made  the  ordinary  statutory 
declaration.  Fielden  stepped  from  the  wagon  and  said  :  'We  are  peace- 
able,' so  that  it  could  be  heard  a  long  distance  around  him.  At  that  moment 
a  man,  who  a  moment  before  had  been  on  the  wagon,  stepped  to  the  corner 
of  that  alley,  lighted  the  bomb  and  threw  it  into  the  police.  Fielden  stepped 
from  the  wagon  and  began  firing.  He  is  the  only  one,  I  told  you,  of  the 
crowd,  that  has  got  any  of  the  elements  of  the  hero  in  him  ;  he  was  willing 
to  stand  his  ground.  The  others  fled.  Parsons  never  did  a  manly  thing 
in  his  life,  and  neither  did  the  others.  They  are  not  for  law ;  they  are 
against  the  law.  Although  Fielden  is  against  the  law,  he  did  have  the 


402  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

English  stubbornness  to  stand  up  there  and  shoot,  and  he  fired  from  over 
the  wagon  until  finally  he  disappeared. 

"  I  have  given  you  in  detail  a  good  deal  of  the  proof.  I  have  told  you 
the  reason  that  I  did  it  was,  not  only  for  your  own  edification,  but  so  that 
these  gentlemen  could  know  what  we  expect  to  prove.  We  have  nothing 
to  conceal,  we  have  nothing  to  hide.  We  expect  as  fair  a  statement  from 
them  as  to  their  case. 

"I  have  only  a  word  or  two  more  to  you,  gentlemen.  Remember, 
gentlemen,  that  this  meeting  was  called  for  half-past  seven.  The  police 
did  not  appear  until  half-past  ten.  There  are  nearly  three  long  hours  — 
about  half-past  ten,  between  ten  and  half-past  ten.  The  bomb-throwers  had 
become  discouraged.  Those  individuals  that  were  situated  in  different 
parts  of  the  town  had  not  received  the  communication,  because  the  con- 
spiracy embraced  the  fact  that  spies  were  to  be  located  there  to  scatter  the 
word,  and  then  was  to  continue  this  destruction.  The  police  came  so  late, 
and  so  many  went  away,  that  it  was  absolutely  coming  very  near  to  being  a 
fiasco.  They  had  been  arranging  for  it  for  months.  The  conspiracy  had 
been  clearly  declared  and  established.  The  only  thing  they  needed  was 
the  crowd.  The  crowd  failed  to  come.  The  police  failed  to  interfere,  and 
finally,  at  the  last  moment,  having  interfered,  most  of  those  that  were  there 
had  gone.  And  there  was  another  thing.  These  men  that  were  interested 
in  the  throwing  of  the  bomb  were  paralyzed,  notwithstanding  their  firing 
and  the  shooting,  by  the  attitude  of  the  police  who  stood  up  there  ;  and  in 
all  my  examination  of  these  men,  asking  each  and  every  one  of  them  as  far 
as  I  could  what  they  did  there  that  night,  I  have  failed  to  find  a  man  that 
ran.  They  stood  up  there  and  fired  at  these  wretches  who  were  pouring  into 
them,  from  both  sides  of  the  street,  a  volley  of  shots  from  pistols.  One 
bomb  was  fired  and  thrown,  and  just  the  moment  that  happened,  not  a 
policeman  with  his  club — scarcely  one  —  not  a  policeman  with  a  pistol  in 
his  hand,  but  every  one  standing  there  waiting  for  orders.  The  bomb  was 
thrown,  and  the  firing  began  from  both  sides  of  the  policemen  and  from  the 
crowd,  and  them  alone.  The  police  never  fired  a  shot  until  after  many  of 
their  men  had  already  bit  the  dust. 

"  I  will  attempt  to  show  to  you,  gentlemen,  who  threw  the  bomb,  from 
this  locality  (indicating  on  map).  I  have  said  to  you  that  the  bomb  that 
was  thrown  was  made  by  Lingg.  I  will  prove  that. 

"  I  have  one  other  suggestion  to  make  to  you.  There  never  was  a  con- 
spiracy in  the  world,  either  small  or  great  —  not  a  conspiracy  ever  estab- 
lished in  the  world,  but  what  there  was  needed  some  conspirator  to  give  the 
first  information  of  its  existence  and  its  purposes.  I  want  you  to  be  cautious, 
gentlemen,  about  an  unjust  criticism  of  any  member  of  that  conspiracy 
who  first  gave  us  the  ideas  about  it  and  its  ends.  Seliger  gave  us  the 
information,  the  first  information,  which  led  to  the  knowledge  of  this  terrible 
conspiracy,  led  to  the  knowledge  of  the  facts  relating  to  it.  I  said  to  you,  we 
may  not  use  Seliger ;  but  I  say  to  you  this,  gentlemen,  that  not  a  single 
conspirator  placed  upon  the  witness-stand  by  the  State  shall  be  so  placed 
there  without  we  can  do  something  to  corroborate  his  statements ;  and  even 
if  we  do  not,  I  have  yet  to  learn  of  a  man  that  dare  say  that  that  conspiracy 
did  not  exist.  And  so  far  as  that  is  concerned  as  a  question  of  law,  when  a 
conspirator  or  a  co-conspirator  gives  his  testimony  in  court,  you  have  a  right 
to  reject  it  if  you  desire.  But,  gentlemen,  before  you  reject  it  the  court 
will  simply  instruct  you  in  regard  to  a  conspirator's  testimony  that  his  tes- 


THE  LA  W  OF  ACCESSORY.  403 

timony  is  to  be  considered  like  any  other  witness,  and  that  you  have  a  right 
to  consider  his  credibility  in  view  of  the  fact  that  he  is  a  co-conspirator. 

"This  indictment  is  for  murder,  a  serious  charge.  Under  our  statute 
the  jury  fixes  the  penalty.  If  murder,  the  penalty  is  not  less  than  fourteen 
years  ;  it  may  be  for  life ;  it  may  be  the  death  penalty.  For  manslaughter, 
the  lower  degree  under  murder,  under  our  statute,  which  is  somewhat  dif- 
ferent from  statutes  in  other  States,  the  penalty  is  any  number  of  years'  im- 
prisonment and  may  be  for  life.  The  indictment  in  this  case  is  for  murder. 
There  are  a  great  many  counts  here,  but  the  chief  thing  is  the  count  against 
these  men  for  murder.  Now,  it  is  not  necessary  in  a  case  of  this  kind,  nor 
in  any  case  of  murder,  or  any  other  kind,  that  the  individual  who  commits 
the  exact  and  particular  offense — for  instance,  the  man  who  threw  the  bomb  — 
should  be  in  court  at  all.  He  need  not  even  be  indicted.  The  question  for 
you  to  determine  is,  having  ascertained  that  a  murder  was  committed,  not 
only  who  did  it,  but  who  is  responsible  for  it,  who  abetted  it,  assisted  it,  or 
encouraged  it  ?  There  is  no  question  of  law  in  the  case. 

"  We  will  show  to  you,  I  think  to  your  entire  satisfaction,  that,  although 
perhaps  none  of  these  men  personally  threw  that  bomb,  they  each  and  all 
abetted,  encouraged  and  advised  the  throwing  of  it,  and  therefore  are  as 
guilty  as  the  individual  who  in  fact  threw  it.  They  are  accessories. 

"  I  have  talked  to  you,  gentlemen,  longer  than  I  expected  to,  and  chiefly 
so  that  you  would  know  something  about  this  case,  know  something  about 
the  facts.  I  have  given  you  not,  perhaps,  all  the  details,  but  I  have  given 
you,  as  a  whole,  the  facts.  I  want  you  to  patiently  listen  to  the  evidence  in 
this  case  from  both  sides,  and  be  careful  in  your  analysis.  You  have,  most 
of  you,  been  here  some  time,  and  you  have  been  admirably  patient.  Only 
continue  that  way,  and  be  patient  in  the  matter,  and  make  up  your  minds 
when  the  testimony  is  all  presented,  and  not  before.  It  may  take  some 
days  to  get  at  the  proof  and  to  place  it  all  before  you,  so  that  you  can 
clearly  understand  it.  A  great  deal  of  the  proof  has  to  come  from  the 
mouths  of  witnesses  whose  language  will  have  to  be  interpreted  to  you.  That 
will  take  more  time.  But  the  whole  case  will  finally  be  presented  to  you 
substantially,  I  think,  as  I  have  stated  it.  I  will  now  leave  the  matter 
with  you." 


CHAPTER   XXI. 

The  Great  Trial  Opens  —  Bonfield's  History  of  the  Massacre  —  How  the 
Bomb  Exploded  —  Dynamite  in  the  Air  —  A  Thrilling  Story  —  Gottfried  Waller's  Tes- 
timony —  An  Anarchist's  "  Squeal"  —  The  Murder  Conspiracy  Made  Manifest  by  Many 
Witnesses. 

ON  Friday,  July  16,  the  day  following  the  delivery  of  the  State's  Attor- 
ney's argument,  the  first  witness  was  called.  The  defendants  appeared 
flushed  with  excitement,  and  the  throng  in  the  court-room  was  eager  in 
expectancy  of  the  State's  evidence.  Some  of  the  officers  disabled  at  the 
Haymarket  were  among  the  interested  spectators.  All  were  in  a  flutter  of 
suppressed  excitement. 

"Felix  D.  Buschick,"  called  the  State's  Attorney. 

The  sound  re-echoed  through  the  room  and  floated  out  through  the  open 
windows.  Buschick  advanced  with  trepidation  and  took  the  witness-stand. 
Every  neck  was  craned  to  catch  a  glimpse  of  him  as  he  arose.  He  was  a 
draughtsman,  and  his  testimony  had  reference  simply  to  maps  and  plans 
showing  the  location  of  the  Haymarket  Square,  the  surrounding  streets  and 
alleys,  the  spot  where  the  bomb  was  thrown,  and  the  location  of  the  Des- 
plaines  Street  Station. 

Inspector  JOHN  BONFIELD  followed  next.  He  stated  that  he  was 
Inspector  of  Police,  had  been  on  the  force  ten  years,  and  had  been  in  com- 
mand of  the  men  ordered  to  rendezvous  at  Desplaines  Station  on  the  night 
of  May  4.  His  testimony  then  proceeded  as  follows  : 

"  I  got  there  about  six  o'clock.  There  were  present  Capt.  Ward,  Lieuts. 
Bowler,  Penzen,  Stanton,  Hubbard,  Beard,  Steele  and  Quinn,  each  in  charge 
of  a  company.  During  that  day  our  attention  was  called  to  a  circular  calling 
a  meeting  at  the  Haymarket  that  evening.  I  saw  the  Mayor  that  afternoon, 
then  went  to  Desplaines  Street  Station  and  took  command  of  the  forces 
there,  all  told  about  one  hundred  and  eighty  men.  We  stayed  in  the  station 
until  between  ten  and  half-past  ten.  The  men  then  formed  on  Waldo  Place. 
We  marched  down  north  on  Desplaines  Street.  Capt.  Ward  and  myself 
were  at  the  head,  Lieut.  Steele  with  his  company  on  the  right,  and  Lieut. 
Quinn  on  the  left ;  the  next  two  companies  that  formed  in  division  front, 
double  line,  were  Lieut.  Bowler  on  the  right,  Stanton  on  the  left ;  next  com- 
pany in  single  line  was  Lieut.  Hubbard.  Lieuts.  Beard  and  Penzen's  orders 
were  to  stop  at  Randolph  Street  and  face  to  the  right  and  left.  We  marched 
until  we  came  about  to  the  mouth  of  Crane  Brothers'  alley.  There  was  a 
truck  wagon  standing  a  little  north  of  that  alley  and  against  the  east  side- 
walk of  Desplaines  Street,  from  which  they  were  speaking.  There  were 
orders  issued  in  regard  to  the  arms  of  the  men  and  officers." 

Being  asked  what  those  orders  were,  defendants'  counsel  objected,  but 
the  objection  was  overruled.  Bonfield  continued  : 

404 


INSPECTOR  BONFIELD'S  TESTIMONY.  405 

"  The  orders  were,  that  no  man  should  draw  a  weapon  or  fire  or  strike 
anybody  until  he  received  positive  orders  from  his  commanding  officer. 
Each  officer  was  dressed  in  full  uniform,  with  his  coat  buttoned  up  to  the 
throat  and  his  club  and  belt  on,  and  the  club  in  the  holder  on  the  side. 
Capt.  Ward  and  myself  had  our  weapons  in  our  hand  ;  pistols  in  pockets. 
As  we  approached  the  truck,  there  was  a  person  speaking  from  the  truck. 
Capt.  Ward  turned  slightly  to  the  right  and  gave  the  statutory  order  to  dis- 
perse :  'I  command  you,  in  the  name  of  the  people  of  the  State  of  Illinois, 
to  immediately  and  peaceably  disperse.'  As  he  repeated  that,  he  said,  '  I 
command  you  and  you  to  assist.'  Almost  instantly,  Mr.  Fielden,  who  was 
speaking,  turned  so  as  to  face  the  Captain  and  myself,  stepped  off  from  the 
end  of  the  truck  toward  the  sidewalk  and  said  in  a  loud  tone  of  voice,  '  We 
are  peaceable.'  Almost  instantly  after  that  I  heard  from  behind  me  a 
hissing  sound,  followed,  in  a  second  or  two,  by  a  terrific  explosion.  In 
coming  up  the  street,  part  of  the  crowd  ran  on  Desplaines  toward  Lake,  but 
a  great  portion  fell  back  to  the  sidewalks  on  the  right  and  left,  partly  lap- 
ping back  onto  our  flanks.  Almost  instantly  after  the  explosion,  firing  from 
the  front  and  both  sides  poured  in  on  us.  There  were  from  seventy-five  to 
a  hundred  pistol  shots  fired  before  a  shot  was  fired  by  any  officer.  There  was 
an  interval  of  a  few  seconds  between  that  and  the  return  fire  by  the  police. 
On  hearing  the  explosion  I  turned  around  quickly,  saw  almost  all  the  men 
of  the  second  two  lines  shrink  to  the  ground,  and  gave  the  order  to  close 
up.  The  men  immediately  re-formed.  Lieuts.  Steele  and  Quinn  with  their 
companies  charged  down  the  street ;  the  others  formed  and  took  both  sides. 
In  a  few  moments  the  crowd  was  scattered  in  every  direction.  I  gave  the 
order  to  cease  firing  and  went  to  pick  up  our  wounded.  Mathias  J.  Began 
was  almost  instantly  killed.  The  wounded,  about  sixty  in  number,  were 
carried  to  the  Desplaines  Street  Station.  Seven  died  from  the  effects  of 
wounds." 

After  identifying  circulars  calling  the  Haymarket  meeting  and  demand- 
ing revenge,  he  continued  : 

"  As  we  approached  there  were  about  five  or  six  on  the  truck.  Did  not 
see  the  direction  of  the  bomb ;  it  came  from  my  rear.  I  was  about  ten  feet 
from  the  wagon.  The  rear  rank  of  the  first  company  and  the  second  com- 
pany suffered  the  most.  During  the  evening  or  during  the  continuance  of 
the  meeting  I  received  reports  as  to  what  was  going  on,  from  officers 
detailed  for  that  purpose." 

On  cross-examination,  his  testimony  was  as  follows  : 

"  I  was  the  highest  officer  on  the  ground  that  night.  The  whole  force 
was  under  my  special  charge  and  direction.  As  we  marched  down,  the 
divisions  of  police  occupied  the  full  width  of  the  street  from  curb  to  curb. 
Around  the  corner  of  Desplaines  and  Randolph  there  were  a  few  persons 
scattered,  apparently  paying  no  attention  to  the  meeting  ;  the  crowd  attend- 
ing the  speaking  was  apparently  north  of  that  alley.  The  speakers'  wagon 
was  not  more  than  five  or  six  feet  north  of  that  alley.  Fielden,  when  speak- 
ing, was  facing  to  the  north  and  west,  was  facing  us  when  my  attention 
was  especially  called  to  him  ;  there  were  about  one  thousand  people  there  ; 
don't  remember  whether  it  was  moonlight  ;  there  were  no  street  lamps  lit ; 
there  was  a  clear  sky.  As  we  marched  along,  the  crowd  shifted  its  position  ; 
the  speaking  went  right  on.  My  experience  is,  if  the  police  were  marching 


406  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

in  parade,  the  crowd  would  get  to  the  sidewalk  to  look  on  ;  if  to  disperse  a 
crowd  or  mob,  the  natural  thing  would  be  for  them  to  run  away.  I  saw 
Fielden  that  night  for  the  first  time.  As  Capt.  Ward  turned  to  the  wagon 
to  give  the  order  to  disperse,  I  saw  the  men  were  still  advancing,  and  I 
turned  to  the  left,  gave  the  command  to  halt,  and  then  came  up  alongside  of 
Capt.  Ward.  Capt.  Ward  stood  within  a  few  feet  of  the  south  end  of  that 
truck,  which  stood  lengthwise  of  the  sidewalk,  the  tongue  end  north.  The 
front  rank  of  the  first  division  was  near  up  to  the  north  line  of  the  alley, 
probably  not  more  than  ten  or  fifteen  feet  from  the  wagon.  Before  Capt. 
Ward  had  finished  his  command  I  was  beside  him.  Capt.  Ward  spoke  as 
loud  as  he  could  speak.  Between  my  calling  the  halt  and  the  explosion  of 
the  bomb,  I  don't  think  it  was  a  minute.  As  the  Captain  finished,  Fielden 
stepped  from  the  truck  and  faced  us,  and,  stepping  on  the  street,  he  turned 
to  the  sidewalk  or  curb,  which  is  perhaps  ten  inches  above  the  street,  and 
said  :  '  We  are  peaceable.'  Within  two  or  three  seconds  the  explosion  fol- 
lowed. I  did  not  hear  anything  said  by  Fielden  from  the  truck.  When  he 
stepped  on  the  street  I  could  have  reached  out  and  touched  him.  He  did 
not  say  :  'This  is  a  peaceable  meeting.'  When  I  heard  the  hissing  sound 
Fielden  was  in  the  act  of  getting  to  the  sidewalk." 

GOTTFRIED  WALLER,  a  former  associate  of  the  defendants,  testified  through 
an  interpreter.  He  stated  his  occupation,  residence,  etc.,  and  proceeded  as 
follows  : 

"  On  the  evening  of  the  3d  of  May  I  was  at  Greif's  Hall,  54  West  Lake 
Street ;  got  there  at  eight  o'clock ;  went  there  pursuant  to  an  advertisement 
in  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung:  '  Y —  Come  Monday  night.'  Before  that  notice  there 
is  the  word  '  Briefkasten,'  which  means  letter-box.  This  notice  was  a  sign 
for  a  meeting  of  the  armed  section  at  Greif's  Hall.  I  had  been  there  once 
before,  pursuant  to  a  similar  notice.  There  was  no  other  reason  for  my 
going  there.  I  had  seen  no  printed  document  before.  I  spent  no  time  in 
the  saloon  at  Greif's  place.  I  attended  a  meeting  there  in  the  basement 
which  extends  throughout  the  length  of  the  building.  The  ceiling  of  base- 
ment is  about  seven  or  eight  feet  above  the  floor.  I  called  the  meeting  to 
order  at  half-past  eight.  There  were  about  seventy  or  eighty  men.  I  was 
chairman.  I  don't  know  of  any  precautions  taken  about  who  should  come 
into  the  meeting.  Of  the  defendants  there  were  present  Engel  and  Fischer 
—  none  of  the  other  defendants." 

On  a  question  as  to  what  was  said  at  that  meeting  after  it  had  been 
called  to  order,  objections  were  raised  on  behalf  of  six  of  the  defendants 
other  than  Engel  and  Fischer,  and  overruled.  Waller  then  resumed  : 

"  First  there  was  some  talk  about  the  six  men  who  had  been  killed  at 
McCormick's.  There  were  circulars  there  headed  '  Revenge,'  speaking 
about  that ;  then  Mr.  Engel  stated  a  resolution  of  a  prior  meeting  as  to 
what  should  be  done,  to  the  effect  that  if,  on  account  of  the  eight-hour  strike, 
there  should  be  an  encounter  with  the  police,  we  should  aid  the  men  against 
them.  He  stated  that  the  Northwest  Side  group  had  resolved  that  in  such 
case  we  should  gather  at  certain  meeting-places,  and  the  word  >Ruhe'  pub- 
lished in  the  Letter-box  of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  should  be  the  signal  for  us 
to  meet.  The  Northwest  Side  group  should  then  assemble  in  Wicker  Park, 
armed.  A  committee  should  observe  the  movement  in  the  city,  and  if  a 


INFORMER    WALLERS  TESTIMONY.  407 

conflict  should  occur  the  committee  should  report,  and  we  should  first  storm 
the  police  stations  by  throwing  a  bomb  and  should  shoot  down  everything 
that  came  out,  and  whatever  came  in  our  way  we  should  strike  down.  The 
police  station  on  North  Avenue  was  referred  to  first.  Nothing  was  said 
about  the  second  station  —  just  as  it  happened.  I  then  proposed  a  meeting 
of  workingmen  for  Tuesday  morning  on  Market  Square.  Then  Fischer 
said  that  was  a  mouse  trap ;  the  meeting  should  be  on  the  Haymarket  and 
in  the  evening,  because  there  would  be  more  workingmen.  Then  it  was 
resolved  the  meeting  should  be  held  at  8  P.M.  at  the  Haymarket;  it  was 
stated  that  the  purpose  of  the  meeting  was  to  cheer  up  the  workingmen  so 
they  should  be  prepared,  in  case  a  conflict  would  happen.  Fischer  was 
commissioned  to  call  the  meeting  through  handbills  ;  he  went  away  to  order 
them,  but  came  back  after  half  an  hour  and  said  the  printing  establishment 
was  closed.  It  was  said  that  we  ourselves  should  not  participate  in  the 
meeting  on  the  Haymarket ;  only  a  committee  should  be  present  at  the 
Haymarket  and  report  in  case  something  happened,  as  stated  before. 
Nothing  was  said  as  to  what  should  be  done  in  case  the  police  interfered 
with  the  Haymarket  meeting.  We  discussed  about  why  the  police  stations 
should  be  attacked.  Several  persons  said,  '  We  have  seen  how  the  capital- 
ists and  the  police  oppressed  the  workingmen,  and  we  should  commence  to 
take  the  rights  in  our  own  hands  ;  by  attacking  the  stations  we  would  pre- 
vent the  police  from  coming  to  aid.'  The  plan  stated  by  Engel  was  adopted 
by  us  with  the  understanding  that  every  group  ought  to  act  independently, 
according  to  the  general  plan.  The  persons  present  were  from  all  the 
groups,  from  the  West,  South  and  North  sides." 

A  question  being  raised  as  to  what  was  said  about  attacking  the  police 
in  case  they  should  attempt  to  disperse  the  Haymarket  meeting,  he  replied  : 

"  There  was  nothing  said  about  the  Haymarket.  There  was  no  one  who 
expected  that  the  police  would  get  as  far  as  the  Haymarket ;  only,  if  strikers 
were  attacked,  we  should  strike  down  the  police,  however  we  best  could, 
with  bombs  or  whatever  would  be  at  our  disposition.  The  committee 
which  was  to  be  sent  to  the  Haymarket  was  to  be  composed  of  one  or  two 
from  each  group.  They  should  observe  the  movement,  not  only  on  the 
Haymarket  Square,  but  in  the  different  parts  of  the  city.  If  a  conflict  hap- 
pened in  the  daytime  they  should  cause  the  publication  of  the  word  '  Ruhe.' 
If  at  night,  they  should  report  to  the  members  personally  at  their  homes. 
On  the  4th  of  May  we  did  not  understand  ourselves  why  the  word  '  Ruhe' 
was  published.  It  should  be  inserted  in  the  paper  only  if  a  downright 
revolution  had  occurred.  Fischer  first  mentioned  the  word  '  Ruhe.'  I  only 
knew  one  of  the  members  of  the  committee,  Kraemer.  Engel  moved  that 
the  plan  be  adopted.  The  motion  was  seconded,  and  I  put  it  to  a  vote. 

"  During  the  discussion  was  anything  said  about  where  dynamite  or 
bombs  or  arms  could  be  obtained,  that  you  remember  of?"  "  Not  on  that 
evening,"  answered  the  witness.  "  I  left  the  meeting  about  half-past  ten. 
I  went  home.  I  was  present  at  the  Haymarket  meeting  on  Tuesday  even- 
ing for  some  time.  I  did  not  go  there  on  account  of  the  meeting,  but 
because  I  had  to  go  to  Zepf's  Hall,  to  a  meeting  of  the  Furniture  Workers' 
Union.  I  saw  the  word  'Ruhe'  in  the  Arbeiter-Zeittmg  about  6  P.M.,  on 
Tuesday,  at  Thalia  Hall,  a  saloon  on  Milwaukee  Avenue,  where  the  second 
company  of  the  Lehr  und  Wehr  Verein  and  the  Northwest  Side  group  used 
to  meet.  I  went  to  the  Haymarket  and  stayed  there  about  a  quarter  of  an 


4o8  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

hour,  while  Mr.  Spies  spoke.  Mr.  Spies  spoke  English  ;  I  didn't  under- 
stand it,  and  I  went  to  the  meeting  of  the  furniture  workers.  On  my  way 
to  the  Haymarket  I  had  stopped  at  Engel's.  There  were  some  people  of 
the  Northwest  Side  group  there.  Engel  was  not  at  home.  Breitenfeld  was 
not  there.  I  was  at  Zepf's  Hall  when  the  bomb  exploded.  There  was 
some  disturbance,  and  the  door  was  closed.  After  the  door  was  opened 
again  we  went  home.  I  went  alone.  On  my  way  home  I  stopped  at 
Engel's  and  told  him  what  had  happened  at  the  Haymarket.  They  had 
assembled  in  the  back  part  of  their  dwelling-place  around  a  jovial  glass  of 
beer,  and  I  told  them  that  a  bomb  was  thrown  at  the  Haymarket,  and  that 
about  a  hundred  people  had  been  killed  there,  and  they  had  better  go  home. 
Engel  said  yes,  they  should  go  home,  and  nothing  else." 

"Mr.  Waller,"  asked  the  State,  "did  you  ever  have  any  bombs?" 
This  was  objected  to  by  the  defense,  but  after  a  full  argument  the  objec- 
tion was  overruled.     Waller  resumed  : 

"  Formerly,  about  half  a  year  ago,  I  had  one.  It  was  made  out  of  an 
eight-inch  gas  or  water  pipe.  I  did  not  investigate  what  it  was  filled  with. 
Got  it  from  Fischer,  the  defendant,  on  Thanksgiving  day  of  last  year,  at 
Thalia  Hall." 

"  What  did  he  say  to  you,  if  anything,  when  he  gave  it  to  you  ?  " 
Another  objection  was  raised,  but  it  was  overruled.    "Waller  continued  : 

"  I  should  use  it.  There  were  present  members  of  the  Northwest  Side 
group  and  several  men  of  the  Lehr  und  Wehr  Verein  when  he  gave  me 
that  bomb." 

Asked  as  to  a  public  meeting  on  Thanksgiving  day,  Waller  answered  in 
the  affirmative,  stating  that  the  meeting  was  held  at  Market  Square.  After 
explaining  that  the  members  of  the  Lehr  und  Wehr  Verein  were  known  not 
by  names,  but  by  numbers,  he  said  : 

"Everybody  had  to  know  his  own  number;  my  number  was  19.  The 
numbers  of  the  different  men  were  not  exactly  secret,  but  we  did  not  pay 
particular  attention  to  it.  Of  those  who  were  present  at  the  meeting  at  54 
West  Lake  Street,  on  Monday  night,  I  knew  Fischer,  Engel,  Breitenfeld, 
Reinhold  Krueger  and  another  Krueger,  Gruenwald,  Schrade,  Weber, 
Huber,  Lehman,  Hermann." 

"What  became  of  the  bomb  which  you  had  ?  " 

"  I  gave  it  to  a  member  of  the  Lehr  und  Wehr  Verein  ;  he  had  it 
exploded  in  a  hollow  tree.  I  had  a  revolver  with  me  when  I  went  to  the 
Haymarket ;  had  no  bomb.  Schnaubelt  was  present  at  the  Lake  Street 
meeting.  (Witness  identified  photograph  of  Schnaubelt.)  Schnaubelt  at 
that  meeting  said  we  should  inform  our  members  in  other  places  of  the 
revolution  so  that  it  should  commence  in  other  places  also.  On  Sunday, 
before  that  meeting  at  Lake  Street,  I  was  present  at  a  meeting  at  Bohemian 
Hall,  at  No.  63  Emma  Street.  August  Krueger  invited  me ;  he  is  also 
called  the  little  Krueger,  while  Reinhold  is  known  as  the  large  Krueger. 
I  got  to  the  meeting  at  Emma  Street  at  10  A.M.  There  were  present  Engel 
and  Fischer,  the  defendants,  besides  Gruenwald,  the  two  Kruegers,  Schrade, 
myself." 

"  What  was  said  at  the  meeting  ?  " 


INFORMER   WALLERS  TESTIMONY.  409 

"The  same  that  I  stated  —  Engel's  plan.  Engel  proposed  the  plan. 
Somebody  opposed  this  plan,  as  there  were  too  few  of  us,  and  it  would  be 
better  if  we  would  place  ourselves  among  the  people  and  fight  right  in  the 
midst  of  them.  There  was  some  opposition  to  this  suggestion  to  be  in  the 
midst  of  the  crowd,  as  we  could  not  know  who  would  be  our  neighbors  ; 
there  might  be  a  detective  right  near  us,  or  some  one  else.  Engel's  plan 
was  finally  accepted." 

An  effort  was  made  to  have  Waller's  testimony  all  stricken  out,  but  the 
motion  was  overruled.  He  was  subjected  to  a  rigid  cross-examination,  but 
he  did  not  waver  in  any  of  his  statements.  He  proceeded  as  follows  : 

"Before  I  ceased  to  be  a  member  of  the  Lehr  und  Wehr  Verein,  I 
belonged  to  it  for  four  or  five  months.  I  learned  that  the  objects  of  the 
Lehr  und  Wehr  Verein  are  the  physical  and  intellectual  advancement  of  its 
members.  None  of  the  defendants  were  members  of  that  society  about  the 
4th  of  May.  I  had  seen  a  call  by  the  letter  <  Y  '  in  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung 
once  before,  one  or  one  and  a  half  months  before.  On  the  3d  of  May  a 
member  of  the  Lehr  und  Wehr  Verein,  by  the  name  of  Clermont,  called 
for  me.  I  spoke  with  Engel  before  I  went  to  Greif's  Hall,  but  had  no  con- 
versation with  him  about  the  purpose  of  the  meeting.  We  did  not  know 
for  what  purpose  it  was  called.  When  more  people  arrived,  I  requested 
Engel  to  lay  his  plan  again  before  the  meeting.  Engel  stated  both  at  the 
meeting  on  Sunday  and  at  the  Monday  night  meeting  that  the  plan  pro- 
posed by  him  was  to  be  followed  only  if  the  police  should  attack  us.  Any 
time  when  we  should  be  attacked  by  the  police,  we  should  defend  ourselves. 

"Nothing  was  said  with  reference  to  any  action  to  be  taken  by  us  at  the 
Haymarket.  We  were  not  to  do  anything  at  the  Haymarket  Square.  The 
plan  was,  we  should  not  be  present  there  at  all.  We  did  not  think  that  the 
police  would  come  to  the  Haymarket.  For  this  reason  no  preparations 
were  made  for  meeting  any  police  attack  there.  When  I  saw  the  word 
'  Ruhe'  in  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  on  Tuesday,  May  4,  about  6  P.M.,  I  knew 
the  meaning,  but  I  didn't  know  why  it  was  in  the  paper.  On  the  Hay- 
market,  on  my  way  to  the  meeting  of  the  Furniture  Workers'  Union,  I  met 
Fischer.  We  were  walking  about  some  time.  I  don't  think  he  said  any- 
thing to  me  about  why  I  was  not  at  Wicker  Park.  We  once  walked  over 
to  Desplaines  Street  Station.  The  police  were  mounting  five  or  six  patrol 
wagons,  and  I  made  the  remark :  '  I  suppose  they  are  getting  ready  to 
drive  out  to  McCormick's,  so  that  they  might  be  out  there  early  in  the 
morning.'  Fischer  assented  to  my  remark.  That  was  all  that  was  said 
about  the  police  between  us.  At  that  time  there  were  about  three  hundred 
and  fifty  or  four  hundred  people  assembled  at  the  Haymarket.  The  prin- 
cipal purpose  of  the  Haymarket  meeting  was  to  protest  against  the  action 
of  the  police  at  the  riot  at  McCormick's  factory.  While  I  was  with  Fischer 
at  the  Haymarket,  nothing  was  said  between  us  about  preparations  to  meet 
an  attack  by  the  police.  When  I  came  to  Engel's,  at  about  half-past  ten, 
there  were  in  his  house  Breitenfeld,  the  little  Krueger,  Kraemer,  and  a  few 
others.  Kraemer,  I  think,  lived  in  the  rear  of  the  house. 

"  I  know  that  I  am  indicted  for  conspiracy.  I  was  arrested  about  two 
weeks  after  the  4th  of  May  by  two  detectives,  Stift  and  Whalen,  and  taken 
to  East  Chicago  Avenue  Station.  I  saw  there  Capt.  Schaack,  and,  in  the 
evening,  Mr.  Furthmann.  I  was  released  about  half-past  eight  of  the  same 


SCHRADE  ON  THE  STAND.  411 

day.  No  warrant  was  shown  to  me.  I  was  never  arrested  since  my  indict- 
ment. I  was  ordered  to  come  to  the  station  four  or  five  times.  At  every 
occasion  I  had  conversations  with  Furthmann  about  the  statements  made 
here  in  court.  I  live  now  at  130  Sedgwick  Street,  since  one  month.  Capt. 
Schaack  gave  me  $6.50  for  the  rent.  Whenever  I  used  my  time  sitting  in 
the  station,  I  was  paid  for  it.  Once  we  had  to  sit  all  day,  and  we  were  paid 
two  dollars  for  that  day.  I  was  out  on  a  strike,  and  Capt.  Schaack  gave 
my  wife  three  times  three  dollars.  He  gave  me,  twice  before,  five  dollars 
each  time.  I  have  been  at  work  for  the  last  two  weeks  for  Peterson.  When 
I  went  there  to  commence  work  I  was  told  that  I  was  on  the  black  list,  and 
could  not  work,  and  Capt.  Schaack  helped  me  to  get  the  job.  By  the  black 
list  I  mean  that  the  bosses  put  all  those  upon  a  list  who  were  in  any  way 
connected  with  the  strike  to  obtain  eight  hours'  work,  and  they  were  not  to 
be  employed  any  further. 

"  I  know  Spies  by  sight.  I  never  had  any  conversation  with  him.  I 
spoke  to  Mr.  Neebe  once  a  few  words,  at  a  meeting  of  the  basket-makers. 
I  have  no  acquaintance  whatever  with  Schwab,  Parsons,  Fielden  or  Lingg. 
I  saw  Lingg  once  make  a  speech." 

BERNHARD  SCHRADE,  another  confidant  of  the  Anarchists,  stated  that  he 
had  resided  in  this  country  nearly  five  years  and  had  been  a  member  of  the 
Lehr  und  Wehr  Verein.  He  was  present  at  the  meeting  in  the  basement 
of  Greif's  Hall,  on  the  evening  of  May  3,  and  found  the  meeting  in  order 
when  he  got  there.  His  testimony  was  as  follows : 

"  Waller  was  presiding.  There  were  about  thirty  or  thirty-five  people 
— Waller,  Engel,  Fischer,  Thielen,  the  Lehmans,  Donafeldt.  Lingg  was 
not  there.  When  I  entered,  the  chairman  explained  what  had  been  spoken 
about  until  then.  He  stated  the  objects  of  the  meeting  ;  that  so  many 
men  at  the  McCormick  factory  had  been  shot  by  the  police  ;  that  a  mass- 
meeting  was  to  be  held  at  Haymarket  Square,  and  that  we  should  be  pre- 
pared, in  case  the  police  went  beyond  their  bounds  —  attacked  us.  After- 
wards we  talked  among  ourselves,  and  the  meeting  adjourned.  I  heard 
nothing  about  assembling  in  other  parts  of  the  city.  That  same  evening  I 
had  been  to  the  carpenters'  meeting,  and  it  was  said  there  that  the  mem- 
bers of  the  L.  u.  W.  V.  should  go  around  to  the  meeting  on  Lake  Street.  I 
stayed  there  from  eight  until  half-past  nine.  Circulars  headed  '  Revenge ' 
were  distributed  there  by  one  Balthasar  Rau.  That  carpenters'  meeting 
was  held  at  Zepf's  Hall.  At  the  meeting  at  54  West  Lake  Street  I  stayed 
from  half-past  nine  until  about  a  quarter  after  ten.  On  the  preceding  Sun- 
day I  was  at  a  meeting  at  the  Bohemian  Hall,  on  Emma  Street.  We  got 
there  about  half-past  nine  in  the  forenoon.  The  big  Krueger  called  for  me. 
There  were,  besides  me,  Waller,  Krueger,  Fischer,  Engel  and  Grueneberg. 
I  don't  know  the  others. 

"  Those  present  belonged  to  the  second  company  of  the  L.  u.  W.  V.,  and 
the  Northwestern  group.  We  talked  there  about  the  condition  of  the 
workingmen  after  the  ist  of  May,  and  the  remark  was  made  that  it  might 
not  go  off  so  easy  after  the  ist  of  May,  and  if  it  should  not,  that  they  would 
help  themselves  and  each  other.  It  was  said  that  if  we  were  to  get  into  a 
conflict  with  the  police,  we  should  mutually  assist  one  another,  and  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Northwestern  group  should  meet  at  Wicker  Park,  in  case  it 
should  get  so  far  that  the  police  would  make  an  attack,  and  should  defend 


4I2 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 


themselves  as  much  as  possible,  as  well  as  anyone  could.  Nothing  was  said 
about  dynamite  ;  the  word  "stuff  "  was  not  used.  Nothing  was  said  about 
telegraph  wires.  The  revolutionary  movement  was  talked  about;  it  was 
mentioned  that  the  firemen  could  easily  disperse  large  masses  of  the  people 
standing  upon  the  street,  and  in  such  a  case  it  would  be  the  best  thing  to 
cut  through  their  hose,  annihilate  them.  I  was  at  the  Haymarket  on  the 
night  when  the  bomb  was  thrown.  Went  there  with  a  man  named  Thielen. 
Got  there  about  half-past  eight.  I  walked  up  and  down  on  Randolph  Street, 
and  at  the  corner  of  Desplaines  I  heard  all  the  speakers.  When  the  bomb 
was  thrown  I  was  at  a  saloon  at  173  West  Randolph -Street.  I  had  left  the 
meeting  because  a  rain  and  a  shower  came  up.  I  know  all  the  defendants. 
I  saw  Engel  and  Fischer,  about  an  hour  previous  to  the  meeting,  upon  the 
corner  of  Desplaines  and  Randolph.  After  the  bomb  was  thrown  I  went 
to  my  home,  581  Milwaukee  Avenue.  I  met  the  little  Krueger  in  the 
saloon.  He  was  there  ;  also  the  big  Krueger.  The  L.  u.  W.  V.  used  to 
meet  at  Thalia  Hall,  Milwaukee  Avenue.  We  had  our  exercise,  marched 
in  the  hall  —  drilled.  We  had  Springfield  rifles,  which  we  kept  at  home. 

"  We  had  our  military  drills  for  pleasure.  Most  of  the  members  had  been 
soldiers  in  the  old  country,  and  we  were  drilling  here  for  fun  —  pleasure. 
We  drilled  once  a  week,  at  times.  The  members  knew  each  other,  but  on 
the  list  each  one  had  his  number.  My  number  was  32.  There  were  four 
companies  of  the  L.  u.  W.  V.  in  this  city.  I  dont  know  the  number  of 
members. 

"  I  saw  <  Revenge '  circulars  at  the  meeting  at  54  West  Lake  Street.  I  know 
Schnaubelt  by  sight.  Don't  remember  whether  he  was  at  54  West  Lake. 
(Witness  was  shown  the  signal  "  Y, "  in  Arbeiter-Zeitung.~}  I  saw  this  in  the 
paper  when  I  read  it  at  Thalia  Hall.  It  is  a  sign  for  the  armed  section  to 
meet  at  54  West  Lake  Street.  The  armed  section  means  certain  members 
of  certain  societies — trades-unions  who  had  bought  weapons  with  which 
they  practiced  continually."  (Witness  is  shown  paper  containing  the  word 
"Ruhe.")  "I  never  saw  that  before.  Did  not  hear  anything  said  about 
'  Ruhe  '  in  the  meeting  at  54  West  Lake  Street." 

Schrade  was  shown  a  book  of  Most's  and  stated  that  he  had  seen  it 
sold  at  meetings  of  workingmen.  On  cross-examination  he  testified  : 

"I  know  Spies,  Parsons,  Fielden,  Neebe  and  Schwab  only  by  sight; 
never  had  any  business  or  conversation  with  any  of  them.  Lingg  and  I 
belonged  to  the  same  Carpenters'  Union,  but  we  were  not  on  terms  of 
friendship.  None  of  the  defendants  are  members  of  the  L.  u.  W.  V.,  to  my 
knowledge.  I  paid  attention  to  all  that  was  done  while  I  was  at  the  54 
West  Lake  Street  meeting.  I  was  at  the  Sunday  meeting  from  half-past 
nine  until  half-past  eleven.  The  discussion  was,  that  if  the  police  made  an 
attack  upon  workingmen  we  would  help  the  workingmen  to  resist  it,  and  if 
the  firemen  helped,  we  would  cut  the  hose.  Nothing  was  said  abou*  dyna- 
mite or  bombs  at  any  of  the  meetings.  Nothing  was  said  about  a  meeting 
at  any  particular  night  to  throw  bombs.  It  was  not  agreed  to  throw  bombs 
at  the  Haymarket  meeting.  While  at  the  Haymarket  I  had  no  bomb  ;  I 
don't  know  dynamite.  I  knew  of  no  one  who  was  going  to  take  a  bomb  to  that 
meeting.  When  I  left  the  Haymarket  meeting  everything  was  quiet ;  I  did 
not  anticipate  any  trouble.  I  had  seen  the  signal  '  Y  '  before.  It  was  under- 
stood that  the  meetings  were  to  be  called  by  that  kind  of  notice.  I  left  the 


LIEUT.  STEELE  S  TESTIMONY.  413 

Haymarket  meeting  only  on  account  of  the  approach  of  the  storm.     There 
were  about  two  hundred  people  there  when  I  left." 

EDWARD  J.  STEELE,  Lieutenant  of  Police  at  the  West  Chicago  Avenue 
Station  on  May  4th,  gave  some  details  as  to  marching  to  the  Haymarket, 
and  stated  that  he  had  been  in  command  of  a  company  of  twenty-eight 
men.  He  further  testified  : 

"Two  or  three  seconds  after  that — Captain  Ward's  command  to  the 
meeting  to  disperse  —  the  shell  was  thrown  in  the  rear.  It  exploded  on  the 
left  of  my  company.  There  was  then  also  a  smaller  report  in  the  rear  of 
me,  like  a  large  pistol  shot,  and  at  that  time  the  crowd  in  front  of  us  and 
•on  the  sidewalks  fired  into  us  immediately  ;  by  immediately  I  mean  two 
or  three  seconds  after.  The  crowd  fired  before  the  police  did.  Mine  and 
Quinn's  were  the  front  companies.  My  men  had  their  arms  in  their  pockets 
and  their  clubs  in  their  belts  ;  their  hands  by  their  side.  I  was  six  or 
eight  feet  from  the  speakers'  wagon  when  the  command  to  halt  was  given. 
Prior  to  that  I  could  hear  speaking  going  on  in  front  of  us.  I  heard  some- 
body say,  '  Here  come  the  bloodhounds.  You  do  your  duty  and  we  will  do 
ours.'  I  could  not  say  who  made  the  remark.  The  sound  came  from  in 
front  of  us  as  we  were  marching.  Ward  spoke  in  a  loud  tone  of  voice  to 
the  speakers  on  the  wagon  when  he  commanded  them  to  disperse.  There 
were  three  or  four  men  on  the  wagon.  I  saw  Mr.  Fielden  there.  I  did  not 
hear  him  make  any  response  to  Ward's  declaration.  After  the  pistol  shots 
from  the  crowd  we  returned  the  fire.  Fielden  stepped  off  the  wagon, 
turned  to  the  sidewalk,  and  I  lost  sight  of  him.  When  we  got  some  few 
feet  north  of  Randolph  Street,  the  crowd  in  front  of  us  separated  to  the 
right  and  left.  I  heard  nothing  said  by  the  crowd.  The  bomb  lit  in  the 
rear  of  the  left  of  my  company,  and  the  right  of  Lieut.  Quinn's,  between 
that  and  the  next  company  behind  us.  When  I  heard  the  explosion  I  was 
facing  north.  The  word  '  fire  '  was  not  given  by  anybody,  but  we  began 
firing  when  they  fired  on  us.  The  explosion  of  the  bomb  affected  about 
twenty-one  of  our  men  in  the  two  companies,  and  the  firing  commenced  at 
once." 

On  cross-examination,  Lieut.  Steele  stated  : 

"  My  experience  is  that  where  the  police  make  a  descent  upon  a  riotous 
gathering,  a  mob,  the  latter  scatter  to  all  sides,  so  as  to  get  out  of  the  way. 
But  when  we  pass  through  a  peaceful,  quiet  body  of  men,  they  separate 
to  the  sides  instead  of  rushing  down  the  alleys  and  out  the  other  way.  I 
do  not  mean  to  say  that  the  remark  about  the  bloodhounds  coming  was 
made  by  the  speaker  from  the  wagon.  Mr.  Fielden  was  on  the  sidewalk 
when  the  bomb  exploded.  Capt.  Ward  was  just  a  step  or  two  in  front  of 
me  when  he  gave  the  order  to  disperse.  Any  loud  exclamation  made  by 
Mr.  Fielden,  either  in  the  wagon,  or  getting  out  of  the  wagon,  or  imme- 
diately after  he  got  out,  I  would  have  heard.  I  did  not  hear  him  make  any." 

MARTIN  QUINN,  Lieutenant  of  Police,  had  a  company  of  twenty-five  men 
on  the  left  of  Lieut.  Steele,  and  when  they  marched  to  the  Haymarket  they 
had  their  clubs  in  their  belts  and  their  pistols  in  their  pockets.  He  heard 
the  remark  :  "  Here  they  come  now,  the  bloodhounds.  Do  your  duty,  men, 


414  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

and  I'll  do  mine."     The  man  who  was  speaking  at  the  time  they  came  up 
was  Fielden.      Quinn's  testimony  then  runs  as  follows  : 

"  Just  as  he  was  going  down,  he  said  :  '  We  are  peaceable.'  Some  person 
had  hold  of  his  left  leg.  He  reached  back,  and  just  as  he  was  going  down 
he  fired  right  where  the  Inspector  was,  Capt.  Ward  and  Lieut.  Steele. 
After  that  I  dropped  my  club,  took  my  pistol  and  commenced  firing  in 
front.  The  crowd  formed  a  line  across  the  street  in  our  front,  and  imme- 
diately when  that  bomb  was  fired,  and  almost  instantaneously  with  it  that 
shot  from  the  wagon,  they  commenced  firing  into  our  front  and  from  the 
side,  and  then  from  the  alley.  I  fired  myself.  Fourteen  men  of  my  com- 
pany were  injured.  I  lost  sight  of  Fielden  as  he  got  on  the  sidewalk.  I 
could  not  distinguish  which  was  first,  the  explosion  of  the  bomb  or  the  shot 
fired  by  Fielden.  There  was  another  very  loud  report  immediately  after 
this  first  explosion.  I  did  not  know  what  it  was.  The  bomb  exploded 
about  the  same  instant  that  the  remark,  '  We  are  peaceable,'  was  made. 
And  at  the  same  time  he  fired  that  shot.  Ward  at  that  time  had  not  quite 
finished  his  expression.  The  pistol  was  aimed  in  a  downward  direction, 
towards  where  Ward,  Steele  and  Bonfield  stood.  After  I  was  looking  to 
the  front,  and  had  discharged  my  weapon,  I  looked  back  and  saw  the  explo- 
sion of  the  bomb  —  it  was  just  the  same  as  you  would  take  a  bunch  of  fire- 
crackers and  throw  it  around,  just  shooting  up  in  all  directions,  in  the  rear. 
Some  of  the  men  were  lying  down,  some  of  them  lying  dead,  some  crippled 
around.  All  along  on  Desplaines  Street  the  lamps  were  dark.  Where  the 
speaker  was  there  was  a  torch  on  the  wagon,  and  also  the  lamp  was  lit 
there.  I  had  emptied  my  pistol.  Then  I  turned  around  to  look  at  the 
result  of  the  explosion.  Then  I  went  over  in  under  the  wagon,  and  where 
the  speaker  was,  and  I  found  a  pistol  there  that  was  loaded.  I  picked  it  up 
and  emptied  it  myself  afterwards.  It  was  a  thirty-eight  Smith  &  Wesson. 
I  saw  Fielden  fire  only  that  one  shot.  It  was  not  aimed  at  the  man  who 
had  hold  of  his  leg.  There  were  Ward,  Bonfield  and  Steele  there  right  in 
a  bunch,  close  by  together,  and  it  should  have  hit  some  one  of  them." 

The  cross-examination  did  not  change  the  testimony ;  he  only  added  to 
its  force,  and  with  reference  to  Fielden  only  modified  it  so  far  as  to  say : 

"I  would  not  swear  that  it  was  or  was  not  Fielden  who  fired  the  pistol, 
but  it  was  a  speaker,  that  I  know,  that  fired  at  the  instant  he  finished  say- 
ing, '  We  are  peaceable.'  While  standing  in  the  wagon,  in  the  presence  of 
the  police  force  and  all  the  audience,  he  fired  a  revolver  right  where  Lieut. 
Steele  was  and  Capt.  Ward,  and  the  right  of  Lieut.  Steele's  company  ;  fired 
right  into  them.  The  torch  was  still  on  the  wagon  at  that  -time,  and  the 
street  lamp  near  by  was  lighted." 

JAMES  P.  STANTON,  Lieutenant  of  Police,  had  charge  of  eighteen  men  and 
saw  the  shell  coming  through  the  air.  He  shouted  to  his  men  :  "  Look  out, 
there  is  a  shell,"  and  just  then  it  exploded.  It  fell  just  four  feet  from  where 
he  stood,  and  his  men  were  scattered  upon  the  street.  All  but  one  or  two 
of  his  command  were  wounded.  He  himself  was  injured,  his  body  being 
hit  in  eleven  different  places  with  pieces  of  the  shell,  and  he  was  confined 
to  a  bed  at  the  hospital  for  two  weeks  and  a  half,  after  which  he  was  taken 
home. 


SPIES  IDEA   OF  REVOLUTIONS.  415 

"  After  that  I  commenced  to  limp  around.  I  had  to  suffer  from  a 
nervous  shock.  The  holes  in  my  clothing  are  larger  than  the  holes  in  my 
limbs.  My  company  was  on  the  west  side  of  the  street,  Bowler  on  the 
east.  When  I  first  saw  the  shell  it  was  in  the  air,  very  near  over  my  head. 
It  came  from  the  east,  I  think,  a  little  north  of  the  alley.  It  was  about 
three  inches  in  diameter.  The  fuse  was  about  two  inches  long  when  I  saw 
it.  When  we  advanced  I  heard  speaking  from  the  north.  I  saw  some 
parties  standing  on  the  wagon.  Don't  know  anything  about  what  trans- 
pired after  the  officers  came  to  a  halt.  No  shot  was  fired  to  my  knowl- 
edge before  the  explosion  of  the  bomb.  Immediately  after  that  shots  were 
fired.  I  turned  myself  and  drew  my  revolver  and  immediately  commenced 
to  fire.  I  cannot  swear  from  whom  the  firing  began  first.  My  men  were 
supposed  to  be  armed  ;  they  had  their  clubs  in  their  belts." 

,       The  cross-examination  brought  out  no  new  points. 

H.  F.  KRUEGER,  a  police  officer,  heard  the  cry,  "  Here  they  are  now, 
the  bloodhounds  !  "  from  the  wagon  at  the  Haymarket,  and  thought  it  was 
Fielden  who  uttered  it.  "I  saw  Fielden,"  said  he,  "pistol  in  hand,  take 
cover  behind  the  wagon  and  fire  at  the  police.  I  returned  his  fire  and  was 
myself  immediately  shot  in  the  knee-cap.  I  saw  Fielden  in  the  crowd  and 
shot  at  him  again.  He  staggered,  but  did  not  fall,  and  I  lost  him.  There 
were  no  pistol-shots  fired  before  the  bomb  exploded."  This  testimony  was 
in  every  detail  corroborated  by  John  Wessler,  another  police  officer,  the 
next  witness,  and  by  Peter  Foley,  an  officer. 

LUTHER  MOULTON,  of  Grand  Rapids,  Michigan,  an  officer  of  the  Knights 
of  Labor,  testified  to  a  conversation  which  he  had  had  with  August  Spies 
when  the  latter  went  to  Grand  Rapids  to  deliver  a  lecture,  on  February 
22,  1885.  Spies  told  the  witness  that  the  only  manner  in  which  the  labor- 
ers could  get  a  fair  division  of  the  product  of  their  labor  was  by  force  and 
arms.  He  said  they  had  three  thousand  men  organized  in  Chicago,  with 
superior  weapons  of  warfare.  There  might  be  bloodshed,  Spies  said  to 
him,  for  that  happened  frequently  in  revolutions.  If  they  failed,  it  would 
be  a  punishable  crime.  If  they  succeeded,  it  would  be  a  revolution. 
George  Washington  would  have  been  punished  had  he  failed.  "  I  am 
quite  certain,"  Moulton  said,  "that  the  term  'explosives'  was  used  in  con- 
nection with  arms."  On  cross-examination  Moulton  stated  that  the  Grand 
Rapids  police  had  furnished  him  the  means  to  come  to  Chicago.  All  of 
Moulton's  material  statements  were  repeated  on  the  stand  by  Geo.  W. 
Shook,  who  had  been  present  at  the  conversation  referred  to. 

JAMES  BOWLER,  Lieutenant  of  Police,  in  command  of  twenty-seven  men. 
testified  that  he  did  not  recognize  any  one  firing. 

"  After  the  explosion  I  said  to  my  men  :  'Fire  and  kill  all  you  can.'  I 
drew  ray  own  revolver  ;  I  had  it  in  my  breast  coat  side  pocket.  In  march- 
ing, I  heard  the  words  :  '  Here  come  the  bloodhounds,'  said  by  somebody 
close  to  the  wagon.  I  fired  nine  shots  myself.  I  reloaded.  While  march- 


416  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

ing,  the  men  had  their  arms  in  their  pockets.     I  noticed  the  lamp  at  Crane's 
alley  was  out." 

On  cross-examination  he  stated  that  he  heard  the  remark  about  blood- 
hounds, but  did  not  know  who  uttered  it.  He  continued  : 

"There  was  a  kind  of  lighten  the  wagon,  a  kind  of  a  torch.  I  saw 
firing  close  by  the  wagon  after  the  explosion,  but  not  from  in  the  wagon.  I 
saw  no  one  either  in  the  wagon  or  getting  out  of  the  wagon  do  any  firing. 
I  saw  Mr.  Fielden  coming  off  of  the  wagon  very  plainly." 

Several  officers  testified  to  the  scene  about  the  wagon,  and  Thomas 
Greif,  the  occupant  of  the  premises  54  West  Lake  Street,  described  the 
basement  where  the  "  Ypsilon  "  meeting  was  held.  Following  him  was 
proffered  more  direct  evidence  that  Fielden  had  fired  the  shot,  and  then 
JAMES  BONFIELD  took  the  stand,  and  described  the  search  that  was  made  in 
the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  office.  Said  he  : 

"In  Mr.  Spies'  office  I  found  a  small  piece  of  fuse,  a  fulminating  cap, 
and  a  large  double-action  revolver  ;  about  five  inches  of  fuse.  I  found  the 
revolver  under  a  wash-stand  in  the  office  ;  that  dirk  file  was  along  with  them 
(indicating),  with  a  paper  doubled  over  them  loosely.  The  fuse  is  an 
ordinary  fuse  ;  the  fulminate  is  in  the  end  of  the  cap.  The  fuse  is  inserted 
that  way  (indicating),  and  the  cap  is  pinched,  and  that  is  inserted  in  dyna- 
mite and  the  hole  closed.  I  never  saw  the  cap  used  for  anything  except 
dynamite  and  nitro-glycerine.  I  have  used  it  in  mines  for  that  purpose. 
The  power  of  the  cap  itself  don't  amount  to  anything.  I  found  that 
'  Revenge  '  circular,  as  it  is  called,  in  Spies'  office,  where  I  arrested  him. 
This  box  (indicating)  contains  a  great  many  empty  shells,  evidently  for  the 
Winchester  improved  rifle  ;  there  are  also  some  empty  and  some  loaded 
sporting  cartridges.  The  pistol  is  a  44-caliber,  I  think.  On  the  5th,  after 
the  arrest  of  Spies,  that  night  I  took  down  some  reporters.  I  had  a  con- 
versation with  Spies  that  night,  and  I  think  with  Fielden.  The  reporter 
carried  on  the  major  part  of  the  conversation.  Mr.  Spies  stated  there  had 
been  a  meeting  of  the  Central  Labor  Union  that  evening  previous  to  the 
Haymarket  meeting.  He  mentioned  a  man  by  the  name  of  Brown,  and  a 
man  by  the  name  of  Ducey  that  attended  that  meeting,  and  when  they 
adjourned  there  they  went  down  to  the  Haymarket.  He  spoke  of  the 
gathering  of  the  crowd,  how  it  threatened  to  rain,  how  they  went  on  the  side 
street,  and  about  Fielden  speaking  at  the  time  the  police  came.  He  said 
he  was  on  the  wagon  at  that  time,  and  a  young  Turner  was  there  who  had 
told  him  the  police  were  coming,  told  him  to  come  down,  took  him  by  the 
hand  and  helped  him  down.  He  afterwards  gave  his  name  as  Legner  ;  he 
claimed  the  police  had  opened  fire  on  them.  He  said  when  he  got  off  the 
wagon  he  went  in  the  east  alley  and  came  out  on  Randolph  Street.  He 
approved  of  the  method,  but  thought  it  was  a  little  premature  ;  that  the 
time  had  hardly  arrived  to  start  the  revolution  or  warfare.  After  that  I  took 
the  reporters  around  to  Fielden. 

"  Fielden  said  he  was  there  when  the  police  came  up  ;  he  got  wounded 
in  this  alley.  Then  he  got  a  car,  and,  I  think,  went  around  to  the  corner  of 
Twelfth  and  Halsted,  or  Van  Buren  and  Halsted,  and  then  he  got 
another  car  and  went  down  to  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  office  to  see  if  any  of 
his  friends  had  got  back  there  ;  that  from  there  he  went  over  to  the  Hay- 


JAMES  BONFIELUS  TESTIMONY.  417 

market  again  to  see  if  any  more  of  his  comrades  were  hurt.  I  know 
Fischer.  I  was  at  his  house.  He  was  arrested  at  the  same  time,  or  a  few 
minutes  after  Spies  and  Schwab  were  arrested.  His  house  is  170  or  176 
North  Wood  Street.  I  went  there  with  Mr.  Furthmann  and,  I  think, 
Officer  Doane.  It  was  about  nine  or  ten  o'clock.  I  made  a  search  of  the 
house.  In  a  closet,  under  the  porch  at  the  front  door,  I  found  a  piece  of 
gas-pipe  about  three  and  a  half  feet  long.  There  was  no  gas  connection  in 
the  house.  The  gas-pipe  was  an  inch  or  an  inch  and  a  quarter  in  diameter. 
I  laid  it  down  again.  I  searched  around  and  went  back  again,  and 
couldn't  find  it  in  a  day  after.  I  remember  a  conversation  with  Fischer 
afterwards,  in  the  office.  He  was  asked  to  explain  how  he  came  by  a 
fulminating  cap  which  was  found  in  his  pocket  at  the  time  of  the  arrest. 
He  said  he  got  it  from  a  Socialist  who  used  to  visit  Spies'  office  about 
four  months  previous.  He  claimed  he  didn't  know  what  it  was,  and 
had  carried  it  in  his  pocket  for  four  months.  After  some  conversation 
he  acknowledged  that  he  knew  what  it  was,  and  had  read  an  account  of  it 
and  the  use  of  it  in  Herr  Most's  '  Science  of  War.'  That  conversation  was 
at  a  detective's  office.  The  fulminating  cap  looked  to  be  perfectly  new, 
and  the  fulminate  was  fresh  and  bright  in  the  inside.  There  was  no  fuse 
attached  to  it.  He  told  of  being  at  the  Haymarket  meeting  until  a  few 
minutes  before  the  explosion  of  the  bomb,  and  he  went  from  there  to  Zepf's 
Hall,  and  was  there  at  the  time  of  the  explosion.  He  acknowledged  that 
he  had  gotten  up  the  circular  headed  'Attention,  Workingmen,' and  that 
it  was  printed  at  Wehrer  &  Klein's.  I  think  their  own  office  was  closed,  and 
he  went  over  to  Wehrer  &  Klein's  and  got  it  printed  over  there;  I  think  2,500 
copies  —  25,000  or  2,500." 

On  cross-examination  witness  testified  as  follows  : 

"  I  am  in  the  detective  branch  of  the  police  force.  I  arrested  Spies  and 
Schwab  in  the  neighborhood  of  nine  o'clock.  I  found  Spies  in  the  front 
office.  He  was  to  the  left  of  the  door  as  I  entered.  My  recollection  is,  he 
was  talking  to  somebody.  Schwab  was  over  to  the  right,  and  was  sitting 
down.  That  was  on  the  second  floor.  I  think  I  went  up  two  flights  of 
stairs.  There  were  three  or  four  men  in  the  office  besides  those  two. 
There  was  no  resistance  by  either  of  the  gentlemen.  Had  no  warrant  for 
their  arrest.  I  don't  know  of  any  complaint  having  been  made  against  them 
before  any  magistrate.  While  I  was  talking  to  Spies  and  Schwab  Spies' 
brother  came  in.  I  placed  him  under  arrest  too.  I  took  them  with  me. 
I  took  them  to  police  headquarters.  We  went  on  foot.  It  was  in  the  back 
part  of  the  room  that  I  found  that  revolver.  The  main  part  of  the  room 
in  which  I  arrested  them  was  perhaps  twelve  feet  deep,  and  then  there  was 
a  wing  that  ran  back  further.  The  box  I  mentioned  was  on  the  floor,  and 
against  the  south  wall.  One  could  see  it  readily  on  entering  the  room.  I 
found  that  box  on  my  third  visit.  I  don't  remember  having  seen  it  on  my 
first  visit.  That  third  visit  was  some  time  in  the  afternoon,  perhaps  two 
or  three  o'clock.  On  my  second  visit  I  went  over  to  the  printer,  to  pick 
out  the  type  similar  to  the  one  in  the  '  Revenge  '  circular.  I  went  to  the 
composing-room.  The  printer's  name  is  John  Conway.  That  was  near 
twelve  o'clock.  On  my  fourth  visit  I  took  away  a  lot  of  red  flags  and  such 
stuff  as  that.  When  I  made  the  arrest  of  Spies  and  Schwab  that 
morning  Mrs.  Schwab  was  present.  I  should  think,  by  the  looks  of 
things,  they  were  transacting  business,  or  ready  for  it.  When  I  was  in  the 


4i8  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

composing-room  there  were  several  men  there.  I  found  the  red  flags 
principally  in  what  they  termed  the  library  in  that  building.  It  was,  I 
think,  in  the  rear  part,  on  the  second  floor.  Twenty  or  twenty-one  com- 
positors of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  were  arrested  during  that  day.  I  was  not 
present  at  the  time.  I  found  that  copy  of  the  '  Revenge  '  circular  on  one  of 
the  desks  in  the  front  room.  I  was  there  when  the  form  and  the  type  of 
the  circular  were  found.  We  had  no  search  warrant  at  the  time  any  of 
them  were  taken.  I  do  not  know  to  whom  that  revolver  belongs.  I  took 
Spies  and  Schwab  into  the  front  room  of  the  Central  Station.  Lieutenant 
Shea  sent  out  for  the  key.  In  the  meantime  we  searched  Spies 
and  took  the  personal  effects  away  from  him.  I  took  Mr.  Spies' 
keys  out  of  his  pocket  —  everything  I  found,  little  slips  of  paper 
and  the  like.  I  literally  went  through  him.  I  had  no  warrant  for 
anything  of  that  kind.  I  took  those  reporters  to  see  Spies  down  to  the 
cell-house  in  the  basement  of  the  Central  Station.  The  cell-house  is  very 
near  the  center  of  the  building,  and  fronts  on  the  inside  court  between  the 
county  and  city  building.  I  went  down  with  the  reporters  about  eight  or 
nine  o'clock.  Spies,  Schwab  and  Fielden  were  in  separate  cells.  Spies 
said  the  action  taken  at  the  Haymarket  was  premature.  It  was  done  by  a 
hot-head  that  could  not  wait  long  enough.  I  cannot  use  the  words.  That 
is  the  sentiment,  and  perhaps  the  words.  Fielden  said  the  police  came  up 
there  to  disperse  them,  and  they  had  no  business  to.  He  claimed  that  they 
had  a  right  to  talk  and  say  what  they  pleased,  under  the  Constitution,,  and 
they  should  not  be  interfered  with.  I  don't  think  it  was  ever  questioned 
whether  the  meeting  was  a  peaceable  and  quiet  meeting.  I  don't  think  that 
he  ever  claimed  that  it  was  either  quiet  or  disorderly.  The  fulminating  cap 
which  I  found  in  that  box  did  not  look  fresh  and  bright.  It  looked  as  though 
it  might  have  lain  there  a  good  while.  When  Chief  Ebersold  came  into  the 
office  at  Central  Station  he  was  quite  excited,  and  talked  to  Spies  and 
Schwab  in  German  and  made  motions,  and  I  got  between  them,  and  I  told 
him  this  was  not  the  time  or  place  to  act  that  way.  I  took  the  liberty  to 
quiet  him  down  a  little.  He  used  a  word  which  I  understood  to  compare  a 
man  to  a  dog  or  something  lower." 

The  incendiary  speeches  that  were  made  by  some  of  the  defendants  at 
the  riot  at  McCormick's  were  testified  to  by  different  newspaper  men,  and 
the  scenes  at  the  riot  described  by  officers  and  others,  the  whole  showing 
very  distinctly  the  direct  connection  of  Spies  with  the  outrage,  and  the  man- 
ner in  which  he  incited  the  mob  to  violence. 


CHAPTER   XXII. 

"  We  are  Peaceable  "  —  Capt.  Ward's  Memories  of  the  Massacre  —  A  Nest 
of  Anarchists  —  Scenes  in  the  Court  —  Seliger's  Revelations  —  Lingg,  the  Bomb-maker 

—  How  he  cast  his  Shells  —  A  Dynamite  Romance  —  Inside  History  of  the  Conspiracy 

—  The   Shadow   of  the  Gallows  —  Mrs.   Seliger  and  the  Anarchists  —  Tightening  the 
Coils  —  An  Explosive  Arsenal  —  The  Schnaubelt  Blunder  —  Harry  Wilkinson  and  Spies 

—  A   Threat   in   Toothpicks  —  The    Bomb    Factory  —  The   Board    of   Trade   Demon- 
stration. 

DURING  the  progress  of  the  trial  the  court-room  was  thronged  daily. 
The  prisoners  sat  radiantly  throughout  the  whole  proceedings  as  if 
supremely  certain  of  acquittal,  and  they  manifested  great  pride  in  the 
boutonnieres  which  were  handed  in  every  morning  by  admiring  friends. 
As  the  testimony  of  the  State's  witnesses  proceeded,  the  defense  raised 
innumerable  objections  to  the  admission  of  parts  particularly  criminative, 
and  at  times  hours  were  consumed  in  arguments  on  the  points  involved. 
The  objections  were  almost  invariably  overruled,  and  exceptions  taken. 
Having  finished  the  evidence  then  at  hand  with  reference  to  the  McCormick 
riot,  the  State  resumed  the  Haymarket  massacre. 

WILLIAM  WARD,  Captain  of  Police  at  the  Desplaines  Street  Station,  a 
member  of  the  force  since  1870,  a  resident  of  Chicago  for  thirty-six  years 
and  a  veteran  of  the  Rebellion,  was  subjected  to  a  long  and  interesting 
examination.  He  first  stated  the  facts  with  reference  to  marching  to  the 
Haymarket  and  his  order  to  the  meeting  to  disperse,  corroborating  the  tes- 
timony of  Inspector  Bonfield  in  every  particular,  and  then  concluded  as 
follows  : 

"  As  the  speaker  was  getting  from  the  wagon  he  said,  'We  are  peaceable.' 
That  was  this  gentleman  (indicating  Fielden).  I  heard  some  utterances  of 
the  speaker  before  I  addressed  him,  but  could  not  understand  them  —  quite 
a  noise  there.  Our  men  had  their  clubs  in  their  belts,  pistols  in  their 
pockets.  A  few  seconds  after  Fielden  said,  '  We  are  peaceable,'  I  heard  the 
explosion  in  my  rear.  I  turned  to  look  and  see,  and  pistol-firing  began 
from  the  front  and  both  sides  of  the  street  by  the  crowd.  I  did  not  recog- 
nize anybody  firing.  Then  the  police  began  firing,  and  we  charged  into  the 
alley,  Crane's  alley,  and  north  on  Desplaines  Street.  Seven  policemen  died 
from  the  effects  of  wounds  ;  one  was  brought  dead  into  the  station  —  Mathias 
J.  Degan.  There  were  in  all  killed  and  wounded  sixty-six  or  sixty-seven — - 
about  twenty-one  or  twenty-two  out  of  Desplaines  Street  Station  ;  forty-two 
in  all  out  of  my  precinct.  It  was  only  several  seconds  from  the  time  that 
Fielden  said,  'We  are  peaceable,'  and  the  time  the  police  charged  down  the 
alley  and  up  Desplaines  Street." 

The  cross-examination  resulted  as  follows  : 

"  I  had  a  detail  there  that  night  from  the  Central  Police  Station  under 
command  of  Lieut.  Hubbard.  At  the  time  I  gave  the  command  to  disperse 

419 


420  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

I  was  right  close  to  the  rear  part  of  the  wagon,  close  to  the  outside  wheel, 
southwest  of  the  wheel.  I  could  almost  touch  it  ;  could  have  touched  it 
with  my  club.  Some  of  the  men  carried  their  pistols  in  the  breast  pocket  of 
the  coat,  some  the  hip  pocket.  At  the  time  I  gave  the  command,  Inspector 
Bonfield  stood  at  my  left ;  Lieut.  Steele  was  in  the  rear  of  me,  might  have 
been  a  little  to  the  right.  There  were  four  to  six  persons  on  the  wagon. 
Fielden  was  standing  on  the  south  end  of  the  truck,  facing  southwest, 
facing  me,  when  I  commenced  to  speak,  until  I  was  through.  Then  he  got 
off  the  truck,  on  the  southeast  end  of  it,  on  the  corner  toward  the  side- 
walk. All  I  could  understand  of  what  Mr.  Fielden  said  was  :  'We  are  peace 
able."  I  did  not  see  Fielden  after  that.  There  was  no  pistol-firing  of  any 
kind  by  anybody  before  the  explosion  of  the  bomb.  I  was  several  feet  in 
advance  of  the  front  rank  of  the  police  in  marching  down,  sometimes  eight 
or  ten  feet  in  advance  ;  sometimes  not  so  far.  The  only  utterance  from  any 
source  that  I  can  recall  that  was  heard  by  me,  before  the  bomb  exploded, 
was  that  of  Fielden, '  We  are  peaceable, '  that  he  spoke  to  me,  or  looking  right 
at  me  when  he  spoke.  It  was  a  little  louder  than  ordinary,  than  if  he  was 
addressing  me.  I  think  the  accent  was  on  the  last  word,  '  We  are  peaceable? 
I  don't  remember  whether  I  related  this  utterance  of  Fielden  on  the 
occasion  of  the  Coroner's  inquest  when  I  testified  there.  I  think  Steele's 
line  was  about  on  a  line  with  the  center  of  the  alley.  Quinn's  line  had 
swung  a  little  further  forward.  A  block  and  a  half  south  of  there,  there 
were  eight  or  ten  electric  lights  on  the  front  of  the  Lyceum  Theater,  and 
they  lit  up  the  street  considerably.  I  don't  remember  whether  there  was 
a  torch-light  or  any  other  light  on  the  truck." 

MICHAEL  HAHN,  a  tailor  working  on  Halsted  Street,  stated  that  he  was 
at  the  Haymarket  and  received  an  injury  in  his  back,  one  in  his  thigh,  and 
one  in  the  leg  : 

"  I  went  to  the  hospital  that  same  night.  Dr.  Newman  removed  some- 
thing from  my  person  that  night ;  that  is  what  he  said  ;  he  showed  it  to  me. 
It  was  some  kind  of  a  nut.  (Witness  is  handed  an  ordinary  iron-threaded 
nut.)  I  guess  that  was  about  the  size.  I  left  the  hospital  two  weeks  after. 
I  think  that  is  the  same  nut." 

REUBEN  SLAYTON,  a  policeman  on  the  force  fourteen  years,  testified  that 
he  arrested  Fischer  : 

"I  searched  him  and  found  that  gun  (producing  and  exhibiting  a  re- 
volver). It  is  a  44-caliber ;  was  loaded  when  I  found  it ;  self-acting, 
I  found  this  file  ground  sharp  on  three  edges  (producing  it),  and  that  belt 
and  sheath  (producing  same).  The  belt  and  sheath  were  buckled  on  him ; 
the  file  in  the  sheath,  revolver  stuck  into  the  slit  in  the  belt,  and  he  had  ten 
cartridges  in  his  pocket.  He  also  had  this  fulminating  cap  in  his  pocket. 
It  was  brighter  when  I  found  it.  He  said  he  carried  that  revolver  because 
he  carried  money,  and  going  home  nights  to  protect  himself.  I  took  him 
to  the  Central  Station.  He  said  he  had  worked  at  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  as 
a  compositor  for  two  years.  When  I  arrested  him  he  was  coming  down  the 
stairs.  I  was  going  up  into  the  building.  I  felt  this  revolver  and  took  him 
back  up,  and  searched  him  and  took  these  things  from  him.  The  belt  was 
under  his  coat.  You  could  not  see  the  pistol  and  this  stuff.  I  also  arrested 
Fielden  at  his  house  the  same  day,  May  5th,  in  the  morning,  at  No.  no 


FATAL  DOCUMENTS. 


421 


West  Polk  Street.  When  I  locked  him  up  at  the  Central  Station,  he  took 
the  bandage  off  his  knee  and  put  it  on.  I  asked  him  where  he  got  it 
dressed.  He  told  me  when  he  got  shot  he  came  down  the  alley  and  took 
a  car  and  went  to,  I  think  he  said,  Twelfth  and  Canal  Streets  —  had  his 
knee  dressed  there  that  night." 

On  cross-examination,  Officer  Slayton  stated  that  he  met  with  no  resis- 
tance from  Fischer  or  Fielden  and  that  he  found  no  munitions  of  war  at 
the  latter's  house.  He  had  no  warrant,  he  said,  for  their  arrest. 

THEODORE  FRICKE,  business  superintendent  of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung,  once 
its  bookkeeper,  testified  to  Spies'  handwriting  on  the  manuscript  contain- 
ing the  word  "Ruhe,"  and  identified  several  other  documents  as  in  Spies' 
handwriting.  He  continued  : 

"  The  Arbeiter-Zeitung  is  the  property  of  a  corporation.  Fischer  was  a 
stockholder,  so  was  I,  so  is  Spies  and  Schwab.  I  was  employed  by  this 
corporation.  Parsons  is  not  a  stockholder.  Neebe  belongs  to  this  corpora- 
tion. I  have 
known  Neebe 
about  two 
years  ;  I  saw 
him  at  picnics 
and  in  our  of- 
fice. There 
was  a  library 
in  the  build- 
ing belonging 
to  the  Inter- 
natio  nal 
Working  Peo- 
ple's Associa- 
tion —  a  Soci- 
alistic asso- 
ciation com- 
posed  of 

groups,  known  by  names.  I  belonged  to  the  group  '  Karl  Marx, '  which' 
met  at  No.  63  Emma  Street.  Before  that  I  belonged  to  the  Northwest 
Side  group,  which  met  at  Thalia  Hall,  No.  633  Milwaukee  Avenue.  Hirsch- 
berger  was  the  librarian.  I  know  Fischer ;  he  belonged  to  the  Northwest 
Side  group.  Engel  belonged  to  the  same.  Spies  formerly  belonged  to  the 
Northwest  Side  group,  later  to  the  American  group.  Parsons  belonged 
to  the  American  group.  Schwab,  I  guess,  to  the  North  Side  group,  I  don't 
know  for  sure.  I  don't  know  about  Lingg.  I  guess  Neebe  belonged  to  the 
North  Side  group.  These  groups,  except  the  Northwest  Side  group,  had  a 
central  committee,  which  met  at  No.  107  Fifth  Avenue.  The  Northwest 
Side  group  was  not  represented.  They  had  strong  Anarchistic  principles. 
Fielden,  I  guess,  belonged  to  the  American  group.  This  book  here 
(Johann  Most's  book)  I  saw  at  the  library  in  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  building. 
I  have  seen  that  book  sold  at  picnics  by  Hirschberger,  at  Socialistic  picnics 
and  mass-meetings.  At  some  of  those  meetings  Spies,  Parsons  and  Fielden 
were  present;  sometimes  Neebe,  sometimes  Schwab,  maybe  Fischer." 


SPIES'  MANUSCRIPT  OF  THE  FAMOUS  "RUHE"  SIGNAL, 
Engraved  direct  from  the  Original. 


422  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

Counsel  for  defendants  objected  to  this  line  of  inquir}',  because,  as  they 
said,  it  is  not  shown  that  any  of  the  defendants  knew  or  participated  in  the 
selling,  or  that  they  had  anything  to  do  with,  or  that  they  saw  the  selling. 
This  led  to  some  words  between  court  and  counsel  : 

The  Court — "If  men  are  teaching  the  public  how  to  commit  murder, 
it  is  admissible  to  prove  it  if  it  can  be  proved  by  items." 

Mr.  Black  —  "Well,  does  your  Honor  know  what  this  teaches?  " 
The  Court — "I   do    not  know  what  the  contents  of  the  book  are.     I 
asked  what  the  book  was  and  I  was  told  that  it  was  Herr  Host's  '  Science 
of  Revolutionary  Warfare,'  and  taught  the  preparing  of  deadly  weapons  and 
missiles,  and  that  was  accepted  by  the  other  side." 

Mr.  Black —  "Does  that  justify  your  Honor  in  the  construction  that  it 
teaches  how  to  commit  murder,  or  of  stating  that  in  the  presence  of  the 
jury  ?  " 

The  Court — -  ".  .  .  .  I  inquired  what  sort  of  book  it  was,  and  it  was 
stated  by  the  other  side  what  sort  of  book  it  was,  and  you  said  nothing 
about  it,  so  that  in  ruling  upon  the  question  whether  it  may  be  shown 

where  it  was  to 
be  found,  where 
it  had  been  seen, 
I  must  take  the 
character  of  the 
book  into  consid- 
eration in  deter- 
mining whether  it 
is  admissible; 
whether  it  is  of 
that  character  or 

"Y— COME  MONDAY  EVENING."  -,, 

not    we    will    see 

Reduced  Fac-simile,  engraved  direct  from  the  Original  Manuscript.  wVipn     "t     °Q    tr 

lated,  I  suppose.     I  suppose  the  book  is  not  in  the  English  language." 

"Where  were  the  picnics  at  which  you  have  seen  this  book  sold?" 
asked  the  State's  Attorney. 

"  I  saw  this  book  sold  at  a  picnic  at  Ogden's  Grove,  on  Willow  Street, 
on  the  North  Side,  in  July  of  last  year.  There  were  present  Spies,  Neebe, 
Parsons  and  Fielden.  Also  at  a  picnic  at  Sheffield,  Indiana,  last  Septem- 
ber, where  were  present  Spies,  Neebe,  Parsons  and,  I  guess,  Fischer." 

Fricke  then  identified  copies  of  the  Alarm,  Parsons'  paper,  the  Arbeiter- 
Zeitung,  the  Fackel,  the  Sunday  edition  of  that  paper,  and  the  Vorbote,  its 
weekly  edition,  of  various  dates  from  May  ist  to  May  5th. 

On  cross-examination,  he  testified  that  he  had  never  seen  any  of  the 
defendants  sell  Most's  books  anywhere,  not  even  at  the  Sheffield,  Indiana, 
picnic,  where  there  were  2,000  people,  and  that  all  communications  to  the 
Arbeiter-Zeitung  went  through  the  hands  of  the  editor,  Spies. 

EDMUND  FURTHMANN  testified  as  follows  : 

"  I  am  assistant  in  the  State's  Attorney's  office.  I  was  in  the  Arbeiter- 
Zeitung  office  between  eleven  and  twelve  o'clock  on  the  5th  of  May.  All 
the  matter  shown  to  Mr.  Fricke  was  obtained  by  me  in  the  typesetting-room 


INFORMER  SELIGER'S  TESTIMONY.  423 

of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung,  and  has  been  in  my  possession  since  then.  The 
typesetting-room  was  full  of  desks  and  cases  of  type,  and  there  were  several 
tables  covered  with  stone,  and  at  every  case  there  was  a  hook  containing  a 
lot  of  manuscript,  which  I  took  away.  I  found  the  doors  locked.  I  found 
some  twenty  or  twenty-five  of  the  '  Revenge'  circulars  there." 

On  cross-examination  he  said  : 

"A  locksmith  opened  the  door.  We  had  no  search  warrant.  We  also 
carried  away  two  mail-bags  from  there.  We  placed  all  this  manuscript 
into  them.  Mr.  Grinnell,  the  State's  Attorney,  Officer  Haas,  Lieut.  Kipley 
and  myself  were  in  the  party." 

EUGENE  SEEGER  translated  a  paragraph  in  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  of  March 
15  and  testified  that  it  read  as  follows  : 

"'Revolutionary  Warfare  has  arrived,  and  is  to  be  had  through  the 
librarian,  107  Fifth  Avenue,  at  the  price  of  10  cents.' 

"  This  appears  among  what  I  would  call,  as  a  newspaper  man,  editorial 
notices  in  the  local  column.  These  translations  here  (holding  type-writer 
copy,  purporting  to  be  the  translation  of  certain  articles),  are  correct  trans- 


Soimtagstfoft  &a  ,€fiiragocr  jlr&«l<*-3citur.<i .  —  UnalCiangigts  ftrgan  ;ur  /icMinnu],  Vnferftaftang  urn!  firficilming. 

(Sfecj?,  Somttaft  fai  2.  SWai  1886.  Kumr  1. 

REDUCED  FAC-SIMILE  OF  HEADING  OF  THE  FACKEL. 

lations.  There  is  an  editorial  here  in  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  of  May  4  headed 
'  Editorial.'  '  Blood  has  flowed  '  is  the  first  phrase  of  it.  There  is  another 
article  on  the  fourth  page  of  May  3,  headed  '  A  Hot  Conflict.'  In  the  local 
column  of  May  4  a  report  headed,  '  Lead  and  Powder  is  a  Cure  for  Dis- 
satisfied Workingmen.'  All  these  articles  were  also  translated  by  Pro- 
fessor Olson,  of  the  Chicago  University.  We  compared  notes  and  found 
the  translations  correct." 

Assistant  State's  Attorney  Furthmann  then  read  the  translation  of 
Most's  volume. 

WILLIAM  SELIGER  testified : 

"I  am  a  carpenter.  Have  lived  in  Chicago  three  years  and  a  half 
Before  that  I  lived  at  Charlottenburg,  Germany.  I  was  born  at  Eilau, 
near  Reichenbach,  in  Silesia.  On  May  4th  last  I  lived  at  442  Sedgwick 
Street,  in  the  rear  of  the  lot.  I  occupied  the  second  floor.  Louis  Lingg, 
the  defendant,  boarded  with  me.  On  Monday,  May  3,  I  worked  for  Mr. 
Meyer.  Quit  work  at  half-past  4  P.M.  In  the  evening  of  that  day  I  was  at 
Zepf's  Hall,  at  a  meeting  of  the  Carpenters'  Union.  I  was  recording  secre- 
tary of  the  union.  I  stayed  there  until  half-past  eleven.  I  was  not  at  the 
meeting  at  54  West  Lake  Street  that  night.  I  heard  somebody  call  upon 
us,  that  all  that  knew  should  come  to  54  West  Lake  Street.  This  here 


424  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

(holding  paper),  '  Y —  Komme  Montag  Abend,'  means  that  all  the  armed 
men  should  come  to  the  meeting  at  54  West  Lake  Street.  The  armed  men 
were  divers  ones  —  all  the  Socialistic  organizations.  There  were  several 
organizations  in  existence  which  were  drilled  in  the  use  of  arms.  After  I 
left  Zepf's  Hall  I  took  a  glass  of  beer  in  the  saloon  and  then  went  to  71 
West  Lake  Street  and  took  another  glass  of  beer.  Then  I  went  home  with 
several  other  parties.  I  saw  a  copy  of  the  '  Revenge  '  circular  at  Zepf's  Hall. 
Balthasar  Rau  brought  it  to  the  meeting  about  nine  o'clock. 

"  On  Tuesday  I  did  not  work  at  my  trade.  I  got  up  at  half-past  seven, 
and  after  I  got  up  Lingg  came.  I  had  previously  told  him  that  1  wanted 
those  things  removed  from  my  dwelling.  He  told  me  to  work  diligently  at 
these  bombs,  and  they  would  be  taken  away  that  day.  I  took  some  coffee, 
and  after  a  time  I  worked  at  some  shells,  at  some  loaded  shells.  I  drilled 
holes  through  which  the  bolt  went.  A  shell  like  this  (indicating  shell  intro- 
duced in  evidence).  I  worked  on  the  shells  half  an  hour.  Lingg  went  to 
the  West  Side  to  a  meeting.  Got  back  probably  after  one  o'clock.  He  said  : 
'  I  didn't  do  much.  I  ought  to  have  worked  more  diligently.'  I  said  I  hadn't 
any  pleasure  at  the  work." 

"What  did  Lingg  reply?" 

"  Lingg  said,  '  Well,  we  will  have  to  work  very  diligently  this  afternoon.' 
During  the  afternoon  I  did  different  work  at  the  shells.  In  the  morning  I 
had  a  conversation  about  the  bolts.  He  told  me  he  had  not  enough  of 
them.  He  gave  me  one  and  told  me  to  go  to  Clybourn  Avenue  and  get 
some  that  he  had  already  spoken  to  the  man  about.  I  got  about  fifty.  I 
worked  at  the  bombs  during  the  whole  of  the  afternoon  at  different  times. 
Hubner,  Muntzenberg,  Heuman,  were  helping.  I  worked  in  the  front 
room,  also  in  Lingg's  room  and  the  rear  room.  Lingg  first  worked  at  gas 
or  water  pipes,  such  as  these  (indicating).  There  were  probably  thirty  or 
forty  or  fifty  bombs  made  that  afternoon.  The  round  bombs  had  been  cast 
once  before  by  Lingg,  in  the  rear  room,  on  my  stove,  probably  six  weeks 
previous  to  the  4th  of  May.  The  first  bomb  I  ever  saw  was  in  Lingg's 
room.  That  was  still  before  that.  At  that  time  he  told  me  he  was  going 
to  make  bombs.  I  saw  dynamite  for  the  first  time  in  Lingg's  room,  about 
five  or  six  weeks  previous  to  the  4th  of  May.  Lingg  said  every  working- 
man  should  get  some  dynamite ;  that  there  should  be  considerable  agita- 
tion ;  that  every  workingman  would  learn  to  handle  these  things.  During 
that  Tuesday  afternoon  Lingg  said  those  bombs  were  going  to  be  good 
fodder  for  the  capitalists  and  the  police,  when  they  came  to  protect  the 
capitalists.  Nothing  was  said  about  when  they  wanted  the  bombs  com- 
pleted or  ready.  I  only  told  him  that  I  wanted  those  things  out  of  my 
room.  There  was  only  a  remark  that  they  were  to  be  used  that  evening, 
but  nothing  positive  as  to  time.  I  left  the  house  at  half -past  eight  that 
evening.  Hubner  was  at  the  house  probably  from  four  to  six  o'clock.  I 
did  not  see  what  he  did.  He  worked  in  the  front  room  with  Lingg.  I  was 
in  Lingg's  room.  Muntzenberg  was  there  as  long  as  Hubner.  Thielen 
was  there  half  an  hour  —  quite  that.  I  did  not  see  what  he  was  doing. 

"  The  Lehmans  were  at  the  house  for  a  little  while.  I  did  not  see  what 
they  were  doing.  They  were  in  the  front  room.  Heuman  also  worked  at 
the  bombs.  I  left  the  house  in  the  evening  with  Lingg.  We  had  a  little 
trunk  with  bombs  in.  The  trunk  was  probably  two  feet  long,  one  foot  high 
and  one  foot  wide.  It  was  covered  with  coarse  linen.  There  were  round 
and  pipe  bombs  in  it.  They  were  loaded  with  dynamite  and  caps  fixed  to 


INFORMER  SELIGER'S  TESTIMONY 


425 


them.  I  don't  know  how  many  there  were.  The  trunk  might  have  weighed 
from  thirty  to  fifty  pounds.  We  pulled  a  stick,  which  Lingg  had  broken, 
through  the  handle.  That  is  the  way  we  carried  the  trunk,  which  was 
taken  to  Neff's  Hall,  58  Clybourn  Avenue.  On  the  way  to  Neff's  Hall, 
Muntzenberg  met  us.  He  took  the  package  into  the  building  through  the 
saloon  on  the  side  into  the  hallway  that  led  to  the  rear.  After  the  bombs 
were  put  down  into  that  passageway,  there  were  different  ones  there,  three 
or  four,  who  took  bombs  out  for  themselves.  I  took  two  pipe  bombs  my- 
self; carried  them  in  my  pocket.  We  went  away  from  Neff's  Hall  and  left 
the  package  in  that  passage.  The  back  of  Neff's  Hall  is  known  under  the 
name  of  the  Communisten-Bude.  Different  Socialistic  and  Anarchistic 
organizations  met  there.  The  North  Side  group  met  there.  I  heard  that 
the  Saxon  Bund  met  there.  I  don't  know  any  others  that  met  there.  When 
I  left  Neff's  Hall,  Thielen  and  Gustav  Lehman  were  with  me.  Later  two 


PLAN  OF  THE  SELIGER  RESIDENCE,  USED  IN  EVIDENCE. 

large  men  of  the  L.  u.  W.  V.  came  to  us.  I  believe  they  all  had  bombs. 
We  went  on  Clybourn  Avenue  north  towards  Lincoln  Avenue,  to  the  Larra- 
bee  Street  Station,  where  we  halted.  Lingg  and  myself  halted  there.  I 
don't  know  what  had  become  of  the  others.  Some  went  ahead  of  us. 
Lingg  and  I  had  a  conversation,  that  there  should  be  made  a  disturbance 
everywhere  on  the  North  Side  to  keep  the  police  from  going  over  to  the 
West  Side.  In  front  of  the  Larrabee  Street  Station  Lingg  said  it  might  be 
a  beautiful  thing  if  we  would  walk  over  and  throw  one  or  two  bombs  into 
the  station.  There  were  two  policemen  sitting  in  front  of  the  station,  and 
Lingg  said  if  the  others  came  out  these  two  couldn't  do  much.  We  would 
shoot  these  two  down.  Then  we  went  further  north  to  Lincoln  Avenue  and 
Larrabee  Street,  where  we  took  a  glass  of  beer.  Webster  Avenue  Station  is 
near  there.  After  we  left  the  saloon  we  went  a  few  blocks  north,  then 
turned  about  and  came  back  to  North  Avenue  and  Larrabee  Street.  While 
we  stood  there  a  patrol  wagon  passed.  We  were  standing  south  of  North 
Avenue  and  Larrabee  Street.  Lingg  said  that  he  was  going  to  throw  a 


426  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

bomb  —  that  was  the  best  opportunity  to  throw  the  bomb  —  and  I  said  it 
would  not  have  any  purpose.  Then  he  became  quite  wild,  excited  ;  said 
I  should  give  him  a  light.  I  was  smoking  a  cigar,  and  I  jumped  into  a 
front  opening  before  a  store  and  lighted  a  match,  as  if  I  intended  to  light 
a  cigar,  so  I  could  not  give  him  a  light.  When  I  had  lighted  my  cigar  the 
patrol  wagon  was  just  passing.  Lingg  said  he  was  going  to  go  after  the 
wagon  to  see  what  had  happened,  saying  that  something  had  certainly  hap- 
pened on  the  West  Side  —  some  trouble.  The  patrol  wagon  was  com- 
pletely manned,  going  south  on  Larrabee  Street.  We  were  four  or  five 
houses  distant  from  the  station.  Then  I  went  into  a  boarding-house  be- 
tween Mohawk  and  Larrabee  Streets  and  lighted  a  cigar ;  then  we  went 
towards  home.  First  Lingg  wanted  to  wait  until  the  patrol  wagon  would 
come  back,  but  I  importuned  him  to  go  home  with  me.  We  got  home 
probably  shortly  before  eleven  ;  I  cannot  tell  exactly.  On  the  way  home 
Lingg  asked  me  whether  I  had  seen  a  notice  that  a  meeting  of  the  armed 
men  should  be  held  on  the  West  Side.  I  said  I  had  seen  nothing.  Lingg 
wanted  to  go  out.  I  took  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung;  tore  it  into  two  parts.  He 
took  one,  and  I  one.  Thereupon  he  said,  '  Here  it  is,'  and  called  my  atten- 
tion to  the  word  '  Ruhe.'  This  here  is  the  same  that  I  saw  in  my  house. 
I  did  not  know  the  meaning  of  the  word  '  Ruhe '  until  the  time  I  saw  it. 
Lingg  said  there  was  to  have  been  a  meeting  on  the  West  Side  that  night, 
and  he  was  going  to  go  at  once  to  it.  '  Ruhe  '  meant  that  everything  was 
to  go  topsy-turvy;  that  there  was  to  be  trouble.  He  said  that  a  meeting 
had  been  held  at  which  it  was  determined  that  the  word  '  Ruhe '  should 
go  into  the  paper,  when  all  armed  men  should  appear  at  54  West  Lake 
Street ;  that  there  should  be  trouble.  After  that  talk  we  went  away. 
Lingg  wanted  to  go  to  the  West  Side,  and  I  talked  with  him  to  go  with  me 
to  58  Clybourn  Avenue.  Lingg  and  I  went  there.  There  were  several 
persons  present  at  Neff's  Hall.  I  did  not  speak  with  Lingg  at  Neff's 
Hall.  A  certain  Hermann  said  to  him,  in  an  energetic  tone  of  voice,  'You 
are  the  fault  of  it  all.'  I  did  not  hear  what  Lingg  said  to  that.  They 
spoke  in  a  subdued  tone.  Somebody  said  a  bomb  had  fallen,  which  had 
killed  many  and  wounded  many.  I  did  not  hear  what  Lingg  said  to  that. 
On  the  way  home  Lingg  said  that  he  was  even  now  scolded,  chided  for  the 
work  he  had  done.  He  got  home  shortly  after  twelve.  We  laid  the  bombs 
off  on  our  way  on  Sigel  Street,  between  Sedgwick  and  Hurlbut,  under  an 
elevated  sidewalk.  I  laid  two  pipe  bombs  there.  I  saw  Lingg  put  some 
bombs  there.  I  don't  know  what  kind.  The  next  morning  I  got  up  about 
six  o'clock.  I  don't  know  when  Lingg  got  up.  On  Wednesday  evening, 
when  Lingg  got  home,  we  spoke  about  the  Haymarket  meeting.  He  said 
if  the  workingmen  only  had  had  the  advantage  of  it  they  would  have 
gained  the  victory.  Then  we  went  together  to  a  meeting  on  Fifth  Avenue, 
at  Seamen's  Hall. 

'  On  Friday,  I  believe,  before  that  Tuesday,  the  4th  of  May,  Lingg 
brought  some  dynamite  to  the  house  in  a  wooden  box  about  three  feet  in 
length,  about  sixteen  to  eighteen  inches  in  height,  and  about  the  same 
width.  Inside  this  box  there  was  another  box.  The  dynamite  with  which 
we  filled  the  bombs  on  Tuesday  was  in  that  large  wooden  box.  We 
handled  the  dynamite  with  our  hands  and  with  a  flat  piece  of  wood  which 
Lingg  had  made  for  more  convenience.  This  here  (indicating)  is  the  pan 
to  cast  those  shells  in.  (Same  offered  in  evidence.)  Lingg  used  to  cast 
shells  in  them.  Lingg  once  told  me  he  had  made  eighty  to  one  hundred 


INFORMER  SELIGER'S  TESTIMONY.  427 

bombs  in  all.  The  bolts  which  I  got  on  that  Tuesday  were  something  like 
this  (referring  to  bolt  about  two  and  one-half  inches  long). 

"  I  am  a  member  of  the  North  Side  group  of  the  International  Working- 
men's  Association.  During  the  last  year  I  was  financial  secretary.  My 
number  was,  at  last,  72.  Two  years  ago  the  members  began  to  be  given 
numbers.  I  heard  Engel  make  a  speech  to  the  North  Side  group  last 
winter  at  Neff's  Hall.  He  said  that  every  one  could  manufacture  those 
bombs  for  themselves  ;  that  these  pipes  could  be  found  everywhere  with- 
out cost  ;  that  they  were  to  be  closed  up  with  wooden  plugs  fore  and  aft, 
and  that  in  one  of  the  plugs  was  to  be  drilled  a  hole  for  the  fuse  and  cap. 
He  said  they  were  the  best  means  against  the  police  and  capitalists.  I 
never  heard  him  make  any  other  speech. 

"  I  saw  two  bombs  at  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  last  year  at  the  time  of  the 
car-drivers'  strike.  Rau  showed  them  to  some  one.  I  don't  know  precisely 
who  were  present.  Spies  was  there.  It  was  in  the  evening.  There  was 
one  round  bomb  and  one  long  one  —  not  very  long.  I  was  at  the  Arbeiter- 
Zeitung  as  a  delegate  from  the  North  Side  group  to  the  meeting  of  the 
general  committee  of  all  the  groups  of  Chicago. 

"I  know  Schwab  and  Neebe.  They  were  members  of  the  North  Side 
group  of  the  Internationale.  I  know  Fischer.  He  is  a  member  of  some 
group,  but  I  don't  know  positively.  Lingg  belonged  to  the  North  Side 
group.  Engel  belonged  to  a  group,  I  cannot  tell  to  which  one.  The  North 
Side  group  met  every  Monday  evening.  There  were  speeches  made,  or  a 
review  of  what  had  happened  during  the  week.  On  Sundays  some  members 
exercised  with  rifles.  I  don't  know  how  many  members  had  rifles.  Every 
one  took  his  own  rifle  home  with  him.  I  had  a  rifle.  I  kept  it  at  my  dwell- 
ing. This  book  here  (Herr  Most's  book)  I  saw  at  public  meetings  of  the 
North  Side  group.  Hubner  had  charge  of  them  latterly.  The  North  Side 
group  bought  them  and  sold  them.  Hubner  was  the  librarian.  This  here 
(indicating  photograph)  is  Rudolph  Schnaubelt." 

On  cross-examination  he  gave  the  following  testimony  : 

"I  was  arrested  after  the  4th  of  May.  I  was  kept  at  the  Chicago  Avenue 
Station.  The  first  time  fully  a  week.  Then  I  was  on  the  West  Side  three 
weeks  and  one  day  ;  then  I  went  back  to  the  station  of  my  own  accord  and 
stayed  there  voluntarily.  Was  locked  up  there  ever  since.  When  first 
arrested  I  made  a  statement,  but  not  of  all  that  I  have  testified  to-day.  I 
made  a  full  statement  of  all  that  I  testified  to  here,  at  the  Chicago  Avenue 
Station.  Capt.  Schaack,  Mr.  Furthmann  and  some  detectives  were  present. 
That  was  after  I  had  been  in  prison  seven  days.  The  day  after  and  the 
second  day  after.  I  have  made  statements  in  writing,  signed  by  me,  three 
times.  In  the  first  statement  I  had  not  said  much.  I  have  done  no  work, 
earned  no  money,  during  the  time  I  have  been  in  jail.  I  received  money 
from  Capt.  Schaack;  once  a  dollar  and  a  half,  at  another  time  five  dollars. 
While  I  was  at  liberty  I  read  in  the  paper  that  I  was  indicted  for  the  murder 
of  Degan.  I  did  not  know  before  this  case  was  begun  that  I  was  not  to  be 
tried.  I  did  not  know  whether  I  was  going  to  be  tried  for  the  murder  of 
Degan  along  with  Mr.  Spies  and  the  other  defendants.  When  the  trial  was 
commenced  I  did  not  inquire  of  any  of  the  officers  why  I  was  not  brought 
out  for  trial.  I  did  not  know  I  was  to  be  used  as  a  witness  instead  of  being 
a  defendant  at  this  trial.  Capt.  Schaack  did  not  tell  me  anything  about  my 
trial.  If  I  would  come  in  and  tell  the  story  which  was  in  the  written  state- 


428  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

ment  that  I  have  signed  —  he  only  told  me  that  it  would  be  the  best  if  I 
would  tell  the  truth,  and  asked  me  whether  I  would  tell  the  truth  before  the 
court,  and  I  said  yes." 

Seliger  was  then  given  a  breathing-spell,  and  Mr.  Buschick  was  recalled. 
Buschick  testified  with  regard  to  a  map  of  the  rear  building  of  No.  442 
Sedgwick  Street,  and  was  excused. 

Seliger,  continuing  on  cross-examination,  said  : 

"  Lingg,  I  think,  is  twenty-one  or  twenty-two  years  old.  He  is  not  a  man 
of  family.  He  has  boarded  with  me  since  Christmas  last.  My  house  where 
I  lived  on  May  4th  is  about  three-quarters  of  a  mile  distant  from  the  Hay- 
market.  When  Lingg  and  I,  on  Tuesday  night  at  eleven  o'clock,  after  we 
had  seen  the  word  '  Ruhe '  in  the  paper,  spoke  about  going  over  to  the  West 
Side,  we  meant  Zepf's  Hall,  or  Greif's  Hall,  or  Florus'  Hall.  One  of  those 
halls  was  certainly  meant,  for  there  is  no  other  place.  It  was  not  under- 
stood or  agreed  between  me  and  any  other  men  who  had  the  bombs  that 
night  at  Clybourn  Avenue,  that  any  one  of  us  was  to  go  to  the  Haymarket 
meeting.  I  know  that  Capt.  Schaack  paid  my  wife  money  at  different 
times  since  my  arrest.  I  don't  know  how  much.  I  think  $20  or  $25. 
Lingg  had  made  the  same  remark  about  bombs  being  the  best  food  for 
capitalists  and  police  before  that  Tuesday  afternoon.  When  he  brought 
the  first  bomb  into  the  house  he  said  they  were  to  be  applied  on  occasions 
of  strikes,  and  where  there  were  meetings  of  workingmen  and  were  disturbed 
by  the  police.  On  that  Tuesday  afternoon  we  agreed  to  go  to  Clybourn 
Avenue  that  night,  before  the  bombs  were  done.  It  was  said  that  the 
bombs  were  to  be  taken  to  Clybourn  Avenue  that  evening.  I  don't  believe 
it  was  agreed  that  the  bombs  were  to  be  taken  anywhere  else  than 
Clybourn  Avenue.  When  they  were  taken  to  Clybourn  Avenue,  I  don't 
know  whether  they  were  to  remain  there,  or  were  to  be  taken  to  further 
places.  There  was  no  agx'eement  as  to  where  the  bombs  should  be  taken 
after  they  got  to  Clybourn  Avenue.  I  did  not  hear  anything  about  an 
agreement  that  any  of  the  bombs  manufactured  on  the  afternoon  of  May  4th 
were  to  be  taken  by  anybody  to  the  Haymarket  ;  we  were  not  making 
bombs  to  take  to  the  Haymarket  and  destroy  the  police.  They  were  to  be 
taken  to  Clybourn  Avenue  for  use  on  that  evening.  I  can  not  say  that  one 
single  bomb  was  made  for  use  at  the  Haymarket  meeting.  They  were 
made  everywhere  to  be  used  against  capitalists  and  the  police.  I  cannot 
say  who  had  the  bomb  at  the  Haymarket  on  the  night  of  May  4th.  I  don't 
know  anybody  who  was  expected  to  be  at  the  Haymarket.  I  became  ac- 
quainted with  Lingg  in  August  of  last  year.  I  saw  Engel  once  last  year  in 
the  office  of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung,  and  again  at  the  meeting  of  the  North 
Side  group.  I  did  not  see  whether  the  bombs  which  I  saw  last  summer  at 
the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  building  were  loaded.  The  room  where  I  saw  them 
was  the  library-room  that  belonged  to  the  International  Workingmen's 
Association.  The  bombs  were  below  the  counter.  I  never  saw  any  bombs 
in  the  office  of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung,  neither  in  the  editorial  room  nor  the 
printing-room,  nor  in  the  office  of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung.  The  office  is  the 
front  room.  This  library-room  is  in  the  rear.  I  saw  those  bombs  in  the 
rear  room.  I  don't  know  precisely  whether  that  library-room  is  a  part  of 
the  office,  or  whether  it  is  rented  as  a  library-room.  I  believe  that  it 
belonged  to  the  Arbeiter-Zeitting.  Those  drills  on  Sunday,  of  which  I  spoke, 


MRS.   SELIGER'S  EVIDENCE.  429 

were  in  the  day-time.  We  kept  our  guns  at  home,  in  broad  day-light,  and 
in  the  presence  of  our  neighbors,  or  any  one  who  might  be  on  the  streets, 
walked  to  the  hall  on  Sunday  and  drilled.  We  had  a  shooting  society, 
We  went  to  the  Sharpshooters'  Park  or  to  the  prairie  to  exercise.  We 
used  to  meet  and  march  publicly  on  the  streets  with  our  guns  exposed.  We 
didn't  try  to  keep  it  away  from  the  police  force  that  we  had  arms  and 
drilled  and  marched.  I  knew  that  I  was  indicted  for  conspiracy  and  for 
murder.  I  did  not  employ  the  services  of  any  lawyer.  The  only  lawyers 
that  I  talked  with  were  Mr.  Grinnell  and  Mr.  Furthmann." 

On  redirect  examination  witness  stated  : 

"  During  the  time  I  was  at  liberty  I  went  to  the  West  Side  to  the  house 
of  Mr.  Gloom,  on  Twenty-second  Street.  I  stayed  with  him  two  weeks 
and  one  day.  He  is  not  a  Socialist.  I  went  there  from  fear  of  revenge  by 
the  Socialists." 

MRS.  BERTHA  SELIGER  testified  as  follows  : 

"  I  have  lived  in  this  country  two  years.  Am  the  wife  of  William  Seliger. 
We  lived  at  442  Sedgwick  Street  from  the  i2th  of  October  to  the  igth  of 
May.  I  have  known  Louis  Lingg  since  two  weeks  before  Christmas.  He 
came  to  us  to  board  with  us.  He  boarded  with  us  until  May.  He  took  his 
meals  with  us  and  slept  in  the  house.  We  occupied  the  middle  floor  of 
that  house.  His  room  was  next  to  the  front  room,  and  there  was  a  door 
opening  into  a  clothes  closet.  Shortly  before  May  ist  I  saw  some  bombs 
as  Lingg  was  about  to  hide  them  —  about  half  a  dozen  lying  on  the  bed. 
They  were  round  bombs  and  long  ones.  After  Lingg  had  left  the  house  I 
did  not  see  any  more  of  them ;  they  were  all  gone.  On  the  Tuesday  on 
which  the  bomb  was  thrown  at  the  Haymarket  there  were  several  men  at 
our  house.  About  six  or  eight.  Perhaps  more.  Those  I  knew  were 
Hubner,  Heuman,  Thielen,  Lingg  and  my  husband.  I  think  they  were 
there  until  past  seven  o'clock.  They  were  going  and  coming  during  most 
of  the  afternoon.  They  were  in  the  front  room  and  in  Lingg's  room, 
working  at  bombs.  I  saw  Heuman  working  and  filling  at  them.  What  the 
others  were  doing  I  don't  know.  I  was  in  the  kitchen,  and  when  supper 
was  ready  I  went  into  the  bed-room.  I  was  so  mad  I  could  have  thrown 
them  all  out.  I  frequently  saw  Lingg  make  bombs.  I  always  saw  him 
cast.  I  did  not  pay  any  particular  attention.  I  simply  saw  him  melt  lead 
on  the  cooking-stove  in  my  house  —  twice  with  Heuman,  once  with  my 
husband  and  Thielen,  and  frequently  he  worked  by  himself.  He  said  to 
us:  <  Don't  act  so  foolishly.  You  might  do  something  too.'  On  Monday, 
the  day  before  the  bomb  was  thrown,  Lingg  was  away.  In  the  morning 
some  young  fellows  had  come  and  had  their  names  entered  on  the  list  of 
the  union,  and  then  he  was  writing  pretty  much  all  day. 

"  On  Wednesday,  the  day  after  the  bomb  was  thrown,  Lingg  was  at 
home  in  the  forenoon.  That  was  the  day  on  which  he  wanted  to  hide  those 
bombs  in  the  clothes  closet,  and  Lehman  was  with  him.  I  heard  some 
knocking,  and  I  went  in,  and  I  said  to  him  :  '  Mr.  Lingg,  what  are  you 
doing  there?  I  will  not  surfer  that,'— and  he  was  tearing  everything 
loose  below,  and  he  sent  that  man  Lehman  after  wall-paper,  and  he 
wanted  to  cover  up  everything  afterwards  —  nail  up  everything  afterwards. 
He  had  the  wall-paper  already  there,  and  he  said  to  me  :  'I  suppose  you 
are  crazy.  You  ought  to  have  said  before  you  wouldn't  suffer  that,  that  I 


430  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

would  have  looked  for  a  place  where  I  am  allowed  to  do  that.'  He  was 
tearing  up  things  all  around  about  in  the  closet,  and  he  had  loosened  the 
baseboards  and  taken  out  the  mortar.  He  said  if  he  needed  something  he 
couldn't  first  go  to  the  West  Side  to  get  it.  On  the  Friday  following,  on 
the  yth  of  May,  he  left  my  house.  Lingg  had  a  trunk  which  he  kept  in  his 
bed-room.  This  instrument  (referring  to  ladle  identified  by  William  Seliger) 
Lingg  was  always  casting  with." 

On  cross-examination  Mrs.  Seliger  stated  : 

"I  have  been  locked  up  on  account  of  this  bomb  business  —  on  account 
of  Lingg  —  by  Capt.  Schaack.  The  first  time  I  was  there  from  Saturday  to 
Tuesday.  Of  course  it  was  Lingg's  fault  that  I  got  locked  up.  I  talked 
with  Capt.  Schaack  about  this  matter  several  times.  I  was  locked  up 
twice.  Capt.  Schaack  paid  my  rent.  I  made  no  memoranda  of  the 
money  I  received  from  Capt.  Schaack.  He  gave  me  money  at  different 
times,  from  the  time  I  made  my  statement  down  to  the  present  time.  He 
paid  my  rent  and  gave  me  so  much  money  with  which  to  live.  When  I 
said  to  Lingg  that  I  wouldn't  allow  that  wall-paper  to  be  put  into  the 
closet,  and  'what  would  the  landlord  say  when  he  comes,'  Lingg  said, 
'Well,  then,  I  will  say  to  him  that  I  will  not  dirty  my  clothes.'  Those 
boards  were  about  a  foot  high  from  the  floor.  The  closet  did  not  reach  up 
as  far  as  the  ceiling.  He  intended  to  put  those  things  in  the  wall.  There 
was  nothing  in  at  that  time.  I  stopped  him  at  that  juncture.  I  don't  like 
Mr.  Lingg  very  well,  because  he  always  had  wrong  things  in  his  head.  I 
blame  him  for  me  and  my  husband  having  been  locked  up.  My  husband 
and  myself  talked  this  thing  over  together.  I  said  to  my  husband,  '  I 
will  tell  the  truth,  and  you  tell  it  also.'  Capt.  Schaack  told  us  we  had 
better  tell  it.  I  am  forty  years  old. 

"  I  was  locked  up  in  the  Larrabee  Street  Station,  and  my  husband  was 
in  the  Chicago  Avenue  Station.  I  never  occupied  the  same  cell  with  my 
husband  while  under  arrest.  I  only  heard  after  I  came  out  again  that  my 
husband  was  arrested  in  another  station.  While  I  was  arrested  I  didn't 
see  my  husband.  No  one  came  to  see  me.  I  told  that  story,  and  then  they 
turned  me  out.  When  arrested  the  second  time  they  kept  me  from  Mon- 
day until  Friday.  I  made  the  same  statement  as  at  first  and  signed  it,  and 
then  they  turned  me  out  again.  The  second  time  I  was  arrested  they 
brought  a  statement,  which  they  said  my  husband  had  made,  and  asked 
me  to  sign  it,  and  I  put  my  name  below  that  of  my  husband's,  and  then 
they  turned  me  out.  My  husband  was  a  Socialist  before  he  got  acquainted 
with  Lingg." 

MARSHALL  H.  WILLIAMSON,  reporter  for  the  Daily  News,  witnessed  the 
procession  of  the  Socialists  in  1885  at  the  time  of  the  opening  of  the  Board 
of  Trade  building,  and  was  also  present  at  No.  107  Fifth  Avenue,  from 
which  place  they  started,  and  where  they  finally  separated.  He  heard 
Parsons  and  Fielden  speak  from  the  windows  of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  office. 
Said  the  witness  : 

"  Parsons  spoke  of  the  police  interfering  with  them  in  marching  on  the 
Board  of  Trade  that  night.  He  called  the  police  bloodhounds  and  called 
on  the  mob  to  follow  him  in  an  assault  on  Marshall  Field's  dry  goods  house 
and  various  clothing-houses,  and  take  from  there  what  he  called  the  neces- 


REPORTER   WILLIAMSON'S  TESTIMONY.  431 

•sities  of  life.  They  spoke  from  the  second  floor.  There  were  about  1,000 
people  in  front  of  the  building.  Fielden  in  his  speech  also  called  upon  the 
mob  to  follow  them,  and  he  agreed  to  lead  them  to  rob  these  places  or  go 
into  them  and  take  from  them  what  they  needed  in  the  way  of  clothing  and 
dry  goods.  They  both  said  that  the  new  Board  of  Trade  was  built  out  of 
money  of  which  they  had  been  robbed  ;  that  all  the  men  who  transacted 
business  there  were  robbers  and  thieves,  and  that  they  ought  to  be  killed. 
Nothing  was  said  in  the  speeches  as  to  the  means  or  mode  of  killing.  Later 
I  went  up-stairs.  I  saw  Fielden  and  Parsons  and  some  others  whose  names 
I  didn't  know.  I  didn't  know  Spies  at  that  time,  but  remember  of  seeing  him 
there.  I  asked  Parsons  why  they  didn't  march  upon  the  Board  of  Trade 
and  blow  it  up.  He  said  because  the  police  had  interfered,  and  they  had 
not  expected  that  and  were  not  prepared  for  them.  I  told  him  I  had  seen 
revolvers  exhibited  by  some  in  the  procession.  He  told  me  when  they  met 
the  police  they  would  be  prepared  with  bombs  and  dynamite.  Mr.  Fielden 
was  standing  at  his  elbow  at  the  time.  He  said  the  next  time  the  police 
attempted  to  interfere  with  them,  they  would  be  prepared  for  them.  That 
would  be  in  the  course  of  a  year  or  so.  Spies  was  in  the  room.  It  was  the 
front  room  of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  office.  Spies  was  not  standing  immedi- 
ately with  the  party.  I  was  shown  what  they  told  me  was  a  dynamite  cart- 
ridge. The  package  was  about  six  or  seven  inches  long,  and  an  inch  and  a 
half  or  two  inches  in  diameter.  It  was  wrapped  in  a  piece  of  paper.  The 
paper  was  broken.  After  I  had  conversed  with  Mr.  Parsons  a  while,  he 
took  out  of  the  broken  place  a  small  portion  of  the  contents.  It  was  of  a 
slightly  reddish  color,  and  he  again  said  it  was  dynamite,  and  that  was  what 
they  would  use  when  they  went  against  the  police  ;  he  also  said  he  had 
enough  of  that  where  he  could  put  his  hands  on  it  to  blow  up  the  business 
center  of  the  city.  I  was  shown  a  coil  of  fuse  about  fifteen  or  twenty  feet ; 
also  a  fulminating  cap  by  which  they  said  dynamite  bombs  were  exploded. 
The  cap  was  exploded  in  the  room  while  I  was  there.  It  made  quite  a 
noise  and  filled  the  room  with  smoke.  It  was  copper  and  about  an  inch 
long  and  perhaps  one-eighth  of  an  inch  in  diameter — about  the  size  of  a  No. 
22  cartridge  cap.  Mr.  Parsons  called  for  these  articles.  They  were  in  a 
drawer  in  a  desk,  and  Mr.  Spies  handed  them  to  him  to  be  shown  to  me. 
Parsons  told  me  they  were  preparing  for  a  fight  for  their  rights  ;  that  they 
believed  they  were  being  robbed  every  day  by  capitalists  and  the  thieving 
Board  of  Trade  men.  He  said  it  must  stop.  He  told  me  that  they  had 
bombs,  dynamite  and  plenty  of  rifles  and  revolvers,  and  he  said  their  man- 
ner of  warfare  would  be  to  throw  their  bombs  from  the  tops  of  houses  and 
stores,  and  in  that  way  they  could  annihilate  any  force  of  militia  or  police 
brought  against  them  without  any  harm  to  themselves.  After  this  conver- 
sation I  went  down-stairs,  where  I  met  Detectives  Trehorn  and  Sullivan.  I 
was  acquainted  with  them.  I  took  them  up-stairs  and  renewed  the  conver- 
sation with  Mr.  Parsons,  and  left  him  talking  with  the  police  officers.  The 
conversation  I  had  had  with  Mr.  Parsons  was  in  effect  repeated  with  the 
police  officers  in  my  presence.  The  officers  were  in  citizens'  clothes.  The 
red  flags  in  that  procession  were  carried  by  some  women.  I  was  at  54  West 
Lake  Street,  in  some  of  the  halls  there,  on  several  occasions,  within  a  year 
before  the  opening  of  the  Board  of  Trade.  That  is  where  I  got  acquainted 
with  Parsons  and  Fielden.  I  heard  them  speak  there.  That  was  during 
the  winter  months  of  1884  and  1885.  Mr.  Fielden,  on  one  occasion,  wanted 
them  to  follow  him  to  those  clothing  stores  and  grocery  stores  and  some 


432  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

other  places  and  get  what  they  needed  to  support  their  families.  He  told 
them  to  purchase  dynamite.  He  said  that  five  cents'  worth  of  dynamite 
carried  around  in  the  vest  pocket  would  do  more  good  than  all  the  revolvers 
and  pistols  in  the  world.  Mr.  Parsons  also  told  them  they  were  being 
robbed,  and  offered  to  lead  them  to  the  grocery  stores  and  other  places  to 
get  what  they  wanted.  That  is  all  I  remember  of  those  speeches.  I  heard 
them  some  eight  or  ten  times.  There  were  never  over  between  ten  and 
twenty-five  people  present." 

On  cross-examination  witness  stated  : 

"The  first  of  these  meetings  I  attended  was  about  two  years  ago.  I  wrote 
reports  of  those  meetings,  which  I  think  were  published  in  the  Daily  News 
in  each  instance  the  day  following,  in  the  morning  edition.  The  circulation 
of  the  Daily  News,  about  a  year  and  a  half  and  two  years  ago,  was,  I  think, 
121,000  per  day,  as  claimed  by  the  paper. 

"  When  I  went  to  the  meetings  at  54  West  Lake  Street  I  had  no  trouble 
to  get  in.  The  meetings  were  held  in  the  front  rooms  on  the  top  floor. 
There  were  no  guards  at  the  door.  I  simply  went  in  and  sat  down  and  took 
my  notes  publicly.  Fielden  and  Parsons  learned  very  soon  that  I  was  a 
reporter  on  the  Daily  News.  Those  speeches  of  Parsons  and  Fielden  which 
I  related  were  made  at  the  first  meeting  I  attended.  When  Fielden  sug- 
gested the  five  cents'  worth  of  dynamite  carried  in  the  vest  pocket,  he  gave 
no  instructions  whatever  on  the  subject  of  how  to  carry  or  use  it.  The  pro- 
posal to  go  out  to  Marshall  Field's  and  some  clothing  store  was  a  proposal 
for  immediate  action.  He  did  not  start,  however.  After  he  got  through 
with  his  talk  and  proposal,  he  sat  down  until  the  meeting  was  over.  The 
meeting  quietly  dispersed  and  went  home.  I  did  not  see  that  army  of  less 
than  twenty-five  men  start  for  Field's  that  night,  or  upon  any  subsequent 
occasion.  I  heard  that  same  proposal  at  every  single  meeting  I  attended 
at  54  West  Lake  Street  and  700  and  something  West  Indiana  Street,  and 
various  other  places.  I  do  not  think  there  was  ever  over  twenty-five  present 
at  their  meetings  in  halls.  I  have  seen  larger  numbers  of  people  at  open- 
air  meetings.  Sometimes  the  attendance  did  not  exceed  about  ten  men. 
The  same  proposition  was  made  when  there  were  only  ten  persons  present. 

"  In  that  procession  on  the  night  of  the  opening  of  the  Board  of  Trade  I 
marched  at  the  head.  After  Mr.  Parsons  had  finished  his  speech  from  the 
window  of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  office  that  night,  in  which  he  proposed  to 
lead  the  multitude  against  those  stores,  he  quietly  went  back  into  the  room, 
and  I  entered  into  a  conversation  with  him.  Mr.  Fielden,  after  he  had  got 
through  proposing,  joined  in  the  conversation  with  Mr.  Parsons  and  myself. 
He  didn't  go  down  to  the  street  and  lead  anybody  anywhere,  either.  The 
proposals  that  night,  both  by  Fielden  and  Parsons,  were  proposals  for  im- 
mediate action,  but  they  simply  proposed  to,  and  then  gracefully  retired 
from  the  window.  There  were  about  twenty  people  in  the  room.  Among 
them,  I  think,  was  Mr.  Spies.  There  were  two  reporters  besides  myself 
there.  I  think  both  Fielden  and  Parsons  knew  me  as  a  reporter  at  the  time. 
I  presume  they  knew  I  was  connected  with  the  Daily  News.  Parsons  never 
manifested  any  reluctance  in  detailing  to  me  what  he  did  ;  but  in  one  con- 
versation he  refused  to  reveal  the  remainder  of  their  plans.  I  saw  some 
three  or  four  revolvers  in  that  procession.  I  don't  know  who  had  them. 
There  were  not  to  exceed  five  hundred  people  in  the  procession.  I  saw  two 
revolvers  in  the  right-hand  side  coat  pocket,  and  two  more  in  the  hip  pocket, 


LIEUT.  SHEA'S  TESTIMONY.  433 

carried  by  four  persons.  I  have  informed  various  police  officers  of  what  I 
have  seen  and  heard  regarding  these  people.  I  had  frequent  conversations 
with  police  officers  of  Chicago.  I  think  there  were  about  four  women  in 
that  procession  carrying  banners.  There  were  about  half  a  dozen  women 
in  the  room  while  they  spoke  from  the  windows.  I  think  some  women 
spoke  from'  the  same  windows  to  the  same  mob.  I  think  the  meetings 
which  I  attended  were  regularly  advertised  in  the  Daily  News." 

On  redirect  examination,  Williamson  was  asked  by  the  State's  Attorney  : 
"  You  were  about  to  say  something  about  some  interview  that  you  had  with 
Parsons  in  regard  to  the  plans,  also  in  regard  to  leaders  and  privates  in 
their  army.  Will  you  please  state  what  that  was  ?  " 

"  Parsons  told  me  there  were  some  3,000  armed  Socialists  in  the  city  of 
Chicago,  well  armed  with  rifles  and  revolvers,  and  would  have  dynamite 
and  bombs  when  they  got  ready  to  use  them  ;  that  they  were  meeting  and 
drilling  at  various  halls  in  the  city.  He  refused  to  give  me  a  list  of  those 
halls.  He  refused  to  tell  me  where  they  bought  rifles.  He  said  the  society 
was  divided  into  groups,  and  that  they  knew  each  other  by  twos  and  threes. 
He  showed  me  an  article  in  the  Alarm,  I  think,  about  street  warfare.  In 
that  connection  I  think  he  told  me  it  was  their  intention  to  occupy  the  Mar- 
ket Place  and  the  Washington  Street  tunnel,  and  in  that  position  they  could 
successfully  encounter  any  force  that  could  be  brought  against  them." 

On  re-cross-examination  witness  related  : 

"There  was  nobody  present  when  I  had  that  conversation  with  Mr. 
Parsons.  I  think  it  was  after  New  Year's  day  of  1885,  in  the  winter.  I  did 
not  ask  him  how  they  managed  to  drill  if  they  only  knew  each  other  by 
twos  and  threes.  He  said  that  in  that  organization  of  3,000  no  man  knew 
more  than  two  or  three  others." 

JOHN  SHEA,  Lieutenant  of  Police,  and  at  the  head  of  the  detective  force, 
testified  about  the  search  of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  office  and  proceeded  : 

"  I  know  a  man  that  is  called  Rudolph  Schnaubelt.  He  was  in  the  sta- 
tion a  couple  of  days  after  the  arrest  of  those  other  gentlemen.  This  here 
(indicating  photograph)  I  recognize  as  Schnaubelt's  picture.  When  I  saw 
him  he  had  a  mustache.  I  had  a  conversation  with  Mr.  Spies  at  police 
headquarters,  in  my  office,  after  he  was  arrested.  We  had  a  conversation 
about  that  manuscript  referred  to  by  me.  I  asked  Spies  if  he  was  at  the 
meeting  at  the  Haymarket.  He  said  he  was ;  that  he  opened  the  meet- 
ing ;  that  Schwab  was  there,  but  that  he  understood  he  went  to  Deering. 
He  said  Parsons  was  there,  and  Fielden ;  that  both  spoke  there  —  Fielden 
at  the  time  the  police  came.  He  said  he  spoke  at  a  meeting  on  May  3,  near 
McCormick's  factory,  and  some  of  the  parties  there  in  the  rear  had  com- 
menced to  halloa,  and  said,  'Let's  go  to  McCormick's,'  and  they  had 
started,  and  most  of  the  crowd  had  started  with  them.  Spies  .said  he  had 
heard  later  what  had  happened  at  McCormick's ;  that  he  had  got  on  a  street 
car  and  come  down  town.  I  asked  him  if  he  knew  anything  about  that  cir- 
cular that  was  circulated  on  the  street.  I  don't  remember  that  I  had  pres- 
ent with  me  the  circular  which  I  referred  to  during  that  conversation.  He 
said  he  did  not  know  anything  about  the  circular,  but  heard  that  it  had  been 
circulated.  I  asked  him  if  he  wrote  this  manuscript  (indicating  manuscript 


434  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

previously  produced).  Mr.  Grinnell  was  sitting  in  the  office  at  the  time. 
Spies  said,  '  I  refuse  to  answer.'  Then  Mr.  Spies  said  he  was  the  editor  there. 
I  said,  '  Now,  would  not  anything  of  that  kind  be  likely  to  go  through  your 
hands  before  it  would  go  to  print  ? '  He  said,  '  I  refuse  to  answer.' 

"  I  had  a  conversation  with  Fischer  the  next  day.  He  said  that  on  the  night 
of  May  4  he  and  several  others,  Schwab,  Fielden,  were  at  a  meeting  in  the 
Arbeiter-Zeitung  office ;  that  Rau  brought  word  to  the  meeting  that  there 
was  a  large  crowd  at  the  Haymarket,  that  Spies  was  there  and  very  few 
speakers;  and  they  immediately  started  to  the  Haymarket.  He  said  he 
didn't  hear  Spies,  but  heard  Fielden  and  Parsons.  That  pistol  and  dagger 
he  had  had  to  protect  himself.  He  had  not  had  it  with  him  that  night.  It 
was  in  the  Arbeiter-Zeitiing  office.  On  Wednesday  morning  he  had  put  it 
on  because  he  didn't  intend  to  stay.  He  was  going  away.  '  That  fulminat- 
ing cap  he  had  got  from  a  man  in  front  of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  office  some 
three  months  before  that.  He  had  never  paid  any  attention  to  it.  He  had 
made  the  sharpened  dagger  himself  for  his  own  protection. 

"In  the  conversation  with  Spies,  my  recollection  is  that  he  said  he  got 
on  the  wagon,  and  said  something  to  Parsons  or  Fielden  about  its  going  to 
rain,  and  left  the  wagon.  I  don't  recollect  where  he  said  he  went  to. 
Fischer  said  he  was  at  Zepf's  Hall  at  the  time  of  the  explosion." 

FRED.  L.  BUCK  was  called  to  testify  with  reference  to  some  experiments 
he  had  made  with  dynamite  which  he  had  received  from  the  detectives' 
office.  He  had  gone  to  the  lake  front  with  Officer  McKeough  and  another 
officer  and  a  newspaper  reporter  and  there  made  several  tests,  all  of  which 
demonstrated  the  immense  force  of  the  dynamite. 

Lieut.  GEORGE  W.  HUBBARD,  now  Superintendent  of  the  force,  had 
charge  of  the  company  that  composed  the  third  division  at  the  Haymarket. 
Being  a  large  company,  it  was  divided  into  two,  he  himself  commanding 
one  wing  and  Sergt.  (now  Capt.)  Fitzpatrick,  who  was  drill  master,  being 
in  command  of  the  other. 

"  I  was  about  four  feet  behind  Stanton's  and  Bowler's  companies.  My 
company  was  about  six  feet  behind  me.  I  could  hear  the  sound  of  the 
voices  at  the  wagon,  but  couldn't  hear  exactly  what  was  said.  I  saw  the 
bomb  when  it  was  about  six  feet  from  the  ground  —  a  little  tail  of  fire 
quivering  as  it  fell  not  more  than  six  feet  in  front  of  me.  The  bomb  im- 
mediately exploded,  and  as  far  as  I  could  see  the  entire  division  in  front  of 
me  disappeared,  except  the  two  ends ;  but  a  great  many  of  them  got  up 
again  in  a  kind  of  disorder,  and  then  I  flanked  the  left  of  the  division. 
There  was  no  firing  before  the  explosion  of  that  bomb.  The  firing  began 
almost  immediately  on  both  sides  of  the  street  and  north  of  me.  I,  being 
on  the  left,  rushed  my  division  of  the  company  right  around  toward  the 
sidewalk,  and  commenced  answering  the  charge  from  that  quarter,  and 
Fitzpatrick  went  the  other  way,  to  the  east,  and  he  commenced  shooting 
right  into  the  crowd  on  the  sidewalk,  faced  them  right  and  left.  In  our  com- 
pany we  had  our  regular  revolvers  in  our  pockets,  and  we  had  a  larger 
revolver  in  the  sockets  attached  to  our  belts,  on  the  outside.  The  club  in 
the  socket  and  the  revolver  in  the  socket  were  both  hanging  to  the  left  side 
of  each  officer.  Pistols  and  clubs  were  all  in  the  pockets  until  the  explosion 
of  the  bomb." 


THE  LAKE  FRONT  MEETINGS.  435 

S.  J.  WERNEKE,  police  officer,  who  was  hit  with  a  bullet  in  the  head  at 
the  Haymarket,  testified  that  he  heard  Engel  at  703  Milwaukee  Avenue  in 
February,  1886,  "advise  every  man  in  the  audience  to  join  them,  and  urged 
the  people  to  save  up  three  or  four  dollars  to  buy  a  revolver  that  was  good 
enough  to  shoot  these  policemen  down.  I  was  at  the  Haymarket  in  Lieut. 
Steele's  company.  Got  hit  with  a  bullet  in  the  head." 

JOHN  J.  RYAN  next  took  the  witness-stand.     He  testified  : 

"  I  am  a  retired  officer  of  the  United  States  navy.  Live  at  274  North 
Clark  Street.  Lived  in  Chicago  for  three  years.  Have  seen  the  defendants 
Spies,  Neebe,  Parsons,  Fielden  and  Schwab  on  the  occasion  of  their  Sun- 
day afternoon  meetings  during  the  summer  of  last  year  and  the  year 
previous.  I  heard  some  of  them  speak  there,  namely,  Spies,  Parsons  and 
Fielden,  in  the  English  language.  I  can  only  designate  particularly  two 
meetings,  one  previous  to  the  picnic  they  had  last  year,  and  one  on  the 
Sunday  directly  after  it.  That  was  in  July  of  last  year,  I  think.  I  cannot 
say  that  I  saw  Mr.  Spies  at  either  of  those  meetings.  Mr.  Parsons  I  re- 
member at  one  of  them." 

"  State  what  he  said,"  put  in  the  State's  Attorney. 

"He  was  speaking  in  a  general  way,"  said  the  witness,  "about  trouble 
with  the  workingmen  and  the  people,  what  he  called  the  proletariat  class, 
and  spoke  about  their  enemies,  the  police  and  the  constituted  authorities  ; 
that  the  authorities  would  use  the  police  and  militia  and  they  would  have 
to  use  force  against  them.  He  advised  them  to  purchase  rifles.  If  they 
had  not  money  enough  for  that,  then  to  buy  pistols,  and  if  they  couldn't 
buy  pistols  they  could  buy  sufficient  dynamite  for  twenty-five  cents  to  blow 
up  a  building  the  size  of  the  Pullman  building?" 

"  What,  if  anything,  did  you  hear  Fielden  say  at  that  meeting  ?  " 

"  The  speeches  were  very  nearly  alike ;  they  spoke  about  dynamite  and 
fire-arms  to  be  used  against  the  police,  and  any  one  who  opposed  them  in 
their  designs ;  they  wanted  things  their  way  and  to  regulate  society.  The 
speeches  were  alike  Sunday  after  Sunday.  I  heard  Spies  speak  on  the  lake 
front  before  and  after  the  meetings  I  mention  ;  he  represented,  as  he  said, 
the  oppressed  class,  the  workingmen,  as  opposed  to  the  capitalists  and 
property-owners  ;  the  latter  were  the  enemy  of  the  workingmen ;  if  they 
couldn't  get  their  rights  in  a  peaceable  manner  they  must  get  them  in  a 
forcible  way.  I  heard  that  talk  about  ten  or  fifteen  times  ;  the  meetings 
were  held  there  every  Sunday  until  late  in  the  fall.  After  the  picnic,  Mr. 
Parsons,  I  think  —  I  won't  be  sure  of  that  —  spoke  about  the  young  German 
experimenting  with  dynamite  at  this  picnic ;  that  this  young  German  had  a 
small  quantity  of  dynamite  in  a  tomato-can  ;  it  was  thrown  into  a  pond  or 
lake,  and  he  spoke  of  the  force  this  amount  of  dynamite  exerted,  and  what 
could  be  done  with  it*in  destroying  buildings  and  property  in  the  city." 

On  cross-examination  Mr.  Ryan  stated  : 

"  Those  lake  front  meetings  were  held  publicly  in  plain  view  to  every- 
body in  every  instance.  The  largest  number  of  persons  I  ever  saw  attend  one 
of  these  meetings  was  not  more  than  150.  The  meetings  that  I  attended 
usually  lasted  two  or  three  hours.  I  heard  two  or  three  other  persons  speak 
on  the  lake  front  at  those  meetings  —  Mr.  Henry,  Mrs.  Parsons,  Mrs.  Holmes, 


436 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 


and,  one  Sunday,  a  young  Englishman  whose  name  I  did  not  hear  ;  also  an 
Irishman  whose  name  I  never  heard.  The  meetings  were  held  about  half 
past  two.  The  speeches  were  made  in  a  loud,  clear  tone,  sometimes  very 
loud  when  they  would  get  excited.  A  policeman  who  evidently  had  charge  of 
the  park  was  usually  around  there.  It  was  a  general  propagation  of  ideas 
and  doctrines,  down  there  on  the  lake  front.  Once  I  heard  Mr.  Parsons  say 
that  now  was  the  time  to  do  it.  I  heard  the  opinion  expressed  there  that 
the  workingmen  would  have  to  secure  their  rights  by  force,  and  therefore 
should  be  prepared  for  it." 

HARRY  WILKINSON,  a  reporter  for  the  Daily  News,  testified  as  follows : 

"On  Thanksgiving  Day,  last  year,  I  heard   Mr.   Parsons  speak  on  the 
Market  Square.     He  advised  the  workingmen  who  were  present  (there  were 
several  hundred  there),   to  stand  together,  and  to  use  force  in  procuring 
their  rights.      He  told  them  that  they  were  slaves  ;  that  out  of  a  certain  sum 
of  money  the  per  cent,  they  got  was  too  small ;  it  ought  to  be  more  evenly 
divided  with  the  man  who  employed  them.      I   don't 
recollect  that  he  said  at  that  time  anything  as  to   the 
means  or  manner  of  force  to  be  used,  or  against  whom. 
"Last  January  I   had  several  conversations  with 
Mr.   Spies,   probably  half  a  dozen.     I    first  saw  Mr. 
Spies  a  few  days  after  the  ist  of  January  of  this  year 
in  regard   to  the  matter  published   in  this  paper  (in- 
dicating copy  of  Chicago  Daily  Neivs  of  January  13, 
1886).     1  wrote  up  the  result  of  my  talk  with  Mr.  Spies 
for  that  paper;  it  was  not  all  published.      I   inquired 
of  Spies  about  an  explosive  which  had  been  placed  on 
Judge  Lambert  Tree's  steps,  and  one  that  was  placed 
in  the  Chicago,  Burlington  and  Quincy  Railroad  offices, 
and  he  emphatically  denied  that  those  machines  were 
n  ge  either  made  or  placed    by   Socialists   or   Anarchists, 
2.  Package  left  c.  B.  &  Q.   and  proved  it  by  showing  me  that  they  were  entirely 
different  in  character  to  those  used  by  the  Socialists. 

He  showed  me  this  bomb  (indicating),  which  he  described  as  the  Czar  ;  I 
took  it  with  me.  He  spoke  of  the  wonderful  destructive  power  of  the  Czar 
bomb  ;  said  it  was  the  same  kind  that  had  been  used  by  Nihilists  in  destroying 
the  Czar.  I  told  him  that  I  thought  it  was  a  pretty  tall  story,  and  he  became 
somewhat  excited  and  produced  this,  and  said  that  there  were  others,  larger 
than  that,  run  by  mechanical  power  —  clock-work  bombs  —  and  he  gave  me 
that  in  a  small  room  adjoining  the  counting-room  office  of  the  Arbeiter- 
Zeitung.  He  denied  that  those  things  were  made  at  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung 
office  ;  he  said  they  were  made  by  other  persons  and  that  there  were  several 
thousand  of  them  in  Chicago  distributed,  and  that  at  some  times  they  were 
distributed  through  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  office  ;  that  those  who  could  make 
bombs  made  more  than  they  could  use,  and  those  that  could  make  them 
gave  them  to  those  that  could  not;  that  that  one  was  one  of  the  samples.  I 
asked  Mr.  Spies  if  I  could  take  that  (the  bomb)  and  show  it  to  Mr.  Stone, 
and  I  took  it  over  there  and  didn't  bring  it  back.  On  another  occasion, 
Mr.  Spies  and  Mr.  Gruenhut  and  myself  went  to  dinner  together,  and  he 
told  us  there  about  the  organization  of  their  people  in  a  rather  boastful 
manner ;  how  they  had  gone  out  on  excursions  on  nice  summer  mornings, 
some  miles  out  of  the  city,  and  practiced  throwing  these  bombs  ;  the  man- 


Fig,  i. 


Fig.  2. 


i.  Package    left 
Tree's  house. 


REPORTER    WILKINSON'S  TESTIMONY. 


437 


ner  of  exploding  them  ;  that  they  had  demonstrated  that  bombs  made  of 
compound  metal  were  much  better  than  the  other  kind,  and  that  a  fuse 
bomb  with  a  detonating  cap  inside  was  by  far  the  best ;  and  how  at  one 
attempt  made  in  his  presence  one  of  their  machines  had  been  exploded  in 
the  midst  of  a  little  grove,  and  that  it  had  entirely  demolished  the  scenery  ; 
blown  down  four  or  five  trees.  He  further  described  to  me  some  very 
tali  and  very  strong  men,  who  could  throw  a  large-size  bomb  weighing  five 
pounds,  fifty  paces  ;  and  stated  how,  in  case  of  a  conflict  with  the  police  or 
militia,  when  the  latter  would  come  marching  up  a  street,  they  would  be 
received  by  the  throwers  formed  in  the  shape  of  the  letter  V  in  the  mouth 
of  the  street  just  crossing  the  intersection,  illustrating  this  by  taking  some 
little  toothpicks  out 
of  a  vase  on  the 
table,  laying  them 
down  and  making  a 
street  intersection. 
He  stated  the  militia 
would  probably  not 
stay  to  see  a  second 
or  a  third  bomb  go 
off.  If  the  conflict 
should  occur  at  any 
of  the  principal  street 
intersections  in  the 
city,  some  of  those 
organized  men 
would  be  on  the 
tops  of  houses  ready 
to  throw  bo  nibs 
overboard  among 
the  advancing  troops 
or  police.  All  these 
matters  had  been  in- 
vestigated ;  the  men 
were  all  thoroughly 
trained  and  organ- 
ized. The  means  of 
access  to  the  house- 
tops of  street  inter- 
sections was  a  mat- 
ter of  common  in- 
formation among 

their  adherents.     He  ascription  gfven  by  August  Spi* 

said  they  had  no  leaders  ;  one  was  instructed  as  well  as  another,  and  when 
the  great  day  came  each  one  would  know  his  duty  and  do  it.  I  tried  to  find 
out  when  this  would  probably  occur,  and  he  did  not  fix  the  date  precisely 
or  approximately  at  that  time.  At  another  of  those  interviews  he  said  it 
would  probably  occur  in  the  first  conflict  between  the  police  and  the  strikers  ; 
that  if  there  would  be  a  universal  strike  for  this  eight-hour  system  there 
would  probably  be  a  conflict  of  some  sort  brought  about  in  some  way 
between  the  First  and  Second  Regiment  of  the  Illinois  National  Guards 
and  the  police,  and  the  dynamite  upon  the  other  hand.  In  trying  to  get  at 


SOCIALISTIC  BOMBS, 
As  illustrated  in  Daily  News  of  Jan.  14,  1886,  from  specimens  shown  and 


438 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 


O 


the  probable  number  of  them,   I  understood  him  that  there  were  probably 
eight  or  ten  thousand. 

"  He  spoke  of  other  larger  bombs,  as  large  as  a  cigar-box,  to  be  exploded 
by  electricity,  which  would  be  placed  under  a  street  in  case  they  decided,  to 
barricade  any  section  of  the  city,  that  they  had  experimented  with.  That 
certain  members  of  the  organization  had  in  their  possession  a  complete 
detail,  maps  and  plans  of  the  underground  system  of  the  city.  That  these 
machines  would  either  destroy  everybody  that  was  above  them  when  they 
went  off,  or  so  tear  up  the  street  as  to  make  it  impassable.  He  told  me 
that  the  ordinary  dynamite  of  commerce  was  about  a  60  or  66  per  cent, 
dynamite  ;  that  they  made  a  finer  quality  by  importing  infusorial  earth 
and  mixing  it  themselves  ;  that  was  about  a  90  per  cent,  quality.  He 
showed  me  no  dynamite.  I  don't  think  he  gave  me  any  information  about 
Herr  Host's  '  Science  of  Revolutionary  Warfare.'  I  understood  that  the 
object  of  all  this  was  the  bettering  of  the  workingmen's  condition  by  the 
demolition  of  their  oppressors.  He  vaguely  spoke  of  a  list  of  prominent 

citizens  who  might  suddenly  be  blown  up 
one  at  a  time  or  all  at  once.  I  frequently 
said  that  I  didn't  believe  much  in  the  story 
he  told  me.  He  simply  uttered  the  renewed 
declarations. 

"  I  had  this  conversation  with  Spies  in 
the  Ar better- Zeitung  at  his  own  desk,  on  the 
left-hand  side  as  you  entered  the  door  in  the 
editorial  room.  Mr.  Schwab  was  there  once 
or  twice  when  I  was  in.  I  was  not  ac- 
quainted with  him  personally.  The  conver- 
sations which  I  have  chiefly  detailed  here 
took  place  in  the  Chicago  Oyster  House  and 
in  a  little  room  detached  from  the  counting- 
room  down-stairs  where  he  kept  those  specimen  bombs.  He  got  this  bomb 
from  one  of  those  little  pigeonholes  in  that  room. 

"  He  particularly  mentioned  the  Market  Square,  and  that  it  would  take  a 
very  few  men  to  fortify  that  street  against  all  the  police  and  militia  in 
Chicago,  and  that  they  would  have  the  tunnel  at  their  back  for  a  convenient 
place  of  retreat  for  those  who  were  not  engaged  in  throwing  the  shells,  or 
for  women  and  children  whom  they  might  care  to  take  there.  They  were 
to  receive  the  police  or  militia  with  their  line  formed  in  the  shape  of  a  letter 
V,  the  open  end  of  the  letter  V  facing  toward  the  street  intersection. 
Then  there  were  to  be  others  to  reinforce  them,  as  it  were,  on  the  tops  of 
houses,  at  those  corners.  The  plan  here  in  this  copy  of  the  Daily  News  of 
January  i4th,  I  drew  from  one  that  he  made  right  on  the  table  cloth  as  we 
sat  at  dinner  together,  except  that  he  did  not  put  in  these  little  squares,  but 
explained  to  me  where  these  would  be,  and  laid  toothpicks  to  make  these 
lines.  Those  dotted  lines  and  the  other  dotted  lines  are  to  represent  the 
dynamiters  on  tops  of  houses." 

On  cross-examination   Mr.  Wilkinson  testified  : 

"  I  got  leave  of  Mr.  Spies  to  carry  the  bomb  off  and  show  it  to  Mr. 
Stone.  I  am  now  twenty-six  years  old.  Have  been  in  the  newspaper  busi- 
ness about  four  years.  I  came  to  Chicago  in  September  of  last  year.  I 
was  assigned  to  this  work  with  Mr.  Spies  by  Mr.  Stone  personally.  I 


CHART  OF  STREET  WARFARE. 
As  published  in  Daily  News,  Jan.    14,  I 


GUST  A  V  LEHMAN  ON  THE  STAND.  439 

advised  Mr.  Spies  of  that  fact.  The  circulation  of  the  Daily  News,  accord- 
ing to  its  official  statistics,  was  about  165,000.  After  that  conversation  in 
the  presence  of  Joe  Gruenhut,  I  had  also  an  interview  with  Gruenhut.  Mr. 
Gruenhut  said  that  the  conflict  to  which  our  conversation  referred  at  the 
table  would  occur  probably  on  the  ist  of  May,  or  within  a  few  days  there- 
after, and  that  it  might  extend  all  over  the  country.  He  spoke  of  the 
conflict  between  the  workingmen  who  were  to  strike  for  eight  hours  and 
their  natural  enemies,  the  police  and  militia.  I  don't  remember  that  any- 
thing was  said  about  the  capitalists.  The  Haymarket  was  not  mentioned. 

"  I  did  not  take  any  notes  while  the  conversation  with  Mr.  Spies  was 
going  on.  I  wrote  them  up  the  first  opportunity  I  afterwards  had.  Spies 
said,  as  near  as  I  could  calculate,  that  they  had  about  9,000  bombs.  As 
to  those  tall  men  who  could  throw  a  five-pound  bomb  fifty  paces,  my  recol- 
lection is  that  it  was  a  company  referred  to,  without  number.  There  were 
four  or  five  only  of  that  company,  as  I  understood,  who  could  throw  a  five- 
pound  bomb  —  that  is  a  large-sized  shell — and  fifty  yards  is  along  distance 
to  throw  a  shell.  He  described  the  character  of  the  organizations  ;  that  if 
there  were  three  the  first  would  know  the  second  and  the  second  the  third, 
but  not  the  third  the  first  ;  that  it  was  Nihilistic  in  its  character,  and  that 
they  were  known  by  other  means  than  names.  I  don't  think  I  asked  Spies 
about  how  many  men  were  interested  in  this  project  that  were  drilling  and 
getting  ready.  I  don't  recollect  his  saying  anything  about  that,  but  I  con- 
cluded that  there  were  as  many  men  as  there  were  bombs,  or  more.  There 
was  some  delay  of  about  three  or  four  days  in  the  publication  of  my  article 
after  it  was  prepared. 

"  I  did  not  believe  all  Spies  said.  I  believed  about  half  of  it.  The 
article  written  by  me  is  wound  up  by  the  suggestion  that  when  dressed  to 
cold  facts  it  was  like  a  scare-crow  flapping  in  the  corn-field.  I  did  not  write 
that.  That  was  edited  by  some  one  who  told  me  he  didn't  believe  as  much 
of  the  matter  as  I  did.  I  remember  a  communication  from  Mr.  Spies  in  the 
Daily  News,  after  this  article.  I  think  I  helped  'fix  it  up,'  put  a  head-line 
on  it.  The  original  was  then  used  as  copy.  I  never  saw  it  afterwards.  Joe 
Gruenhut  is  a  Socialist." 

GUSTAV  LEHMAN  gave  his  testimony  as  follows: 

"  I  am  a  carpenter  On  May  4th  I  lived  at  41  Freeman  Street.  I  lived 
there  six  months.  Have  been  in  this  country  and  in  this  city  four  years.  I 
was  born  in  Prussia.  I  attended  a  meeting  at  54  West  Lake  Street  on  the 
evening  of  May  3d.  Got  there  a  quarter  of  nine.  I  went  there  from  my 
home  by  myself.  I  was  about  to  go  to  a  carpenters'  meeting  at  Zepf's  Hall, 
but  I  met  several  persons  who  were  going  to  54  West  Lake  Street.  I  saw 
a  copy  of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  containing  the  notice  'Y —  Komme  Montag 
Abend.'  It  meant  that  the  armed  ones  should  attend  the  meeting  at  54 
West  Lake  Street.  When  I  got  there  the  meeting  was  in  session.  Some- 
body made  a  motion  to  post  somebody  at  the  door,  and  then  I  went  out  to 
the  sidewalk,  by  the  door,  that  no  one  who  was  going  to  the  water-closet 
could  remain  there  and  listen.  I  was  stationed  on  the  sidewalk,  where  the 
steps  were  leading  down,  maybe  a  good  half  hour.  I  went  into  the  meet- 
ing twice.  I  heard  that  large  man,  with  the  blonde  mustache,  say  he  was 
going  to  have  handbills  printed  and  distributed.  There  were  present  at  the 
meeting  Seliger,  Thieien,  myself,  my  brother,  Fischer,  Breitenfeld  and  the 
Hermanns.  That  is  about  all  I  remember.  I  don't  know  how  Engel  looks. 


44° 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 


-HJ1- 

v 


net. 
there 


"  I  cannot  tell  whether  Lingg  was  in  the  basement,  but  he  went  home 
with  me.  We  had  a  little  quarrel.  Lingg  came  up  to  us  from  behind,  on 
the  sidewalk,  and  said  to  us,  'You  are  all  oxen,  fools.'  I  asked  him  what  had 
taken  place  at  the  meeting,  where  we  were  just  coming  from.  Lingg  told 
me  that  if  I  wanted  to  know  something  I  should  come  to  58  Clybourn  Ave- 
nue the  next  evening.  There  were  present  Seliger,  my  brother,  and  one 
other  man.  The  next  day  I  worked  on  Sedgwick  Street.  After  I  quit  work,  at 

three  o'clock,  I 
met  a  gentleman, 
Schneideke,  and 
we  went  to 
Lingg's.  Got 
there  about  five 
o'clock.  I  saw 
there  Lingg,  Sel- 
iger, and  a  black- 
smith,  whose 
name  I  don't 
know,  and  Hub- 
I  stayed 
about  ten 
minutes.  They 
did  some  work  in 
the  bed-room.  I 
couldn't  under- 
stand what  they 
were  doing.  I  did 
not  work  at  any- 
thing. Lingg  and 
Huebner  had  a 
cloth  tied  around 
their  faces.  I  had 
gone  there  be- 
cause my  coun- 
tryman wanted  to 
buy  a  revolver. 
After  I  left  I  went 
home  with  my 
countryman.  At 
about  s  eve  n 
o'clock  I  went 
back  to  Lingg's, 
and  stayed  there 
perhaps  ten  min- 
utes. They  were 

still  busy  in  the  bed-room.  Hubner  was  cutting  a  fuse,  or  a  coil  of 
fuse,  into  pieces.  I  saw  something  like  that  fuse  (indicating  a  coil  of  fuse) 
and  caps.  I  didn't  do  anything  there.  .  They  were  making  these  fuse  and 
caps  in  the  front  room.  That  afternoon  Lingg  gave  me  a  small  hand 
satchel,  with  a  tin  box  in  it,  and  three  round  bombs,  and  two  coils  of  fuse 
and  some  caps.  This  here  (indicating)  is  the  box  which  he  gave  me.  It 
was  said  that  dynamite  was  in  it.  It  was  nearly  full.  This  box  of  caps 


INTERIOR  PLAN  OF  GREIF'S  HALL. 


GUSTA  V  LEHMAN'S  TESTIMONY  441 

(indicating)  I  found  afterwards  in  the  satchel.  Lingg  said  to  me  he  wanted 
me  to  keep  these  things  so  that  no  one  could  find  them.  I  took  them  home 
with  me,  to  the  wood-shed .;  got  up  at  three  o'clock  that  night  and  carried 
them  away  to  the  prairie,  about  Clybourn  Avenue,  behind  Ogden's  Grove. 

"After  supper  on  that  Tuesday  evening  I  was  about  to  go  to  Uhlich's 
Hall,  but  there  was  no  carpenters'  meeting  there.  Then  I  was  about  to  go 
home,  but  we  went  to  58  Clybourn  Avenue,  Neff's  Hall,  because  of  what 
Lingg  had  told  us  Monday  night.  Schneideke  was  with  me.  We  stayed 
at  Neff's  Hall  about  ten  minutes.  We  got  there  about  half  past  nine.  I 
did  not  see  anybody  there  whom  I  knew  but  the  barkeeper.  After  leaving 
Neff's  Hall  we  went  up  Clybourn  Avenue  to  Larrabee  Street.  We  had  no 
special  place  in  view.  I  got  home  about  eleven  o'clock.  We  met  Seliger  and 
Lingg  standing  together  on  the  sidewalk  on  Larrabee  Street,  near  Clybourn 
Avenue.  We  stood  there  with  them,  but  one — -I  don't  know  whether  it 
was  Seliger  or  Lingg — remarked:  'We  four  should  not  keep  together.'' 
Then  we  went  towards  North  Avenue,  along  Larrabee  Street.  Near  North 
Avenue  we  met  Thielen.  I  afterwards  went  to  the  prairie  with  a  detective, 
about  May  igth  or  2oth,  to  find  the  things  that  Lingg  had  given  me.  The 
bombs  and  the  dynamite,  the  fuse  and  the  caps  were  still  there." 

"Have  you  ever  been  a  member  of  any  Socialistic  organization?" 

"I  have  been  a  member  of  the  North  Side  Group  of  the  International 
Workingmen's  Association.  I  belonged  to  the  group  about  three  months 
prior  to  the  4th  of  May.  The  group  met  at  58  Clybourn  Avenue,  regularly, 
every  Monday  evening.  We  talked  together  there,  advised  together,  and 
reviewed  what  had  happened  among  the  workingmen  during  the  week. 
We  had  hunting-guns  and  shot-guns  with  which  we  drilled.  I  kept  my 
gun  at  my  house." 

"  Did  you  ever  attend  a  dance  at  Florus'  Hall  ?  " 

"Yes,  about  March  of  this  year.  It  was  a  ball  of  the  Carpenters' 
Union.  Lingg  was  present  there.  There  was  about  ten  or  ten  and  a  half 
dollars'  profit  on  the  beer.  The  money,  according  to  a  resolution  passed  at 
the  next  meeting  of  the  Carpenters'  Union,  at  71  West  Lake  Street,  was 
handed  over  to  Lingg,  with  the  instruction  to  buy  dynamite  with  it,  and 
experiment  with  it  to  find  out  how  it  was  used.  I  heard  Engel  make  a 
speech  at  58  Clybourn  Avenue,  about  January  or  February  of  this  year, 
before  the  assembled  workingmen  of  the  North  Side.  He  said  those  who 
could  not  buy  revolvers  should  buy  dynamite.  It  was  cheap  and  easily 
handled.  A  gas-pipe  was  to  be  taken  and  a  wooden  plug  put  into  the  ends, 
and  it  was  to  be  filled  with  dynamite.  Then  the  other  end  is  also  closed  up 
with  a  wooden  plug,  and  old  nails  are  tied  around  the  pipe  by  means  of 
wire.  Then  a  hole  is  bored  into  one  end  of  it,  and  a  fuse  with  a  cap  is  put 
into  that  hole.  I  was  chairman  at  that  meeting.  Engel  said  some  gas-pipe 
was  to  be  found  on  the  West  Side,  near  the  river,  near  the  bridge." 

On  cross-examination  Lehman  stated  : 

"  The  meeting  at  which  Engel  spoke  was  a  public,  open-door  meeting. 
A  notice  under  the  signal  'Y,'  which  was  understood  to  be  the  call  for  a 
meeting  at  54  West  Lake  Street,  I  have  seen  once  before.  I  belonged  to 
the  armed  section  for  about  three  or  four  months.  The  meetings  of  the 
armed  section  at  54  West  Lake  Street  were  irregular,  governed  by  such  a 
notice  in  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung.  I  did  not  see  Lingg  at  54  West  Lake  Street 
that  Monday  night.  I  don't  know  that  he  was  there.  As  we»went  home 


442  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

he  came  up  to  us  from  behind  on  the  sidewalk.  Whether  he  was  there  or 
not  I  cannot  say.  When  I  went  to  Clybourn  Avenue  Tuesday  night,  Lingg 
was  not  there.  Seliger  went  down  in  the  basement  at  the  meeting  at 
54  Lake  Street  Monday  night.  He  was  there  for  some  time,  but  I  cannot 
tell  how  long.  I  am  sure  about  that.  We  went  there  together  from  where 
the  carpenters'  meeting  was  to  have  taken  place.  I,  my  brother,  he  and 
several  others  went  down  together.  I  am  as  sure  of  Seliger's  having  been 
down  there  in  the  basement  that  night  as  of  any  fact  that  I  have  testified  to." 

JEREMIAH  SULLIVAN,  a  detective,  testified  : 

'"I  was  on  the  Market  Square  on  the  night  of  the  inauguration  of  the 
Board  of  Trade  with  Officer  Trehorn.     When  we  got  down  there,  there  was 
quite  a  large  crowd.      One  or  two  people  were  talking  in  German  and  try- 
ing to  hold  the  crowd  until  the  speakers  came.     Mr.  Schwab  came  there 
first,  and  Parsons  and   Fielden  came,  and  I  believe  this  man  (indicating 
Lingg).      Parsons    spoke    about  the  Board  of   Trade,    and   showed   some 
figures  how  the  poor  man  was  robbed.      Then  he  denounced  the  police  as 
bloodhounds,  the  militia  as  servants  of  the  capitalists,  robbing  the  laboring 
classes,  and  invited  them  all  in  a  body  to  go  there  and  partake  of  some  of 
those  twenty-dollar  dishes  that  they  had  up  at  the  Board  of  Trade  building. 
They  were  to  get  there  by  force.     Mr.  Fielden  spoke  after  him.     He  de- 
nounced the  police  and  militia  as  bloodhounds.     At  that  time  there  was 
a  company  of   militia  on  Market  Square  for  the  purpose  of  drilling.      Mr. 
Schwab  was  there  at  the  time,  and  called  the  attention  of  the  crowd  to  the 
militia,  and  they  all  started  off  toward  the  militia.      Schwab  spoke  in  Ger- 
man.     Officer  Trehorn  and  I  went  over  there  and  asked  the  militia  to  dis- 
perse, and  they  marched  up  Water  Street.     Then  I  came  back  and  listened 
to  Mr.  Fielden,  who  urged  the  crowd  to  force  themselves  in  in  a  body  and 
partake  of  those  dishes.      Then  they  all  marched  in  a  body,  some  carrying 
red  flags.     I  saw  in  the  procession  Schwab,  Parsons,  Fielden,  and  I  am  not 
positive  as  to  that  young  fellow  (Lingg).     There  was  no  United  States  flag 
in  the  procession.     There  was  a  platoon  of  police  at  every  crossing.     The 
procession  stopped  at  107  Fifth  Avenue.      Parsons  went  in  and  spoke  from 
the  window.     He  denounced  the  policemen  as  bloodhounds,  and  the  militia 
also,  and  stated  how  they  stopped  them  from  going  in  there  and  partaking 
of  the  food  ;  that  a  good  many  of  his  audience  did  not  have  clothes  and 
could  not  afford  to  pay  twenty  cents  for  a  meal,  let  alone  twenty  dollars, 
and  wanted  them  to  go  and  follow  him,  and  he  would  make  a  raid  on  those 
different  places,  mentioning  Marshall  Field's  and  one  or  two  other  places. 
After  him  Fielden  spoke,  and  wanted  them  all  to  go  down  with  him  in  a 
body  and  he  would  lead  them.     I  met  Williamson,  the  reporter,  just  as  he 
was  coming  down-stairs,  that  evening.      We  went  up-stairs  with  him.      I 
shook  hands  with  Mr.  Fielden  and  spoke  to  him.     They  did  not  know  me 
as  a  policeman.    Fielden,  Parsons  and  Schwab  were  there.    Spies  was  at  the 
desk.    Parsons  asked  Spies  for  this  dynamite.     He  brought  it  over,  and  Par- 
sons told  how  it  could  be  used  ;    that  if  it  was  thrown  into  a  line  of  police 
or  militia  it  would  take  the  whole  platoon.    He  also  exhibited  a  coil  of  fuse. 
I  said  :  '  You  can  get  that  in  any  quarry.      They  use  that  in  blasting  powder. ' 
He  said  :     '  It  comes  in  good  to  load  these  with  —  to  touch  these  off  with,' 
referring  to  dynamite  shells.     I  saw  some  caps  there  about  the  size  of  a  22- 
caliber    cartridge.     The  substance  which   he  showed    was    dynamite.      It 
looked  like  red  sand.     It  was  shaped  about  a  foot  long,  and  about  an  inch 


MORITZ  NEFF  AS  A    WITNESS. 


443 


and  a  half  in  diameter.  I  asked  one  of  them  why  they  didn't  go  into  the 
Board  of  Trade  building.  They  said  that  they  were  not  prepared  that  night  ; 
that  there  were  too  many  of  the  bloodhounds  before  them  on  the  street, 
but  the  next  time  they  would  turn  out  they  would  meet  them  with  their  own 
weapons  and  worse.  " 

MORITZ  NEFF  testified  : 


also 


as 


"I  live  at  58  Clybourn  Avenue,  known  as  Thuringer  Hall, 
Neff's  Hall,  since  seven  years.  I  keep  a  saloon 
there.  Back  of  the  saloon  is  a  hall.  The 
North  Side  group  used  to  meet  there.  I  know 
all  the  defendants.  On  the  night  when  the 
bomb  was  thrown  I  was  at  my  saloon.  Louis 
Lingg  came  in,  in  company  with  Seliger  and 
another  man  whom  I  had  not  seen  before. 
This  stranger  carried  the  satchel.  It  was  a 
common  bag,  probably  about  a  foot  and  a  half 
long  and  six  inches  wide.  He  put  it  on  the 
counter,  after  that  on  the  floor.  Lingg  and 
Seliger  were  standing  by,  and  Lingg  asked  me 
if  some  one  had  asked  for  him.  That  stranger, 
whose  name  I  afterwards  found  out  to  be 
Muntzenberg,  carried  the  satchel  on  his 
shoulder  ;  that  was  ten  or  fifteen  minutes  after 
eight.  I  told  Lingg  that  nobody  had  inquired 
for  him.  Then  Muntzenberg  picked  up  the  bag 
and  went  out  the  side  door,  in  the  rear  of  the 
room,  followed  by  Lingg  and  Seliger.  I  have 
not  seen  the  bag  since.  There  was  a  large 
meeting  of  painters,  probably  two  hundred,  in 
the  hall  that  evening.  For  this  reason  I  opened 
this  door  in  the  rear  of  the  saloon,  so  that  people 
going  to  that  meeting  would  not  be  compelled 
to  go  through  the  saloon.  I  saw  Lingg  and 
Seliger  again  that  night  about  eleven  o'clock. 
Nobody  had  inquired  in  the  meantime  for 
Lingg.  I  saw  Hubner  there  before  Lingg 
came.  I  saw  Thielen  on  the  sidewalk  in  front 
of  the  saloon,  but  not  inside.  The  two  Leh- 
mans  were  there  after  Lingg  had  left.  They 
were  out  on  the  sidewalk,  not  inside.  The 
first  time  Lingg  stayed  about  five  or  ten 
minutes.  He  went  out  through  the  saloon.  I 
did  not  see  Seliger  and  Muntzenberg  go  out 
through  the  saloon.  Before  Lingg  and  Seliger 
came  back,  at  about  eleven  o'clock,  several  in- 
dividuals had  come  into  the  saloon,  among 
them  the  Hermanns,  the  two  Lehmans,  the 
two  Hagemans  and  Hirschberger.  Lingg  and  Seliger  dropped  in  a  little 
later.  They  were  all  talking  together.  I  didn't  pay  much  attention  to  it. 
I  heard  one  of  them  halloa  out  very  loud,  '  That  is  all  your  fault.  '  I  heard 
them  also  say  that  the  bomb  had  been  thrown  among  the  police  and  some 
of  them  had  been  killed.  They  came  from  the  meeting. 


INTERIOR  PLAN  OF  NEFF'S  HALL. 


444  -ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

"Engel  addressed  the  North  Side,  group  in  my  hall  in  February  last 
winter.  It  was  a  public  agitation  meeting  of  the  North  Side  group,  adver- 
tised in  the  Arbeiter-ZeHiing." 

"What  did  Engel  say?' 

"  He  wanted  money  for  a  new  paper,  the  Anarchist,  started  by  the 
Northwest  Side  group  and  two  of  the  South  Side  groups.  He  said  the 
Arbeiter-Zeitung  was  not  outspoken  enough  in  those  Anarchistic  principles  ; 
therefore  they  started  this  paper.  They  distributed  some  of  these  papers. 
Later  on  he  gave  a  kind  of  history  of  revolutions  in  the  old  country,  stated 
that  the  nobility  of  France  were  only  forced  to  give  up  their  privileges  by 
brute  force  ;  that  the  slaveholders  in  the  South  were  compelled  by  force  to 
liberate  their  slaves,  and  the  present  wage-slavery  would  be  done  away 
with  only  by  force  also.  And  he  advised  them  to  arm  themselves,  and  if 
guns  were  too  dear  for  them  they  should  use  cheaper  weapons  —  dynamite 
or  anything  they  could  get  hold  of  to  fight  the  enemy.  To  make  bombs, 
anything  that  was  hollow  in  the  shape  of  gas-pipes  would  do.  That  is  all 
I' heard  him  say.  I  wasn't  present  all  the  time.  I  bought  a  copy  of  the 
Anarchist  that  night  for  five  cents.  This  here  (indicating)  is  one  of  the 
copies,  dated  January  i,  1886.  This  is  one  of  the  copies  distributed  that 
night.  Engel  did  not  distribute  it  himself.  Two  other  gentlemen  who 
were  there  did  that." 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

A  Pinkerton  Operative's  Adventures — How  the  Leading  Anarchists 
Vouched  for  a  Detective  —  An  Interesting  Scene  —  An  Enemy  in  the  Camp  —  Getting 
into  the  Armed  Group  —  No.  i6's  Experience  —  Paul  Hull  and  the  Dynamite  Bomb  — 
A  Safe  Corner  Where  the  Bullets  were  Thick  —  A  Revolver  Tattoo  —  ' '  Shoot  the 
Devils"  —  A  Reformed  Internationalist. 

THE  examination  of  witnesses  continued  from  day  to  day  before  a 
crowded  court-room.  At  times  tilts  between  the  attorneys  and  long 
arguments  on  knotty  legal  points  varied  the  proceedings.  Every  coigne  of 
vantage  occupied  by  the  State  was  stubbornly  contested  by  counsel  for  the 
defendants.  But  the  prosecution  maintained  its  position  and  brought  out 
all  the  material  evidence  it  had  accumulated.  The  theory  of  the  State  with 
reference  to  conspiracy,  murder  and  "  accessory  before  the  fact "  was  grad- 
ually being  developed  with  force  and  effect.  Newspaper  reporters  proved 
important  witnesses  and  rendered  the  State  great  service. 

The  greatest  interest  at  this  stage  of  the  trial  was  taken  in  the  testimony 
of  ANDREW  C.  JOHNSON,  a  Pinkerton  detective,  who  became  a  member 
of  the  International  Workingmen's  Association  February  22,  1885,  or  rather 
on  March  i,  1885,  a  few  days  later,  for  it  was  on  that  day  that  he  got  his 
red  card  of  membership,  bearing  his  number,  and  began  his  series  of 
reports  to  the  agency. 

Among  a  number  of  minor  particulars,  Johnson  told  how  the  blowing  up 
of  the  Board  of  Trade  was  proposed  on  March  29  by  Fielden,  and  indorsed 
by  others.  The  most  interesting  part  of  his  story,  however,  is  the  descrip- 
tion of  his  admission  into  the  armed  group.  This  took  place  on  August  24, 
at  Greif's  Hall.  Said  Johnson  : 

"  There  were  twenty  or  twenty-three  men  and  two  women  present.  It 
was  Monday  night.  Among  them  Parsons,  Fielden,  besides  Walters, 
Bodendick,  Boyd  and  Larson,  Parker,  Franklin  and  Snyder.  After  having 
been  there  a  short  time,  a  man  armed  with  a  long  cavalry  sword,  dressed  in 
a  blue  blouse,  wearing  a  slouch  hat,  came  into  the  room.  He  ordered  all 
those  present  to  fall  in.  He  then  called  off  certain  names,  and  all  those 
present  answered  to  their  names.  He  then  inquired  whether  there  were 
any  new  members  who  wished  to  join  the  military  company.  Those  who 
did  should  step  to  the  front.  Myself  and  two  others  did  so.  We  were 
asked  separately  to  give  our  names.  My  name  was  put  down  in  a  book, 
and  I  was  told  my  number  was  16.  Previous  to  my  name  being  put  down 
the  man  asked  whether  any  one  present  could  vouch  for  me  as  a  true  man. 
Parsons  and  Bodendick  vouched  for  me.  The  same  process  was  gone 
through  in  regard  to  the  other  two.  The  man  then  inquired  of  two  other 
men  in  the  room,  whether  they  were  members  of  the  American  group,  and 
asked  to  see  their  cards,  and  as  they  were  unable  to  produce  their  cards  he 
told  them  to  leave  the  room.  Two  others  were  expelled.  The  doors  were 


446  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

closed  and  the  remainder  were  asked  to  fall  in  line.  For  about  half  an 
hour  or  three-quarters  we  were  put  through  the  regular  manual  drill, 
marching,  counter-marching,  turning,  forming  fours,  wheeling,  etc.  That 
man  with  a  sword  drilled  us.  He  was  evidently  a  German.  After  that  he 
stated  he  would  now  introduce  some  of  the  members  of  the  first  company 
of  the  German  organization.  He  went  out  and  in  a  few  minutes  returned 
with  ten  other  men  dressed  like  himself,  each  one  armed  with  a  Springfield 
rifle.  He  placed  them  in  line  in  front  of  us  and  introduced  them  as  mem- 
bers of  the  first  company  of  the  L.  u.  W.  V.,  and  proceeded  to  drill  them 
about  ten  minutes.  After  that  a  man  whose  name  I  do  not  know  —  he  was 
employed  by  the  proprietor  of  the  saloon  at  54  West  Lake  Street  —  came 
into  the  room  with  two  tin  boxes,  which  he  placed  on  a  table.  The  drill 
instructor  asked  us  to  examine  them,  as  they  were  the  latest  improved 
dynamite  bomb.  They  had  the  appearance  of  ordinary  preserve  fruit  cans, 
the  top  part  unscrewed.  The  inside  of  the  cans  was  filled  with  a  light 
brown  mixture.  There  was  also  a  small  glass  tube  inserted  in  the  center 
of  the  can.  The  tube  was  in  connection  with  a  screw,  and  it  was  explained 
that  when  the  can  was  thrown  against  any  hard  substance  it  would  explode. 
Inside  of  the  glass  tube  was  a  liquid-  Around  the  glass  tube  was  a 
brownish  mixture  which  looked  like  fine  saw-dust.  The  drill  instructor  told 
us  we  ought  to  be  very  careful  in  the  selection  of  new  members  of  the  com- 
pany, otherwise  there  was  no  telling  who  might  get  into  our  midst.  After 
that  a  man  named  Walters  was  chosen  as  captain,  and  defendant  Parsons 
for  lieutenant.  We  decided  to  call  ourselves  the  International  Rifles.  The 
drill  instructor  then  suggested  that  we  ought  to  choose  some  other  hall,  as 
we  were  not  quite  safe  there,  and  added,  '  We  have  a  fine  place  at  636 
Milwaukee  Avenue.  We  have  a  short  range  in  the  basement,  where  we 
practice  shooting  regularly.'  Parsons  inquired  whether  we  couldn't  rent 
the  same  place,  and  the  drill  instructor  said  he  didn't  know.  Then  the 
time  for  the  next  meeting  of  the  armed  section  was  fixed  for  the  following 
Monday.  Parsons  and  Fielden  drilled  with  us  that  evening.  They  were 
present  also  with  a  number  of  others  at  the  next  meeting,  on  August  31,  at 
54  West  Lake  Street.  Capt.  Walters  drilled  us  for  about  an  hour  and  a 
half.  Then  we  had  a  discussion  as  to  the  best  way  of  procuring  arms. 
Some  one  suggested  that  each  member  pay  a  weekly  amount  until  he  had 
enough  to  purchase  a  rifle  for  each  member  of  the  company.  Parsons  sug- 
gested :  '  Look  here,  boys ;  why  can't  we  make  a  raid  some  night  on  the 
militia  armory?  There  are  only  two  or  three  men  on  guard  there,  and  it  is 
easily  done.'  This  suggestion  was  favored  by  some  members,  but  after 
some  more  discussion  the  matter  of  the  raid  on  the  armory  was  put  off  until 
the  nights  got  a  little  bit  longer." 

The  witness,  whose  testimony  was  very  lengthy,  refreshed  his  memory 
from  copies  of  reports  which  he  had  made  at  the  time.  On  cross- 
examination  he  was  asked  why  the  reports  were  countersigned  by  L.  J. 
Gage.  He  replied  that  he  did  not  know  why  they  were  so  countersigned, 
but  he  found  that  they  were.  The  history  he  had  to  tell  bore  chiefly  upon 
the  facts  leading  up  to  the  riot  at  the  Haymarket. 

JOSEPH  GRUENHUT,  a  factory  and  tenement-house  inspector  of  the  Health 
Department  of  the  city,  had  known  Spies  for  six  years,  Parsons  about 
ten  years,  Fielden  and  Schwab  about  two  years,  more  or  less. 


JOE  GRUENHUTS  TESTIMONY.  447 

"I  have  known  Neebe  perhaps  fifteen  or  twenty  years.  I  was  in  the 
habit  of  meeting  some  of  them  daily,  at  labor  meetings  or  at  the  office  of  the 
Arbeiter-Zeitung.  I  am  myself  interested  in  labor  movements,  formerly 
the  Labor  Party  of  the  United  States.  It  changed  its  name  into  the 
Socialistic  Labor  Party.  I  am  a  Socialist.  I  don't  consider  myself  an 
Anarchist.  I  am  not  a  member  of  any  group  of  the  Internationals  in  the 
city,  nor  of  the  Lehr  und  Wehr  Verein.  I  was  present  at  interviews 
between  the  reporter  Wilkinson  and  Mr.  Spies.  I  introduced  Mr.  Wil- 
kinson to  Mr.  Spies  at  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  office  in  the  forenoon,  and  on 
the  evening  of  the  same  day,  I  believe,  I  was  present  at  a  conversation 
between  them  at  a  restaurant  on  Madison  Street.  We  took  supper  there 
together. " 

"  State  the  conversation  which  took  place  there  between  Spies  and  the 
reporter." 

"Mr.  Wilkinson  asked  him  how  many  members  belonged  to  the  mili- 
tary societies  of  organized  trade  and  labor  unions.  Spies  said  that  there 
were  many  thousand ;  that  these  organizations  were  open  to  everybody, 
and  at  meetings  people  were  asked  to  become  members,  but  their  names 
would  not  be  known,  because  they  would  be  numbered,  and  they  didn't 
keep  any  record  of  names.  Mr.  Spies  laid  some  toothpicks  on  the  table 
so  as  to  show  the  position  of  armed  men  on  tops  of  houses,  on  street 
corners,  and  how  they  could  keep  a  company  of  militia  or  police  in  check 
by  the  use  of  dynamite  bombs.  The  conversation  was  carried  on  in  a 
conversational  tone,  half  joking,  etc.,  and  it  lasted  perhaps  a  quarter  of  an 
hour,  while  we  were  taking  our  supper." 

On  cross-examination  Mr.  Gruenhut  stated  that  he  had  heard  no 
reference  to  any  attack  to  be  made  on  the  first  of  May,  and  in  the  re-direct 
examination  he  said,  with  reference  to  Spies'  attitude  on  the  eight-hour 
movement : 

"  At  the  start  he  said  he  did  not  believe  they  would  get  it,  and  then  it 
would  not  amount  to  anything  anyhow;  it  was  only  a  palliative  measure  — 
not  radical  enough.  As  I  recollect,  I  brought  him  a  list  of  the  different  or- 
ganizations in  Chicago,  and  we  were  trying  to  pick  out  those  which  needed 
organization,  and  the  packers  and  a  great  many  others  were  directly  organ- 
ized by  these  men  for  the  eight-hour  movement.  We  were  in  constant  con- 
sultation about  organizing  those  trades  which  had  not  been  organized  before. 
I  don't  suppose  he  ever  said  that  he  was  in  favor  of  the  eight-hour  move- 
ment. I  don't  know  that  he  -was  ever  enthusiastically  in  favor  of  the  eight- 
hour  movement,  but  he  was  enthusiastically  in  favor  of  the  eight-hour 
movement  that  we  had  talked  about  on  Monday.  There  never  had  been  a 
general  eight-hour  mass-meeting.  There  had  been  a  mass-meeting  repre- 
senting the  great  assemblies,  at  the  Armory,  but  not  the  Central  Labor 
Union.  It  was  a  Socialistic  organization;  was  not  represented  there.  In 
October,  1885,  there  had  been  a  mass-meeting  of  the  Socialistic  organiza- 
tions in  favor  of  the  eight-hour  movement  at  West  Twelfth  Street  Turner 
Hall.  I  was  not  there.  At  the  time  I  had  that  conversation  with  Mr.  Spies 
and  the  others  present  about  a  mass-meeting  to  be  held,  we  did  not  know 
where  the  meeting  was  to  be  held  at  all.  We  only  considered  the  advisa- 
bility of  holding  a  mass-meeting  on  the  question  of  the  eight-hour  move- 
ment in  the  open  air.  There  are  only  three  or  four  places  where  you  can  hold 


448  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

such  a  meeting ;  either  the  lake  front  or  Market  Square  or  the  Haymarket. 
At  that  time  I  am  sure  I  saw  Spies,  Rau  and  Neebe  almost  every  day,  but 
I  could  not  tell  whether  the  meeting  was  agreed  upon  on  Saturday  or  Mon- 
day, night  or  day ;  but  there  was  a  general  agreement  upon  having  one  gen- 
eral mass-meeting  in  the  open  air.  It  was  not  sure  whether  the  meeting 
was  to  be  in  the  forenoon,  afternoon  or  night,  but  at  last  we  came  to  the 
conclusion  it  ought  to  be  at  night.  My  recollection  is  that  Spies  said  to 
Wilkinson,  at  the  time  of  that  conversation,  that  the  military  associations 
were  open  and  free  to  everybody  ;  that  they  meet,  advertise  their  meetings, 
have  picnics  and  advertise  them,  and  meet  in  halls,  even  in  open  ground,  at 
Sheffield,  or  out  on  the  prairie.  That  proposed  mass-meeting  was  to  be  an 
eight-hour  meeting  and  an  indignation  meeting  over  the  killing  of  men  at 
McCormick's  at  the  same  time.  Parsons  and  Spies,  during  conversations 
within  the  twelve  months  before  the  bomb  was  thrown,  said  that  arming 
meant  the  use  of  dynamite  bombs  by  individuals  ;  all  men  should  individ- 
ually self-help,  as  against  a  squad  of  policeman  or  company  of  militia,  so 
that  they  need  not  be  an  army." 

F.  H.  NEWMAN,  a  physician,  attended  some  of  the  officers  wounded  at 
the"  Hay  market,  and  identified  an  iron  nut  extracted  from  Hahn.  He  had 
also  examined  some  ten  or  twelve  officers,  and  had  found  some  bullets  and 
fragments  of  a  combination  of  metals  much  lighter  than  lead.  "The 
fragments  were  also  much  lighter,"  he  said,  "  than  the  bullets,  varying 
very  much  in  size,  from  perhaps  what  we  would  call  22-caliber  up  to 
45-caliber.  The  bullets  also  varied  in  size.  This  piece  of  metal  I 
took  from  the  heel  of  Officer  Barber.  It  made  a  ragged  wound  and  was 
buried  in  the  bone ;  crushed  the  bone  considerably,  fractured  it  in  several 
places.  I  examined  the  wounds  of  one  officer  who  had  a  large  ragged 
wound  in  the  liver.  He  died  within  a  few  hours.  It  could  have  been  a 
wound  produced  by  a  bullet,  if  the  bullet  was  very  ragged,  spread  out  con- 
siderably, as  they  do  sometimes." 

MAXWELL  E.  DICKSON,  a  newspaper  reporter,  had  had  several  interviews 
with  Parsons.  He  said  : 

".The  last  time  I  met  Mr.  Parsons,  either  the  latter  part  of  last  year  or 
the  commencement  of  this  year,  he  gave  me  two  or  three  papers,  and  one  of 
them  contained  one  or  two  diagrams,  a  plan  of  warfare.  Parsons  stated 
that  the  social  revolution  would  be  brought  about  in  the  way  that  paper 
would  describe.  In  November  of  last  year,  some  time  after  that  demon- 
stration on  the  Market  Square,  I  remarked  to  Parsons,  in  a  sort  of  joking 
way, 'You  are  not  going  to  blowup  anybody,  are  you?'  He  said  :  'I  don't  say 
that  we  won't,  I  don't  know  that  we  won't,  but  you  will  see  the  revolution 
brought  about,  and  sooner  than  you  think  for.'  I  attended  a  number  of 
meetings  at  which  some  of  the  defendants  spoke. 

"The  Twelfth  Street  Turner  Hall  meeting  was  a  meeting  called  for  the 
purpose  of  discussing  the  Socialistic  platform.  A  circular  had  been  issued, 
in  which  public  men,  clergy,  employers  and  others  who  were  interested  in 
the  social  question  were  invited  to  be  present  to  discuss  the  question  of  the 
social  movement.  The  hall  was  crowded.  During  the  meeting  Mr.  Par- 
sons made  a  speech,  during  which  he  said  that  the  degradation  of  labor  was 


REPORTER  DICKSON'S  TESTIMONY. 


449 


brought  about  by  what  was  known  as  the  rights  of  private  property  ;  he 
quoted  a  long  line  of  statistics,  showing  that  an  average  man  with  a  capital 
of  five  thousand  dollars  was  enabled  to  make  four  thousand  dollars  a  year, 
and  thus  get  rich,  while  his  employe,  who  made  the  money  for  him,  obtained 
but  $340,  and  there  were  upwards  of  two  million  heads  of  families  who  were 
in  want,  or  bordering  on  want,  making  their  living  either  by  theft,  robbery 
or  any  such  occupation  as  they  could  get  work  in  ;  and  he  said  that,  while 
they  were  the  champions  of  free  speech  and  social  order,  it  would  be  hard 
for  the  man  who  stood  in  the  way  of  liberty,  fraternity  and  equality  to  all. 
Later  on  Fielden  spoke  and  said  that  the  majority  of  men  were  starving 
because  of  over-production,  and  went  on  to  show  that  overcoats  were  being 
sent  to  Africa,  to  the  Congo  states,  which  were  needed  at  home,  and  he 
could  not  understand  how  that  was.  As  a  Socialist,  he  believed  in  the 
equal  rights  of  every  man  to  live.  The  present  condition  of  the  laboring 
man  was  due  to  the  domination  of  capital, 
and  they  could  expect  no  remedy  from 
legislatures,  and  there  were  enough  pres- 
ent in  the  hall  to  take  Chicago  from  the 
grasp  of  the  capitalists  ;  that  capital  must 
divide  with  labor ;  that  the  time  was 
coming  when  a  contest  would  arise  be- 
tween capital  and  labor.  He  was.no 
alarmist,  but  the  Socialist  should  be  pre- 
pared for  the  victory  when  it  did  come. 
Several  other  persons  spoke  after  that. 
Then  Spies  spoke  in  German,  advising 
the  workingmen  to  organize  in  order  to 
obtain  their  rights,  and  that  they  might 
be  prepared  for  the  emergency.  Then 
there  were  resolutions  adopted  denounc- 
ing the  capitalists,  the  editors  and  clergy- 
men, and  those  who  had  refused  to  come 
to  hear  the  truth  spoken  and  discuss  the 
question,  whereupon  the  meeting  ad- 
journed. 

"At  the  meeting  at  Mueller's  Hall 
Fielden  presided  and  Mr.  Griffin  spoke  first,  advocating  the  use  of  force  to 
right  social  wrongs.  A  young  man  named  Lichtner  said  he  was  in  favor 
of  Socialistic  ideas,  but  opposed  to  the  use  of  force.  Schwab,  in  German, 
said  that  the  gap  between  the  rich  and  the  poor  was  growing  wider  ;  that, 
although  despotism  in  Russia  had  endeavored  to  suppress  Nihilism  by 
executing  some  and  sending  others  to  Siberia,  Nihilism  was  still  growing. 
And  he  praised  Reinsdorf,  who  had  then  been  recently  executed  in  Europe, 
but  stated  that  his  death  had  been  avenged  by  the  killing  of  Rumpf,  the 
Chief  of  Police  of  Frankfort,  who  had  been  industrious  in  endeavoring  to 
crush  out  Socialism  ;  that  murder  was  forced  on  many  a  man  through  the 
misery  brought  on  him  by  capital ;  that  freedom  in  the  United  States  was 
a  farce,  and  in  Illinois  was  literally  unknown;  that  both  of  the  political 
parties  were  corrupt,  and  what  was  needed  here  was  a  bloody  revolution 
which  would  right  their  wrongs. 

"  A  young  man  named  Gorsuch  was   against  all  government,  which  was 
made  for  slaves.      The  only  way  the  workingmen  could  get  their  rights  was 


ADOLPH  LIESKE. 

BEHEADED  Nov.  17,  1885.  —  From  Photograph 
found  in  the  possession  of  Anarchist  Boden- 
dick,  on  back  of  which  was  written:  "Re- 
venge is  Sweet." 


450  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

by  the  Gatling  gun,  by  absolute  brute  force.  Then  Mr.  Fielden  called  upon 
the  capitalists  to  answer  these  arguments  and  to  save  their  property,  for 
when  the  Socialists  decided  to  appropriate  the  property  of  the  capitalists  it 
would  be  too  late  for  the  capitalists  to  save  anything. 

"  Then  Spies  said  in  German  that  the  workingmen  should  revolt  at 
once.  He  had  been  accused  of  giving  this  advice  before,  it  was  true,  and 
he  was  proud  of  it.  That  wage  slavery  could  only  be  abolished  through 
powder  and  ball.  The  ballot  was  a  sort  of  skin  game.  He  compared  it  to 
a  deck  of  cards  in  which  there  was  a  marked  deck  put  in  the  place  of  the 
genuine,  and  in  which  the  poor  man  got  all  of  the  skin  cards,  so  that,  when 
the  dealer  laid  down  the  cards,  his  money  was  taken  from  him.  Then  Spies 
offered  these  resolutions,  which  were  adopted  : 

"  'Whereas,  our  comrades  in  Germany  have  slain  one  of  the  dirtiest  dogs 
of  his  Majesty  Lehmann,  the  greatest  disgrace  of  the  present  time  —  namely,, 
the  spy  Rumpf. 

"  'Resolved,  That  we  rejoice  over  and  applaud  the  noble  and  heroic  act/ 

"Then  Parsons  offered  some  resolutions  favoring  the  abolition  of  the 
present  social  system,  and  the  formation  of  a  new  social  cooperative  system 
that  would  bring  about  an  equality  between  capital  and  labor. 

"  The  next  meeting  I  attended  was  on  the  Market  Square,  on  Thanks- 
giving day.  Mr.  Parsons  asked  what  they  had  to  be  thankful  for,  whether 
it  was  for  their  poverty,  their  lack  of  sufficient  food  and  clothing,  etc.,  and 
argued  that  the  capitalists  on  the  avenue  spent  more  money  for  wine  at 
one  meal  than  some  of  them  received  pay  in  a  month.  Fielden  said  they 
would  be  justified  ingoing  over  to  Marshall  Field's  and  taking  out  from 
there  that  which  belonged  to  them.  A  series  of  resolutions  were  adopted, 
offered,  I  believe,  by  Parsons,  denouncing  the  President  for  having  set  apart 
Thanksgiving  day  —  that  it  was  a  fallacy  and  a  fraud;  that  the  working- 
men  had  nothing  to  be  thankful  for ;  that  only  a  few  obtained  the  riches 
that  were  produced,  while  the  many  had  to  starve." 

On  cross-examination  Mr.  Dickson  said  : 

"Parsons  said  to  me  that  when  the  social  revolution  came,  it  would  be 
better  for  all  men  ;  it  would  place  every  man  on  an  equality.  He  pictured 
me  personally  as  a  wage  slave,  referring  to  my  position  as  a  newspaper 
reporter,  and  that  all  reforms  had  to  be  brought  about  through  revolution, 
and  bloodshed  could  not  be  avoided.  I  frequently  heard  him  give  expres- 
sion to  such  ideas  in  friendly  conversation,  in  which  the  social  outlook  of 
the  country  was  talked  over,  and  Parsons  frequently  insisted  that  any 
method  would  be  justifiable  to  accomplish  the  object  which  he  advocated 
as  the  intended  result  of  a  social  revolution.  Parsons  once  stated  to  me 
that  if  it  became  necessary  they  would  use  dynamite,  and  it  might  become 
necessary.  Parsons  never  expressed  any  distinct  proposal  to  inaugurate 
the  revolution  at  any  particular  time,  or  by  the  use  of  any  particular  force. 
He  simply  spoke  of  the  social  revolution  as  the  inevitable  future.  I  am  not 
certain  as  to  whether  the  paper  which  Parsons  gave  me,  which  contained 
those  diagrams,  was  a  copy  of  the  Alarm  or  of  some  other  paper.  This 
article  here  in  the  Alarm  of  July  25,  1885  (indicating),  under  the  title, 
'Street  Fighting — How  to  Meet  the  Enemy,'  is,  to  the  best  of  my  recol- 
lection, the  article  to  which  my  attention  was  called  by  Mr.  Parsons  at  the 
time.  I  am  positive  these  diagrams  here  (indicating)  are  the  same  as  in 
the  article  given  me  by  Parsons. 


REPORTER  HULL'S  TESTIMONY. 


"  The  position  of  these  parties  in  meetings  that  I  have  attended,  since 
January  18,  1885,  when  they  spoke  of  the  industrial  condition,  was  that  they 
predicted  a  social  revolution,  and  they  also  advised  the  workingmen  to 
bring  about  that  revolution.  It  was  Mr.  Fielden  on  the  lake  front  —  I  can- 
not fix  the  date  —  who  used  language  of  that  import,  advised  the  men  to  go 
forward  and  get  that  which  did  belong  to  them  by  force. " 

PAUL  C.  HULL,  a  reporter  of  the  Daily  News,  attended  the  Haymarket 
meeting  and  heard  Fielden  speak.  He  testified  as  follows  : 

"When  the  bomb  exploded  I  was  on  the  iron  stairway,  about  four  steps 
from  the  top  landing.  After  the  bomb  exploded  the  firing  began  from  the 
crowd  before  the  police  fired.  I  saw  the  bomb  in  the  air.  My  head  was 
probably  within  twelve  or  fifteen  feet  above  the  crowd.  It  was  quite  dark. 
Directly  opposite  me  was  a  pile  of  boxes  on  the  sidewalk,  and  an  area-way 
surrounded  by  an  iron  railing.  My  eyes  were  directed  toward  the 
speakers'  wagon.  As  the  words  were  in  his  mouth,  I  saw  arching  through 
the  air  the 
sparks  of  the 
burning  fuse. 
According  to 
my  recollection 
it  seemed  to 
com  e  from 
about  fifteen  or 
t we  n  ty  feet 
south  of 
Crane's  alley, 
flying  over  the 
third  division 
of  police  and 

PARSONS'  HANDWRITING. 
The  Manuscript  of  an  Advertisement  calling  a  Meeting  of  the  "American  Group." 


the  second  and 

,     .         ,  , 

third.  It 


seemed  to  throw  to  the  ground  the  second  and  third  divisions  of  police. 
At  almost  the  same  instant  there  was  a  rattling  of  shots  that  came  from 
both  sides  of  the  street  and  not  from  the  police.  The  meeting  was  noisy 
and  turbulent.  When  the  speaking  began  there  were  about  eight  hundred 
to  one  thousand  people  in  the  crowd.  At  the  time  the  police  came  it 
had  dwindled  away  a  third  from  what  it  was  at  its  largest  number.  About 
a  quarter  of  the  crowd,  that  part  which  clustered  about  the  wagon,  were 
enthusiasts,  loudly  applauded  the  speakers  and  cheered  them  on  by 
remarks.  The  outskirts  of  the  crowd  seemed  to  regard  the  speakers  with 
indifference,  often  laughed  at  them  and  hooted  them. 

"  Spies  told  his  version  of  the  McCormick  riot.  He  had  been  charged 
with  being  responsible  for  the  riot  and  the  death  of  those  men,  by  Mr. 
McCormick.  He  said  Mr.  McCormick  was  a  liar  and  was  himself  respon- 
sible for  the  death  of  the  six  men  which  he  claimed  were  killed  at  that 
time  ;  that  he  had  addressed  a  meeting  on  the  prairie,  and  when  the 
factory  bell  rang  a  body  of  the  meeting  which  he  was  addressing  detached 
themselves  and  went  toward  the  factory,  and  that  there  the  riot  occurred. 
He  then  touched  upon  the  dominating  question  of  labor  and  capital  and 
their  relations  very  briefly,  and  asked  what  meant  this  array  of  Catling 


452  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

guns,  infantry  ready  to  arms,  patrol  wagons  and  policemen,  and  deduced 
from  that  that  it  was  the  Government  or  capitalists  preparing  to  crush 
them,  should  they  try  to  right  their  wrongs.  I  don't  remember  that  he 
said  anything  in  his  speech  about  the  means  to  be  employed  against  that 
capitalistic  force. 

"  Parsons  dealt  considerably  in  labor  statistics.  He  drew  the  conclusion 
that  the  capitalists  got  eighty-five  cents  out  of  the  dollar,  and  the  laboring 
man  fifteen  cents,  and  that  the  eight-hour  agitation  and  the  agitation  of  the 
social  question  was  a  still  hunt  after  the  other  eighty-five  cents.  He 
advised  the  using  of  violent  means  by  the  workingmen  to  right  their 
wrongs.  Said  that  law  and  government  was  the  tool  of  the  wealthy  to 
oppress  the  poor ;  that  the  ballot  was  no  way  in  which  to  right  their 
wrongs.  That  could  only  be  done  by  physical  force. 

"I  only  heard  a  part  of  Fielden's  speech.  He  said  Martin  Foran  had 
been  sent  to  Congress  to  represent  the  Labor  Party,  and  he  did  not  do  it 
satisfactorily.  When  McCormick's  name  was  mentioned  during  the 
speeches  there  were  exclamations  like  'Hang  him, '  or  'Throw  him  into 
the  lake.'  Some  such  a  remark  would  be  made  when  any  prominent 
Chicago  capitalist's  name  was  used.  When  some  one  in  the  crowd  cried 
'Let's  hang  him  now,'  when  some  man's  name  was  mentioned,  one  of  the 
speakers,  either  Spies  or  Parsons,  said,  'No,  we  are  not  ready  yet.' ' 

On  cross-examination  Mr.  Hull  said  : 

"  The  firing  of  the  revolvers  startled  me.  I  considered  my  position 
dangerous  and  tried  to  get  around  the  corner.  A  few  moments  before  the 
explosion  of  the  bomb  a  threatening  cloud  came  up,  and  Mr.  Spies  said  the 
meeting  would  adjourn  to  54  West  Lake  Street,  I  believe.  At  no  time 
during  the  meeting  was  I  as  near  as  eight  or  ten  feet  from  the  speaker.  I 
don't  believe  I  heard  Fielden  say,  in  a  loud  voice,  '  There  come  the  blood- 
hounds !  Now  you  do  your  duty  and  I'll  do  mine,'  when  the  police  were 
coming  up.  I  remember  that  Mr.  Fielden  said  '  in  conclusion,'  after  I  got 
my  position  on  the  stairs  again,  and  when  the  police  were  forming  and 
marching  below.  I  was  confused  at  the  time  I  wrote  my  reports.  (After 
examining  his  report  in  a  copy  of  Daily  News  of  May  5th,  1886  :)  I  have 
said  nowhere  in  this  report  that  the  crowd  fired  upon  the  police.  I  did  say 
that  the  police  required  no  orders  before  firing  upon  the  crowd.  I  wrote 
this  up  about  an  hour  after  the  occurrence.  After  describing  the  explosion 
of  the  bomb,  I  used  this  language  in  my  report :  '  For  an  instant  after  the 
explosion  the  crowd  seemed  paralyzed,  but,  with  the  revolver  shots  crack- 
ing like  a  tattoo  on  a  mighty  drum,  and  the  bullets  flying  in  the  air,  the 
mob  plunged  away  into  the  darkness  with  a  yell  of  rage  and  fear.'  My 
recollection  is  that  the  bomb  struck  the  ground  about  on  a  line  with  the 
south  line  of  the  alley.  The  bomb  apparently  fell  north  from  the  point 
where  I  first  saw  it  in  the  air.  I  judge  it  came  from  the  south,  going  west- 
northwest." 

WHITING  ALLEN,  another  reporter,  was  present  at  the  Haymarket  meet- 
ing in  company  with  Mr.  Tuttle,  another  newspaper  man,  and  heard  some 
of  the  speeches.  Said  the  witness  : 

"  Parsons  was  speaking  when  we  got  there.  About  the  only  thing  that 
I  could  quote  from  his  speech  is  this  :  '  What  good  are  these  strikes  going 
to  do  ?  Do  you  think  that  anything  will  be  accomplished  by  them  ?  Do 


A  PICNIC  OF  THE  "REDS"  AT  SHEFFIELD. 

i.     Experimenting  with   Dynamite.     2.  Getting  Inspiration.     3.  Engel  on  the  Stump.     4.  "  Hoch  die  Anarchic  I ' 
5.   Mrs.  Parsons  addressing  the  Crowd.     6.  Children  peddling  Mosfs  Literature.     7.  A  Family  Feast. 


454  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

you  think  the  workingmen  are  going  to  gain  their  point  ?  No,  no  ;  they 
will  not.  The  result  of  them  will  be  that  you  will  have  to  go  back  to  work 
for  less  money  than  you  are  getting.'  That  is  his  language  in  effect.  At 
one  time  he  mentioned  the  name  of  Jay  Gould.  There  were  cries  from  the 
crowd,  'Hang  Jay  Gould!'  'Throw  him  into  the  lake!'  and  soon.  He 
said,  '  No,  no  ;  that  would  not  do  any  good.  If  you  would  hang  Jay  Gould 
now,  there  would  be  another,  and  perhaps  a  hundred,  up  to-morrow.  It 
don't  do  any  good  to  hang  one  man ;  you  have  to  kill  them  all,  or  get  rid 
of  them  all.'  Then  he  went  on  to  say  that  it  was  not  the  individual,  but 
the  system ;  that  the  government  should  be  destroyed.  It  was  the  wrong 
government,  and  these  people  who  supported  it  had  to  be  destroyed.  I 
heard  him  cry,  '  To  arms  ! '  I  cannot  tell  in  what  connection.  The  crowd 
was  extremely  turbulent.  It  seemed  to  be  thoroughly  in  sympathy  with 
the  speakers ;  was  extremely  excited,  and  applauded  almost  every  utter- 
ance. I  staid  there  some  ten  or  fifteen  minutes.  I  then  left  and  went  to 
Zepf's  Hall.  Later  I  came  back  again,  when  Fielden  was  speaking. 
When  the  bomb  was  thrown  I  was  in  the  saloon  of  Zepf's  Hall,  standing 
about  the  middle  of  the  room  at  the  time.  I  did  not  see  any  of  the  defend- 
ants there.  They  were  not  there  to  my  knowledge.  When  I  was  down  at 
the  meeting,  I  pointed  out  to  Mr.  Tuttle  Mr.  Parsons,  Fielden,  Spies,  and 
a  man  that  I  presume  was  Mr.  Schwab,  but  was  not  certain.  The  general 
outline  was  that  of  Mr.  Schwab.  I  could  not  get  a  full  view  of  his  face. 
That  must  have  been  half  past  nine." 

CHARLES  R.  TUTTLE  said  he  did  not  remember  much  of  what  Parsons 
spoke : 

"Parsons  made  a  series  of  references  to  existing  strikes  —  one  was  the 
Southwestern  strike  —  and  to  Jay  Gould,  the  head  of  that  system  of  rail- 
ways, and  the  winding  up  of  the  peroration  in  connection  with  that  created 
a  great  deal  of  excitement  and  many  responses  from  the  audience.  He 
then  spoke  of  the  strike  at  McCormick's,  and  detailed  the  suffering  of  the 
people  who  had  wives  and  children,  and  who  were  being  robbed  by  one 
whom  I  took  to  be  Mr.  McCormick,  although  I  cannot  say  that  was  the 
idea  ;  who  were  being  robbed,  anyway,  by  capitalists.  And  he  said  it  was 
no  wonder  that  these  persons  were  struggling  for  their  rights,  and  then  said 
that  the  police  had  been  called  on  by  the  capitalists  to  suppress  the  first 
indications  of  any  movement  on  the  part  of  the  working  people  to  stand  up 
for  rights,  and  he  asked  what  they  are  going  to  do.  One  man  —  I  believe 
the  same  one  who  had  spoken  when  he  referred  to  Gould  —  stuck  up  his 
hand  with  a  revolver  in  it,  and  said,  'We  will  shoot  the  devils,'  or  some 
such  expression,  and  I  saw  two  others  sticking  up  their  hands,  near  to  him, 
who  made  similar  expressions,  and  had  what  I  took  to  be  at  the  time 
revolvers." 

EDWARD  COSGROVE,  a  detective  connected  with  the  Central  Station,  was 
on  duty  at  the  Haymarket.  He  gave  the  substance  of  some  of  the  speeches, 
and,  referring  to  Spies,  said : 

"Then  he  talked  about  the  police,  the  bloodhounds  of  the  law,  shoot- 
ing down  six  of  their  brothers,  and  he  said  :  'When  you  are  ready  to  do 
something,  do  it,  and  don't  tell  anybody  you  are  going  to.'  A  great  num- 
ber of  the  crowd  cheered  him  loudly.  The  enthusiastic  part  of  the  crowd 


HAYMARKET  ORATORY.  455 

was  close  to  the  wagon.  Sometimes  there  would  be  some  on  the  outskirts. 
I  did  not  hear  all  of  Spies'  speech  and  only  part  of  Parsons'.  Parsons 
talked  of  statistics  —  about  the  price  laboring  men  received.  He  said  they 
got  fifteen  cents  out  of  a  dollar,  and  they  were  on  the  still  hunt  for  the 
other  eighty-five.  He  talked  of  the  police  and  capitalists  and  Pinkertons. 
He  said  he  was  down  in  the  Hocking  Valley  region,  and  they  were  only 
getting  twenty-four  cents  a  day,  and  that  was  less  than  Chinamen  got. 
And  he  said  his  hearers  would  be  worse  than  Chinamen  if  they  didn't  arm 
themselves,  and  they  would  be  held  responsible  for  blood  that  would  flow 
in  the  near  future.  There  was  a  great  deal  of  cheering  close  to  the  wagon 
during  his  speech.  I  was  in  Capt.  Ward's  office  when  the  police  were 
called  out.  I  came  down  the  street  at  the  time  the  police  did.  When  the 
police  came  to  a  halt,  I  was  on  the  northwest  corner  of  Randolph  and  Des- 
plaines.  I  heard  no  firing  of  any  kind  before  the  explosion  of  the  bomb, 
but  immediately  after  that.  I  can't  tell  from  what  source  the  pistol  shots 
came,  whether  the  police  fired  first  or  the  other  side.  I  reported  at  the 
station  from  time  to  time  what  was  going  on  at  the  meeting." 

On  cross-examination  Cosgrove  said  : 

"I  was  twice  at  the  station  reporting.  My  second  report  was  that  Mr. 
Parsons  said  they  would  be  held  responsible  for  the  blood  that  would  flow 
in  the  streets  of  America  in  the  near  future.  The  police  remained  at  the 
station  after  this  report.  I  didn't  hear  any  part  of  Fielden's  speech.  When 
I  came  out  before  the  police  quite  a  number  of  the  crowd  had  gone  away. 
When  I  saw  Schwab  he  was  about  forty  feet  south  of  the  south  sidewalk  of 
Randolph  Street,  on  Desplaines.  I  saw  Schwab  about  half  past  eight,  or  a 
little  later,  at  the  wagon.  My  impression  is  that  I  saw  Mr.  Schwab  near 
the  close  of  Parsons'  speech,  but  I  am  not  sure.  When  I  saw  him  at  the 
wagon  it  was  about  the  time  Mr.  Spies  came  back  the  second  time  to 
speak." 

TIMOTHY  McKEOUGH,  a  detective,  was  present  when  the  meeting  opened. 

"  Spies  got  on  the  wagon  and  called  out  twice  :  '  Is  Mr.  Parsons  here  ? ' 
He  received  no  answer,  and  said  :  '  Never  mind,  I  will  go  and  find  him  my- 
self.' Somebody  said  :  '  Let  us  pull  the  wagon  around  on  Randolph  Street 
and  hold  the  meeting  there. '  Mr.  Spies  said:  'No,  that  might  stop  the 
street-cars.'  He  started  away  then,  and  Officer  Myers  and  myself  followed 
him  as  far  as  the  corner.  There  was  a  man  with  him  who,  I  think,  was 
Schwab,  but  I  am  not  very  sure  about  that,  and  in  about  fifteen  minutes  he 
returned,  and  when  I  got  back  he  was  addressing  the  meeting,  talking 
about  what  happened  to  their  brethren  the  day  before  at  McCormick's. 
He  had  been  down  to  McCormick's  and  addressed  a  meeting,  and  they 
wanted  to  stop  him ;  tried  to  pull  him  off  the  car  because  he  was  a  Social- 
ist; that  while  he  was  talking  a  portion  of  the  crowd  started  toward 
McCormick's  and  commenced  to  throw  stones,  the  most  harmless  amuse- 
ment they  could  have ;  how  wagons  loaded  with  police  came  down  the 
Black  Road  and  commenced  firing  into  the  crowd.  Somebody  halloaed  out : 
'Let  us  hang  him,'  and  he  said:  'My  friends,  when  you  get  ready  to  do 
anything,  go  and  do  it,  and  say  nothing  about  it.'  About  that  time  Parsons 
arrived  and  Spies  introduced  him,  saying  Parsons  could  talk  better  English 
than  he,  and  would  probably  entertain  them  better.  The  crowd  in  the 
neighborhood  of  the  wagon  appeared  very  much  excited  when  Spies  spoke 


456  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

about  the  shooting  down  of  workingmen  at  McCormick's.  Parsons  quoted 
from  some  book  on  labor  statistics,  which  he  thought  his  hearers  probably 
had  not  read,  because  they  didn't  have  the  money  to  buy  it  or  leisure  to 
read  it,  as  they  had  to  work  too  much.  He  said  out  of  every  dollar  the 
laboring  man  makes  for  capitalists  he  only  gets  fifteen  cents,  and  they  are 
on  a  still  hunt  for  the  other  eighty-five.  He  had  been  down  to  the  coal 
mines,  and,  according  to  labor  statistics,  they  received  24^  cents  for  their 
daily  labor  on  the  average  during  a  year.  That  was  just  half  as  much  as 
the  Chinaman  would  get,  and  he  said  :  '  If  we  keep  on  we  will  be  a  great 
deal  worse  than  Chinamen.  I  am  a  tenant  and  I  pay  rent  to  a  landlord.' 
Somebody  asked,  'What  does  the  landlord  do  with  it  ?'  Parsons  said  the  land- 
lord pays  taxes,  the  taxes  pay  the  sheriff,  the  police,  the  Pinkertonites  and 
the  militia,  who  are  ready  to  shoot  them  down  when  they  are  looking  for 
their  rights.  He  said :  <  I  am  a  Socialist  from  the  top  of  my  head  to  the 
soles  of  my  feet,  and  I  will  express  my  sentiments  if  I  die  before  morning.' 
The  crowd  near  the  wagon  loudly  cheered  him.  Later  I  heard  Mr.  Parsons 
say,  taking  off  his  hat  in  one  hand  :  '  To  arms  !  to  arms  !  to  arms  ! '  Then 
I  went  over  to  Desplaines  Street  Station  and  reported  to  Inspector  Bon- 
field.  When  I  came  back  Fielden  was  speaking.  He  criticised  Martin 
Foran,  the  Congressman  that  was  elected  by  the  working  people.  Speak- 
ing about  the  law,  he  said  the  law  was  for  the  capitalists.  '  Yesterday, 
when  their  brothers  demanded  their  rights  at  McCormick's,  the  law  came 
out  and  shot  them  down.  When  Mr.  McCormick  closed  his  door  against 
them  for  demanding  their  rights,  the  law  did  not  protect  them.'  If  they 
loved  their  wives,  their  children,  they  should  take  the  law,  kill  it,  stab  it, 
throttle  it,  or  it  would  throttle  them.  That  appeared  to  make  the  crowd 
near  the  wagon  more  excited,  and  I  made  another  report  to  Inspector  Bon- 
field.  I  saw  Spies,  Parsons  and  Fielden  on  the  wagon.  I  saw  Schwab  on 
the  wagon  in  the  early  part  of  the  evening,  and  a  man  named  Schnaubelt." 

HEN-RY  E.  O.  HEINEMAN,  a  reporter  of  the  Chicago  Tribune,  testified : 

"I  saw  the  bomb,  that  is  the  burning  fuse,  rise  out  of  the  crowd  and 
fall  among  the  police.  It  rose  from  very  nearly  the  southeast  corner  of  the 
alley.  I  didn't  hear  any  shots  before  the  bomb  exploded.  Almost  instantly 
after  it  shots  were  heard.  I  could  not  say  whether  the  first  shots  came 
from  the  police  or  the  crowd.  It  seems  to  me  as  if  I  heard  some  bullets 
close  to  myself,  whizzing  from  the  north  as  I  was  going  south. 

"Spies  started  out  by  saying'  that  the  meeting  was  intended  to  be  a 
peaceable  one  —  it  was  not  called  to  raise  a  disturbance  —  and  then  gave  his 
version  of  the  affair  at  McCormick's,  the  day  before.  The  crowd  near  the 
speaker's  wagon  was  in  sympathy  with  the  speakers.  There  was  occasion- 
ally applause.  I  heard  a  few  Germans  talk  with  one  another.  I  heard 
Parsons  call  out  toward  the  close  of  his  speech,  '  To  arms  !  to  arms  !  to 
arms  ! '  Fielden,  towards  the  end  of  his  speech,  told  the  crowd  to  kill  the 
law,  to  stab  it,  to  throttle  it,  or  else  it  would  throttle  them.  I  was  formerly 
an  Internationalist.  I  ceased  my  connection  with  them  about  two  years 
ago.  At  that  time  the  defendant  Neebe  belonged  to  the  same  group  I 
belonged  to.  It  is  not  in  existence  now.  I  met  Spies  and  Schwab  occa- 
sionally in  the  groups.  I  ceased  my  connection  with  the  Internationale 
immediately  after,  and  on  account  of  the  lectures  Herr  Most  delivered  in 
this  city.  I  saw  on  the  wagon  at  the  Haymarket  meeting  Spies,  Parsons,. 
Fielden,  and  at  one  time  Rudolph  Schnaubelt." 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

Reporting  under  Difficulties  —  Shorthand  in  an  Overcoat  Pocket  —  An 
Incriminating  Conversation  — •  Spies  and  Schwab  in  Danger  —  Gilmer's  Story  —  The  Man 
in  the  Alley  —  Schnaubelt  the  Bomb-thrower  —  Fixing  the  Guilt  —  Spies  Lit  the  Fuse  — 
A  Searching  Cross-Examination  —  The  Anarchists  Alarmed  —  Engel  and  the  Shell 
Machine  —  The  Find  at  Lingg's  House — The  Author  on  the  Witness-stand  —  Talks 
with  the  Prisoners  —  Dynamite  Experiments  —  The  False  Bottom  of  Lingg's  Trunk  — 
The  Material  in  the  Shells  —  Expert  Testimony  —  Incendiary  Banners  —  The  Prose- 
cution Rests  —  A  Fruitless  Attempt  to  have  Neebe  Discharged. 

WHEN  the  public  began  to  see  the  character  of  the  evidence  against  the 
Anarchists,  sentiment  crystalized  into  a  feeling  that  no  fair-minded 
juror  could  be  led  astray  by  specious  pleas  or  sophistical  arguments  into 
voting  for  an  acquittal  of  any  one  of  the  defendants.  The  facts  of  the  con- 
spiracy had  been  brought  out  with  startling  boldness,  and  with  every  wit- 
ness the  points  against  the  prisoners  were  fortified  with  added  effect.  One 
of  the  strongest  witnesses  as  to  the  incendiary  utterances  of  the  speakers  at 
the  Haymarket  meeting  was  G.  P.  English,  then  a  reporter  for  the  Chicago 
Tribune,  but  at  present  private  secretary  of  Mayor  Roche.  Another  was 
M.  M.  Thompson,  who  testified  as  to  a  conversation  between  Spies  and 
Schwab. 

MR.  ENGLISH  testified  as  follows  : 

"  I  am  a  reporter  for  the  Tribune,  and  have  been  for  seventeen  years.  I 
am  also  a  shorthand  reporter.  I  got  to  the  Haymarket  meeting,  on  the  4th 
of  May,  about  half-past  seven.  I  went  all  around  the  Haymarket  Square 
from  Desplaines  to  Halsted,  saw  a  few  people  on  the  street,  but  no  meeting. 
Later  on  I  saw  some  people  going  north  on  Desplaines  beyond  Randolph. 
I  went  over  there,  and  in  a  little  while  Mr.  Spies  got  up  on  the  wagon  and 
said  Mr.  Fielden  and  Mr.  Parsons  were  to  make  a  speech,  but  they  hadn't 
come.  Spies  got  down  off  the  wagon  and  went  toward  Randolph  Street. 
He  was  gone  perhaps  five  or  ten  minutes.  As  he  passed  me  in  coming  back, 
I  asked  him  if  Parsons  was  going  to  speak.  I  understood  him  to  say  yes. 
Then  he  got  up  on  the  wagon  and  said  :  '  Gentlemen,  please  come  to  order.' 
I  took  shorthand  notes  of  his  speech,  as  much  as  I  could.  I  had  a  note- 
book and  a  short  pencil  in  my  overcoat  pocket  and  made  notes  in  the 
pocket.  My  notes  are  correct.  Some  of  them  I  can  read,  some  I  can't.  I 
don't  recollect  what  he  or  the  others  said  without  my  notes. 

"  Before  Spies  commenced  to  speak  somebody  in  the  crowd  suggested 
that  the  meeting  should  go  over  to  the  Haymarket,  but  Spies  said  no,  that 
the  crowd  would  interfere  with  the  street-cars.  Here  is  what  I  have  of  Spies' 
speech  : 

"  '  Gentlemen  and  fellow  workmen  :  Mr.  Parsons  and  Mr.  Fielden  will 
be  here  in  a  very  short  time  to  address  you.  I  will  say,  however,  first,  this 
meeting  was  called  for  the  purpose  of  discussing  the  general  situation  of  the 
eight-hour  strike,  and  the  events  which  have  taken  place  during  the  last 
forty-eight  hours.  It  seems  to  have  been  the  opinion  of  the  authorities  that 


458  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

this  meeting  has  been  called  for  the  purpose  of  raising  a  little  row  and  dis- 
turbance. This,  however,  was  not  the  intention  of  the  committee  that 
called  the  meeting.  The  committee  that  called  the  meeting  wanted  to  tell 
you  certain  facts  of  which  you  are  probably  aware.  The  capitalistic  press 
has  been  misleading  —  misrepresenting  the  cause  of  labor  for  the  last  few 
weeks,  so  much  so'  —  there  is  something  here  unintelligible  that  I  can't 
read  ;  some  of  it  went  off  on  the  side  of  my  pocket.  The  next  is  :  'When- 
ever strikes  have  taken  place  ;  whenever  people  have  been  driven  to  violence 
by  the  oppression  of  their  '  —  something  unintelligible  here  —  '  Then  the 
police'  — a  few  unintelligible  words,  then  there  were  cheers  —  '  But  I  want 
to  tell  you,  gentlemen,  that  these  acts  of  violence  are  the  natural  outcome  of 
the  degradation  and  subjection  to  which  working  people  are  subjected.  I 
was  addressing  a  meeting  of  ten  thousand  wage  slaves  yesterday  afternoon 
in  the  neighborhood  of  McCormick's.  They  did  not  want  me  to  speak. 
The  most  of  them  were  good  church-going  people.  They  didn't  want  me 
to  speak  because  I  was  a  Socialist.  They  wanted  to  tear  me  down  from 
the  cars,  but  I  spoke  to  them  and  told  them  they  must  stick  together '  — 
some  more  that  is  unintelligible  —  '  and  he  would  have  to  submit  to  them  if 
they  would  stick  together.'  The  next  I  have  is  :  '  They  were  not  Anarchists, 
but  good  church-going  people  —  they  were  good  Christians.  The  patrol 
wagons  came,  and  blood  was  shed.' 

"  Some  one  in  the  crowd  said,  '  Shame  on  them.'  The  next  thing  I  have 
is  :  'Throwing  stones  at  the  factory  ;  most  harmless  sport.'  Then  Spies 
said,  '  What  did  the  police  do  ?  '  Some  one  in  the  crowd  said,  '  Murdered 
them.'  Then  he  went  on  :  '  They  only  came  to  the  meeting  there  as  if 
attending  church.'  .  .  .  'Such  things  tell  you  of  the  agitation.'  .  .  . 
'Couldn't  help  themselves  any  more.'  '  It  was  then  when  they  resorted  to 
violence.'  .  .  .  '  Before  you  starve.'  .  .  .  '  This  fight  that  is  going  on  now 
is  simply  a  struggle  for  the  existence  of  the  oppressed  classes.' 

"My  pocket  got  fuller  and  fuller  of  paper  ;  my  notes  got  more  unintel- 
ligible. The  meeting  seemed  to  be  orderly.  I  took  another  position  in  the 
face  of  the  speaker,  took  out  my  paper  and  reported  openly  during  all  the 
rest  of  the  meeting.  The  balance  of  my  notes  I  have  not  got.  From  what 
appears  in  my  report  in  the  Tribune,  I  can  give  you  part  of  what  Spies, 
Fielden  and  Parsons  said.  It  is,  however,  only  an  abstract  of  what  they 
said.  So  far  as  it  goes  it  is  verbatim,  except  the  pronouns  and  the  verbs 
are  changed. 

"The  balance  of  Spies'  speech  is  as  follows  (reading)  :  '  It  was  said  that 
I  inspired  the  attack  on  McCormick's.  That  is  a  lie.  The  fight  is  going 
on.  Now  is  the  chance  to  strike  for  the  existence  of  the  oppressed  classes. 
The  oppressors  want  us  to  be  content.  They  will  kill  us.  The  thought  of 
liberty  which  inspired  your  sires  to  fight  for  their  freedom  ought  to  animate 
you  to-day.  The  day  is  not  far  distant  when  we  will  resort  to  hanging  these 
men.  (Applause  and  cries  of  '  Hang  them  now.')  McCormick  is  the  man 
who  created  the  row  Monday,  and  he  must  be  held  responsible  for  the  mur- 
der of  our  brothers.  (Cries  of  '  Hang  him.')  Don't  make  any  threats, 
they  are  of  no  avail.  Whenever  you  get  ready  to  do  something,  do  it,  and 
don't  make  any  threats  beforehand.  There  are  in  the  city  to-day  between 
forty  and  fifty  thousand  men  locked  out  because  they  refuse  to  obey  the 
supreme  will  or  dictation  of  a  small  number  of  men.  The  families  of  twenty- 
five  or  thirty  thousand  men  are  starving  because  their  husbands  and  fathers 
are  not  men  enough  to  withstand  and  resist  the  dictation  of  a  few  thieves  on 


REPORTER  ENGLISH'S  TESTIMONY.  459 

a  grand  scale,  to  put  it  out  of  the  power  of  the  few  men  to  say  whether  they 
should  work  or  not.  You  place  your  lives,  your  happiness,  everything,  out 
of  the  arbitrary  power  of  a  few  rascals  who  have  been  raised  in  idleness  and 
luxury  upon  the  fruits  of  your  labor.  Will  you  stand  that  ?  (Cries  of  '  No. ') 
The  press  say  we  are  Bohemians,  Poles,  Russians,  Germans  —  that  there 
are  no  Americans  among  us.  That  is  a  lie.  Every  honest  American  is  with 
us  ;  those  who  are  not  are  unworthy  of  their  traditions  and  their  forefathers.' 

"Spies  spoke  fifteen  or  twenty  minutes.  What  I  have  given  here  would 
not  represent  more  than  five  or  six  minutes  of  actual  talking. 

"  Parsons  stated  first  that  the  remedy  for  the  wrongs  of  the  workingmen 
was  in  Socialism  ;  otherwise  they  would  soon  become  Chinamen.  'It  is  time 
to  raise  a  note  of  warning.  There  is  nothing  in  the  eight-hour  movement  to 
excite  the  capitalists.  Do  you  know  that  the  military  are  under  arms,  and 
a  Gatling  gun  is  ready  to  mow  you  down?  Is  this  Germany,  Russia  or 
Spain  ?  (A  voice  :  'It  looks  like  it.')  Whenever  you  make  a  demand  for 
eight  hours'  pay,  an  increase  of  pay,  the  militia  and  the  deputy  sheriffs  and 
the  Pinkerton  men  are  called  out,  and  you  are  shot  and  clubbed  and  mur- 
dered in  the  streets.  I  am  not  here  for  the  purpose  of  inciting  anybody, 
but  to  speak  out,  to  tell  the  facts  as  they  exist,  even  though  it  shall  cost  me 
my  life  before  morning.'  Then  he  spoke  about  the  Cincinnati  demonstra- 
tion, and  about  the  rifle  guard  being  needed.  Then  the  report  continues : 
'  It  behooves  you,  as  you  love  your  wives  and  children,  if  you  don't  want  to 
see  them  perish  with  hunger,  killed,  or  cut  down  like  dogs  on  the  street, 
Americans,  in  the  interest  of  your  liberty  and  your  independence,  to  arm, 
to  arm  yourselves.  (Applause  and  cries  of  '  We  will  do  it,  we  are  ready 
now.')  You  are  not.'  Then  the  rest  of  it  is  the  wind-up.  Besides  what  I 
have  stated  above  he  spoke  for  a  long  while  about  the  fact  that  out  of  every 
dollar  the  workingman  got  fifteen  cents,  and  the  capitalists  —  the  employers 
—  got  eighty-five  cents.  When  he  said,  '  To  arms,  to  arms,'  he  said  that  in 
his  ordinary  way  of  talking.  I  did  not  notice  any  difference  in  him  when  he 
said  that. 

"  The  first  that  I  have  written  out  of  Fielden's  speech  is  :  'There  are  pre- 
monitions of  danger — all  know  it.  The  press  say  the  Anarchists  will  sneak 
away  ;  we  are  not  going  to.  If  we  continue  to  be  robbed  it  will  not  be  long 
before  we  will  be  murdered.  There  is  no  security  for  the  working  classes 
under  the  present  social  system.  A  few  individuals  control  the  means  of 
living  and  hold  the  workingmen  in  a  vise.  Everybody  does  not  know  that. 
Those  who  know  it  are  tired  of  it,  and  know  the  others  will  get  tired  of  it, 
too.  They  are  determined  to  end  it  and  will  end  it,  and  there  is  no  power 
in  the  land  that  will  prevent  them.  Congressman  Foran  says  the  laborer 
can  get  nothing  from  legislation.  He  also  said  that  the  laborers  can  get 
some  relief  from  their  present  condition  when  the  rich  man  knew  it  was  un- 
safe for  him  to  live  in  a  community  where  there  are  dissatisfied  workingmen, 
for  they  would  solve  the  labor  problem.  I  don't  know  whether  you  are 
Democrats  or  Republicans,  but  whichever  you  are,  you  worship  at  the  shrine 
of  heaven.  John  Brown,  Jefferson,  Washington,  Patrick  Henry  and  Hop- 
kins said  to  the  people,  "  The  law  is  your  enemy. "  We  are  rebels  against  it. 
The  law  is  only  framed  for  those  that  are  your  enslavers.  (A  voice:  'That 
is  true.')  Men  in  their  blind  rage  attacked  McCormick's  factory  and  were 
shot  down  by  the  law  in  cold  blood,  in  the  city  of  Chicago,  in  the  protection 
of  property.  Those  men  were  going  to  do  some  damage  to  a  certain  per- 
son's interest  who  was  a  large  property-owner  ;  therefore  the  law  came  to  his 


460  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

defense  ;  and  when  McCormick  undertook  to  do  some  injury  to  the  interest 
of  those  who  had  no  property,  the  law  also  came  to  his  defense  and  not  to 
the  workingman's  defense,  when  he,  McCormick,  attacked  him  and  his 
living.  (Cries  of  'No.')  There  is  the  difference.  The  law  makes  no  dis- 
tinctions. A  million  men  hold  all  the  property  in  this  country.  The  law 
has  no  use  for  the  other  fifty-four  millions.  (A  voice:  'Right  enough.') 
You  have  nothing  more  to  do  with  the  law  except  to  lay  hands  on  it  and 
throttle  it  until  it  makes  its  last  kick.  It  turns  your  brothers  out  on  the 
wayside,  and  has  degraded  them  until  they  have  lost  the  last  vestige  of 
humanity,  and  they  are  mere  things  and  animals.  Keep  your  eye  upon  it, 
throttle  it,  kill  it,  stab  it,  do  everything  you  can  to  wound  it  —  to  impede  its 
progress.  Remember,  before  trusting  them  to  do  anything  for  yourself, 
prepare  to  do  it  yourself.  Don't  turn  over  your  business  to  anybody  else. 
No'man  deserves  anything  unless  he  is  man  enough  to  make  an  effort  to  lift 
himself  from  oppression.' 

"Then  there  was  an  interruption  on  account  of  some  storm-clouds. 
Everybody  started  to  go  away.  Mr.  Parsons  suggested  that  they  adjourn 
over  to  Zepf's  Hall.  Fielden  said  no,  the  people  were  trying  to  get  infor- 
mation, and  he  would  go  on.  And  he  went  on  :  'Is  it  not  a  fact  that  we 
have  no  choice  as  to  our  existence,  for  we  can't  dictate  what  our  labor  is 
worth  ?  He  that  has  to  obey  the  will  of  another  is  a  slave.  Can  we  do  any- 
thing except  by  the  strong  arm  of  resistance?  The  Socialists  are  not  going 
to  declare  war,  but  I  tell  you  war  has  been  declared  upon  us ;  and  I  ask  you 
to  get  hold  of  anything  that  will  help  to  resist  the  onslaught  of  the  enemy 
and  the  usurper.  The  skirmish  lines  have  met.  People  have  been  shot. 
Men,  women  and  children  have  not  been  spared  by  the  capitalists  and  min- 
ions of  private  capital.  It  has  no  mercy  —  so  ought  you.  You  are  called 
upon  to  defend  yourselves,  your  lives,  your  future.  What  matters  it  whether 
you  kill  yourselves  with  work  to  get  a  little  relief,  or  die  on  the  battle-field 
resisting  the  enemy?  What  is  the  difference?  Any  animal,  however  loath- 
some, will  resist  when  stepped  upon.  Are  men  less  than  snails  or  worms  ? 
I  have  some  resistance  in  me  ;  I  know  that  you  have,  too.  You  have  been 
robbed,  and  you  will  be  starved  into  a  worse  condition.' 

"That  is  all  I  have.  At  that  time  some  one  alongside  of  me  asked  if 
the  police  were  coming.  I  was  facing  northeast,  looked  down  the  street, 
and  saw  a  file  of  police  about  the  middle  of  Randolph  Street.  At  once  I 
put  my  paper  in  my  pocket  and  ran  right  over  to  the  northwest  corner  of 
Randolph  and  Desplaines.  Just  when  I  reached  the  sidewalk,  the  front 
rank  of  the  police  got  to  the  southwest  corner  of  Randolph  and  Desplaines. 
I  stood  there  until  some  of  the  police  marched  by,  and  the  first  thing  I 
knew  I  heard  an  explosion  ;  and  the  next  thing  there  was  a  volley  of  fifteen 
or  twenty  or  thirty  shots,  and  I  thought  it  was  about  time  to  leave,  so  I 
skinned  down  Randolph  Street.  While  I  was  running  I  heard  a  great  lot  of 
shots,  and  somebody  tumbled  right  in  front  of  me,  but  I  didn't  stop  to  see 
whether  he  was  hurt.  I  didn't  see  who  shot  first.  As  to  the  temper  of  the 
crowd,  it  was  just  an  ordinary  meeting." 

On  cross-examination  Mr.  English  said  : 

"  It  was  a  peaceable  and  quiet  meeting  for  an  out-door  meeting.  I 
didn't  see  any  turbulence.  I  was  there  all  the  time.  I  thought  the  speeches 
they  made  that  night  were  a  little  milder  than  I  had  heard  them  make  for 
years.  They  were  all  set  speeches,  about  the  same  thing.  I  didn't  hear 


M.  M.  THOMPSON'S  TESTIMONY.  461 

any  of  them  say  or  advise  that  they  were  going  to  use  force  that  night. 
Before  I  went  to  the  meeting  my  instructions  from  the  Tribune  office  were 
to  take  only  the  most  incendiary  part  of  the  speeches.  I  think  when  Mr. 
Parsons  spoke  about  the  Cincinnati  meeting  he  said  he  had  been  at  Cincin- 
nati and  seen  the  procession.  I  heard  the  announcement  to  the  crowd  to 
disperse,  distinctly.  I  did  not  hear  Mr.  Fielden  say:  'There  come  the 
bloodhounds  now  ;  you  do  your  duty  and  I'll  do  mine.'  I  heard  nothing  of 
that  import  at  all." 

M.  M.  THOMPSON  testified  : 

"  I  am  at  present  employed  in  the  dry-goods  business  of  Marshall  Field 
&  Co.  Prior  to  the  4th  of  May  last  I  was  running  a  grocery  store  at  108 
South  Desplaines.  I  was  at  the  Haymarket  Square  on  the  evening  of  May 
4th.  I  walked  west  on  Randolph  Street  about  half  past  seven  o'clock,  and 
somebody  handed  me  a  circular  headed  '  Revenge,'  and  signed  '  Your  Broth- 
ers.' About  twenty-five  minutes  to  eight  I  got  to  the  corner  of  Desplaines 
and  Randolph.  I  met  Mr.  Brazletori  of  the  Inter-Ocean.  We  talked  about 
fifteen  minutes.  I  asked  the  time.  It  was  ten  minutes  of  eight.  Brazleton 
pointed  out  to  me  Mr.  Schwab,  who  came  rushing  along  Desplaines  Street 
in  a  great  hurry.  I  then  went  over  to  the  east  side  of  Desplaines  Street.  I 
walked  up  Desplaines  Street  near  the  corner  of  Lake,  and  came  back  again 
to  the  alley  back  of  Crane  Bros',  and  stood  just  back  of  that  alley.  Then  I 
saw  Spies  get  up  on  the  wagon  and  he  asked  for  Parsons.  Parsons  didn't 
respond.  He  then  got  down,  and.  Schwab  and  Spies  walked  into  that  alley 
at  Crane  Bros'.,  near  which  the  wagon  was  situated.  The  first  word  I  heard 
between  Schwab  and  Spies  was  'pistols;'  the  next  word  was  'police.'  I 
think  I  heard  '  police  '  twice,  or  '  pistols  '  twice.  I  then  walked  just  a  little 
nearer  the  edge  of  the  alley,  and  just  then  Spies  said  :  '  Do  you  think  one  is 
enough,  or  hadn't  we  better  go  and  get  more  ? '  I  could  hear  no  answer  to 
that.  They  then  walked  out  of  the  alley  and  south  on  Desplaines  Street, 
and  west  on  the  north  side  of  Randolph  to  Halsted,  and  cut  across  the 
street  and  went  over  to  the  southwest  corner ;  they  were  there  about  three 
minutes,  came  out  of  that  crowd  again  and  came  back.  On  the  way  back, 
as  they  neared  Union  Street,  I  heard  the  word  '  police '  again.  Just  then  I 
went  past  them,  and  Schwab  said  :  '  Now,  if  they  come,  we  will  give  it  to 
them. '  Spies  replied  he  thought  they  were  afraid  to  bother  with  them. 
They  came  on,  and  before  they  got  up  near  the  wagon  they  met  a  third 
party,  and  they  bunched  right  together  there,  south  of  the  alley,  and  ap- 
peared to  get  right  in  a  huddle  ;  and  there  was  something  passed  between 
Spies  and  the  third  man  —  what  it  was  I  could  not  say.  This  here  (indi- 
cating picture  of  Schnaubelt,  heretofore  identified)  is,  I  think,  the  third 
man  ;  I  think  his  beard  was  a  little  longer  than  in  this  picture  ;  this  is  the 
picture  of  the  third  man.  I  saw  the  third  man  on  the  wagon  afterwards. 
Whatever  it  was  that  Spies  gave  him,  he  stuck  it  in  his  pocket  on  the  right- 
hand  side.  Spies  got  up  on  the  wagon,  and  I  think  that  third  man  got  up 
right  after  him.  I  noticed  him  afterwards  sitting  on  the  wagon,  and  that  he 
kept  his  hands  in  his  pockets.  I  stayed  there  until  Mr.  Fielden  commenced 
to  speak  ;  then  I  left. 

On  cross-examination  Thompson  said  : 

"  My   grocery  store  was  closed    by  the  Sheriff  under    an   execution.      I 
worked  for  Marshall  Field  before.     I  had  never  seen  any  of  the  defendants, 


462  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

to  my  knowledge,  before  that  night,  in  my  life.  When  I  saw  Spies  and 
Schwab  go  into  the  alley,  there  was  a  crowd  there.  I  was  standing  right 
near  the  alley,  or  alongside  north  of  it,  up  against  the  building.  I  couldn't 
see  down  the  alley  unless  I  turned  my  face  to  it.  The  first  time  I  had  ever 
seen  Spies  was  when  he  got  up  on  the  wagon.  Spies  got  out  of  the  wagon 
and  went  into  Crane's  alley  with  Schwab.  I  was  right  around  the  corner 
of  the  alley  within  three  feet  probably  at  the  farthest,  and  I  moved  down 
to  within  half  a  foot.  I  did  not  look  down  the  alley,  only  when  they  came 
out  of  the  alley  I  did  look.  The  conversation  between  Spies  and  Schwab 
was  in  English.  I  don't  understand  German.  I  didn't  hear  any  words 
between  'police'  and  'pistols.'  They  were  in  there  probably  two  or  three 
minutes.  When  I  drew  up  within  a  foot  of  the  alley,  I  heard  :  '  Do  you 
think  one  enough,  or  had  we  better  go  for  more  ?  '  Going  up  Randolph 
Street,  I  heard  some  words  spoken  in  German  between  them,  but  not  in 
the  conversation  at  the  alley.  I  cannot  say  that  I  knew  Mr.  Schwab's  voice 
at  that  time.  I  only  knew  Mr.  Spies'  voice  from  what  I  heard  him  ask  on 
the  wagon.  Spies  was  the  one  who  used  the  words  'pistols'  and  'police.' 
I  did  not  see  him  when  he  said  it.  I  could  not  see  him  without  putting  my 
head  around  the  corner.  They  went  out  of  my  sight  when  they  went  into 
the  alley.  The  whole  conversation  was  done  in  three  minutes,  I  should  judge. 
The  first  remark  that  I  heard  was  about  a  minute  and  a  half  after  they 
went  into  the  alley  and  went  out  of  sight.  When  they  came  out  and  walked 
south  on  Desplaines  I  followed  them  within  a  few  feet.  It  was  then  about 
a  quarter  past  eight.  They  walked  west  on  Randolph  Street  to  Halsted, 
and  I  trailed  after  them  all  the  time,  part  of  the  time  beside  them,  part 
of  the  time  ahead,  and  past  them,  but  all  the  time  close  to  them.  When 
they  came  to  Halsted  there  were  a  few  people  there,  not  much  of  a  crowd. 
I  was  still  tagging  after  them  with  no  other  object  than  looking  for  the  meet- 
ing, to  find  where  the  audience  was  assembled.  I  don't  know  whether  they 
saw  me ;  there  was  nothing  whatever  to  prevent  their  seeing  me.  When 
they  were  going  west  I  couldn't  hear  a  word  of  what  they  did  say.  The 
street  lamps  were  lighted.  When  they  got  down  on  Halsted  there  was  a 
crowd,  of  about  twenty-five  people.  They  were  right  in  the  thickest  of  the 
crowd,  and  I  stood  on  the  sidewelk,  about  ten  feet  from  them.  I  didn't 
hear  either  of  them  say  a  word.  Then  they  went  back  east  on  Randolph 
Street.  I  was  about  six  feet  behind  them.  They  said  nothing.  There  was 
nobody  else  following  them  besides  me.  I  couldn't  hear  what  they  said 
until  they  came  to  Union  Street.  Then  I  got  past  them.  It  was  light  at 
the  time ;  they  could  see  me.  Near  Union  Street  Schwab  said  :  '  Now,  if 
they  come,  we  will  give  it  to  them,'  and  Spies  said  he  did  not  think  they 
would  bother  them,  because  they  were  afraid.  This  conversation  was 
carried  on  in  the  English  language.  I  was  behind  them  when  I  heard  the 
first  of  it,  but  they  kind  of  slackened,  and  I  got  by  them.  I  was  making  my 
gait  quicker  to  get  by  them.  Schwab  finished  his  remark  when  I  got  about 
three  feet  by  them.  Schwab  made  his  remark  in  an  ordinary  tone  of  street 
conversation,  loud  enough  for  me  to  hear.  I  heard  no  more  conversation 
between  Schwab  and  Spies.  I  testified  before  the  Coroner's  jury.  I  testi- 
fied to  this  conversation  at  Union  Street.  If  I  didn't,  it  was  an  oversight 
on  my  part,  or  it  was  because  nobody  asked  me  any  question,  but  I  say 
that  I  did  say  that  before  the  Coroner's  inquest. 

"  Coming   back,   I  stopped   on  the  northwest   corner  of   Randolph  and 
Desplaines.     I    was    then    about    ten    or    fifteen  feet  ahead  of  Spies  and 


A  FATAL  CONVERSATION.  463 

Schwab.  They  came  up.  I  can't  say  that  they  were  talking.  They  went 
right  through  the  street,  moving  diagonally  to  the  wagon.  I  staid  at  the 
corner.  I  did  not  go  after  them  until  they  got  onto  the  wagon.  That  was 
the  last  time  that  I  saw  Schwab.  I  saw  Spies  when  he  got  up  to  make  a 
speech.  Oh,  no,  that  wasn't  the  last  time  that  I  saw  Schwab  that  night. 
That  was  the  last  time  that  I  saw  him  until  they  were  out  of  sight  and  the 
third  man  met  them.  When  they  started  from  the  corner  northeast  across 
the  street,  I  stood  at  the  corner  just  to  let  them  cross  the  street.  Then  I 
started  after  them.  They  did  not  get  out  of  my  sight.  I  didn't  catch  up 
with  them  at  all.  When  I  got  within  eight  or  ten  feet  of  them  they  were 
standing  on  the  sidewalk.  They  stopped  right  there,  about  five  feet  south 
of  the  south  line  of  Crane's  alley.  There  wasn't  probably  more  than  half  a 
dozen  people  on  the  east  side  of  the  street.  There  were  a  good  many  people 
on  the  West  Side.  It  was  then  about  twenty  or  twenty-five  minutes  past 
eight.  When  I  got  up  within  eight  or  ten  feet  of  them  and  they  stopped,  I 
stopped  too,  and  looked  at  them.  They  were  in  plain  view  of  me.  I  don't 
think  they  did  see  me,  though  they  could  see  me  if  they  looked  up.  I  think 
there  are  some  electric  lights  near  there,  on  the  Lyceum  building.  I  was 
between  them  and  the  electric  light.  When  they  stopped  there,  the  next 
thing  was  that  they  met  that  third  man.  I  had  never  seen  that  third  man 
before.  I  have  seen  this  picture  of  Schnaubelt  before  ;  I  think  Mr.  Furth- 
mann  showed  it  to  me  about  a  week  ago.  That  third  party  came  from  the 
east.  He  must  have  been  standing  up  against  the  house,  and  he  walked 
west  to  the  front  of  the  sidewalk.  Schnaubelt  was  not  facing  me  ;  he  had 
his  back  to  me.  They  did  not  go  into  the  alley.  One  had  his  back  south, 
one  east,  and  Spies  had  his  back  north.  I  didn't  hear  what  they  were  talk- 
ing about.  I  was  on  the  sidewalk  near  the  curb-stone,  partly  south,  not 
directly  south  of  them.  Spies  stood  directly  to  the  north,  which  would 
bring  his  back  to  me.  I  don't  know  but  what  he  did  see  me.  They  stood 
there  about  thirty  seconds.  I  didn't  hear  a  word.  Spies  handed  that  third 
man  something,  who  put  it  into  his  pocket,  and  Spies  got  up  on  the  wagon 
and  made  a  speech.  I  did  not  see  Schwab  on  the  wagon.  Spies  got  right 
up  on  the  wagon  and  commenced  to  speak,  but  one  or  two  minutes  elapsed 
in  the  time." 

AUGUST  HUEN,  a  printer  in  the  employ  of  Wehrer  &  Klein,  set  up  the 
German  part  of  the  circular  headed  "Attention,  Workingmen  ! "  and  testi- 
fied that  the  last  line  read,  "Workingmen,  arm  yourselves  and  appear  in 
full  force."  Mr.  Fischer  wrote  it.  On  cross-examination,  he  testified  that 
an  hour  after  the  form  had  been  given  to  the  pressman  the  last  line  was 
taken  out. 

HUGH  HUME,  a  reporter  for  the  Inter-Ocean,  testified  : 

"  I  saw  Mr.  Fielden  and  other  defendants  in  the  sweat-box  —  that  is,  the 
cells  down-stairs — at  the  Central  Station,  about  midnight,  between  the  5th 
and  6th  of  May  last.  I  had  a  conversation  with  Spies.  He  said  he  had 
been  at  the  Haymarket  meeting.  He  had  gone  up  there  to  refute  the  state- 
ments, of  the  capitalistic  press  in  regard  to  what  he  had  said  at  McCor- 
mick's.  Up  at  McCormick's  he  had  been  talking  to  a  lot  of  people  whom 
he  could  not  influence  —  all  good  Catholics.  During  his  speech  on  the 
Haymarket,  some  people  had  shown  a  disposition  to  hang  McCormick. 
He  had  told  them  not  to  make  any  threats  of  that  kind.  He  had  said, 


464  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

'When  you  want  to  do  a  thing  of  that  kind,  don't  talk  so  much  about  it, 
but  go  out  and  do  it.'  He  then  said  to  me  that  the  people  had  reached  a 
condition  where  they  were  willing  to  do  any  violence,  and  he  had  advocated 
violence  of  that  kind.  It  was  necessary  to  bring  about  the  revolution  that 
the  Socialists  wanted.  He  said  he  had  advocated  the  use  of  dynamite.  I 
asked  him  if  he  was  in  favor  of  killing  police  officers  with  dynamite.  He 
hesitated  a  little,  and  then  said  the  police  represented  the  capitalists  and 
were  enemies  of  theirs,  and  when  you  have  an  enemy  he  has  got  to  be 
removed.  That  is  the  gist  of  what  he  said.  Spies  said  he  didn't  know 
anything  about  the  bomb  being  exploded  until  afterwards.  He  had  heard 
a  noise  that  resembled  the  sound  of  a  cannon,  and  thought  the  police  were 
firing  over  the  heads  of  the  people  to  frighten  them.  He  said  he  consid- 
ered all  laws  as  things  you  could  get  along  without ;  they  were  inimical  to 
the  best  interests  of  the  people  and  of  the  social  growth.  He  did  not  think 
that  dynamite  was  in  his  office  when  he  left  it,  and  had  an  idea  that  the 
police  put  that  dynamite  there  to  get  a  case  on  him. 

"  I  had  a  little  talk  with  Mr.  Fielden.  He  was  suffering  somewhat  from 
his  wound.  When  I  asked  him  how  the  Haymarket  affair  accorded  with 
his  ideas  of  Socialism,  he  said,  'You  are  on  dangerous  ground  now.  There 
is  an  argument,  though,  that  we  have,  that  is  to  the  effect  that  if  you  cannot 
do  a  thing  peaceably,  it  has  got  to  be  done  by  force.'  Something  to  that 
effect ;  I  don't  remember  the  language.  Fielden  said,  as  to  the  number  of 
Socialists  in  Chicago,  that  there  were  a  number  of  groups  here,  contain- 
ing 250  men.  Those  were  recognized  Socialists,  but  they  had  people  from 
all  over  the  city,  from  nearly  every  wholesale  house  ;  but  those  people  are 
afraid  to  come  out  yet,  only  awaiting  an  opportunity.  He  spoke  about  the 
decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  prohibiting  military  companies  from  march- 
ing around  with  arms.  He  was  inclined  to  think  that  the  decision  was  not 
right. 

"I  had  a  short  interview  with  Schwab.  All  he  had  to  say  was  that 
Socialism  was  right,  even  with  the  blood  shed  at  the  Haymarket." 

On  cross-examination  Mr.  Hume  said  that  Spies  saw  him  write  down 
answers  to  the  questions  and  knew  that  he  wanted  the  interview  for  publi- 
cation. 

HARRY  L.  GILMER  proved  a  strong  witness  and  testified  as  follows : 

"  I  am  a  painter  by  trade.  Reside  at  50  North  Ann  Street.  On  the 
evening  of  May  4  last,  I  was  at  the  Haymarket  meeting  on  Desplaines 
Street.  I  got  there  about  a  quarter  to  ten  o'clock.  In  going  home,  when 
I  got  to  the  corner  of  Randolph  and  Desplaines  Streets,  I  saw  a  crowd  over 
there,  and  went  up  to  where  the  speaking  was  going  on,  on  the  east  side  of 
Desplaines  Street.  I  saw  the  wagon ;  did  not  pay  particular  attention  to 
the  speaking.  I  stood  near  the  lamp-post  on  the  corner  of  Crane  Bros', 
alley,  between  the  lamp-post  and  the  wagon,  and  up  near  the  east  end  of 
the  wagon  for  a  few  minutes.  The  gentleman  here  (pointing  to  Fielden) 
was  speaking  when  I  came  there.  I  staid  around  there  a  few  minutes, 
was  looking  for  a  party  whom  I  expected  to  find  there,  and  stepped  back 
into  the  alley  between  Crane  Bros',  building  and  the  building  immediately 
south  of  it.  The  alley  was  south  of  the  wagon.  I  was  standing  in  the 
alley  looking  around  for  a  few  minutes ;  noticed  parties  in  conversation, 
right  across  the  alley,  on  the  south  side  of  the  alley.  Somebody  in  front  of 


HARRY  L.  GILMERS  EVIDENCE.  465 

me  on  the  edge  of  the  sidewalk  said,  '  Here  comes  the  police.'  There  was 
a  sort  of  rush  to  see  the  police  come  up.  There  was  a  man  came  from  the 
wagon  down  to  the  parties  that  were  standing  on  the  south  side  of  the 
alley.  He  lit  a  match  and  touched  it  off,  something  or  another  —  the  fuse 
commenced  to  fizzle,  and  he  give  a  couple  of  steps  forward,  and  tossed  it 
over  into  the  street.  He  was  standing  in  this  direction  (illustrating).  The 
man  that  .lit  the  match  on  this  side  of  him,  and  two  or  three  of  them  stood 
together,  and  he  turned  around  with  it  in  his  hand,  took  two  or  three  steps 
that  way,  and  tossed  it  that  way,  over  into  the  street.  I  knew  the  man  by 
sight  who  threw  that  fizzing  thing  into  the  street.  I  have  seen  him  several 
times  at  meetings  at  one  place  and  another  in  the  city.  I  do  not  know 
his  name.  He  was  a  man  about  five  feet  ten  inches  high,  somewhat  full- 
chested,  and  had  a  light  sandy  beard,  not  very  long.  He  was  full-faced, 
his  eyes  set  somewhat  back  in  his  head.  Judging  from  his  appearance,  he 
would  probably  weigh  180  pounds.  My  impression  is  his  hat  was  dart 
brown  or  black ;  I  don't  know  whether  it  was  a  soft  hat,  a  felt  hat  or  a  stifl 
hat.  This  here  (indicating  photograph  of  Schnaubelt  heretofore  identified) 
is  the  man  that  threw  the  bomb  out  of  the  alley.  There  were  four  or  five 
standing  together  in  the  group.  This  here  (pointing  to  Spies)  is  the  man 
who  came  from  the  wagon  toward  the  group. 

"  I  did  not  see  the  police  myself,  there  were  so  many  people  between 
me  and  them.  I  don't  recollect  any  declaration  from  any  of  the  police  offi- 
cers about  this  person  —  nothing  distinctly,  anyway.  That  man  over  there 
(pointing  at  defendant  Fischer)  was  one  of  the  parties.  After  the  bomb 
was  thrown  these  parties  immediately  left  through  the  alley.  I  stood 
there.  The  firing  commenced  immediately  afterwards,  and  my  attention 
was  attracted  by  the  firing,  and  I  paid  more  attention  to  that  than  any- 
thing else." 

On  cross-examination  Gilmer  testified  to  having  resided  formerly  in  Deg 
Moines,  Iowa,  Fort  Dodge,  Iowa,  Kansas  City,  Mo.,  and  in  various  locali- 
ties in  Chicago.  He  then  proceeded  as  follows  : 

"  I  know  the  Coroner's  jury  was  investigating  the  matter.  I  saw  an 
account  of  the  investigation  of  the  grand  jury  in  the  paper.  I  first  told  a 
man  by  the  name  of  Allen  and  another  party  whom  I  don't  know,  and  a 
reporter  of  the  Times,  that  I  saw  the  match  lighted,  and  saw  the  man  who 
threw  the  bomb.  I  think  that  it  was  two  or  three  days  after  the  4th  of  May. 
A  number  of  people  were  talking  the  matter  over  on  the  west  side  of  the 
City  Hall,  on  La  Salle  Street,  and  I  made  the  remark  that  I  believed  if  I 
ever  saw  the  party  who  threw  the  bomb  I  could  identify  him.  They  didn't 
ask  me  why  I  made  that  remark.  I  don't  think  they  asked  me  any  ques- 
tions, what  I  knew  about  the  matter.  The  reporter  afterwards  told  me  he 
had  heard  the  remark.  I  think  that  was  on  the  6th  of  May.  On  May  5th, 
I  was  working  on  the  corner  of  Twentieth  Street  and  Wabash  Avenue.  On 
the  6th  of  May  I  went  down  to  88  La  Salle  Street  to  collect  a  bill.  I  went 
across  the  street,  and  there  had  the  conversation  with  the  reporter  aod 
the  others.  That  night  I  had  a  note  left  at  my  room  for  me  to  come  dnwn 
to  the  Central  Station.  The  name  of  James  Bonfield  was  signed  to  the 
note.  I  went  to  the  Central  Station  and  had  a  conversation  with  Mr.  Bon- 
field  the  next  day  ;  I  couldn't  tell  exactly  whether  on  the  6th  or  the  yth.  I 
made  my  statement  to  Mr.  Bonfield.  I  never  appeared  before  a  Coroner's 


466  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

jury  ;  was  never  subpoenaed  to  appear  before  any  Coroner's  jury  that  exam- 
ined any  of  the  dead  policemen.  I  was  at  the  Haymarket  meeting  about 
fifteen  minutes  from  the  time  I  got  there  to  the  explosion  of  the  bomb.  I 
was  looking  for  a  person  who  had  told  me  he  was  going  to  the  meeting. 
I  kept  looking  through  the  crowd  to  see  if  I  could  find  him.  Fielden  was 
speaking  then.  I  don't  remember  anything  of  his  speech,  except  that  he 
made  use  of  the  word  McCormick.  Before  I  went  down-town  I  had  read 
in  the  paper  that  there  had  been  a  riot  at  McCormick's  the  day  before,  and 
that  the  police  had  shot  some  men.  I  was  in  the  neighborhood  of  where 
Fielden  talked  for  about  fifteen  minutes.  I  don't  remember  anything  about 
the  connection  in  which  Fielden  spoke  of  McCormick.  I  was  looking  for  a 
gentleman  by  the  name  of  Richard  Roe,  and  didn't  pay  any  attention  to 
what  Fielden  said.  When  I  stepped  into  the  alley  I  think  I  was  on  the 
north  side  of  the  alley,  about  eight  feet  from  the  corner  of  Crane's  building. 
That  group  of  men  was  right  across  the  alley  on  the  south  side.  The  lamp 
was  burning  on  the  corner  of  the  alley  at  that  time,  and  it  shone  right 
down.  I  could  see  the  persons  in  that  party  distinctly;  could  see  their 
countenances  ;  they  could  see  myself.  They  were  also  about  eight  or  nine 
feet  from  the  mouth  of  the  alley.  I  could  hear  them  talk.  They  spoke 
German.  I  didn't  understand  them.  Before  the  man  came  from  the  wagon 
I  stepped  across  the  alley  and  was  standing  on  the  north  side  of  the  alley, 
perhaps  three  or  four  feet  to  the  east  of  that  group,  so  that  I  was  standing 
about  twelve  or  fourteen  feet  from  the  mouth  of  Crane's  alley.  I  did  not 
say  that  I  saw  the  wagon  from  that  point.  I  could  just  see  the  hind  end  of 
the  wagon  from  where  I  stood  when  I  went  through  the  alley.  I  think  there 
was  a  tail-board.  The  edges  of  the  box  of  the  wagon  were  perhaps  ten 
inches  high.  I  don't  know  whether  there  were  side-boards  on  that  wagon 
or  not ;  I  could  not  say  positively  as  to  the  width  of  the  side-boards  on  the 
wagon.  They  might  have  been  higher  than  ten  inches.  I  am  sure  there 
was  a  box  of  some  kind  on  the  wagon.  My  impression  is  it  was  a  wagon 
about  twelve  or  thirteen  feet  long,  with  low  side-boards  on.  I  didn't  see 
anybody  get  off  of  the  wagon  after  I  went  in  the  alley.  I  did  not  say 
Mr.  Spies  got  down  off  the  wagon.  I  said  .he  came  from  towards  the  wagon. 
I  saw  him  standing  on  the  sidewalk  before  I  went  in  the  alley.  I  did  not 
say  I  saw  Spies  in  the  wagon  at  all.  Mr.  Spies  is  the  man  that  came  down 
in  the  alley  and  lighted  the  bomb,  to  the  best  of  my  recollection.  When  I 
saw  him  standing  on  the  sidewalk  he  was  talking  with  somebody.  I  would 
be  inclined  to  think  it  was  this  gentleman  here  (indicating  Schwab).  I 
could  not  say  for  sure.  I  think  it  was  a  dark-complexioned  man.  My 
impression  is  it  might  be  him.  I  have  very  little  doubt  but  Fischer  is  the 
man  I  saw  in  the  group.  I  am  very  nearly  as  positive  that  Fischer  is  the 
man  as  I  am  that  the  picture  is  the  picture  of  the  man  who  threw  the  bomb. 
I  am  sure  Fischer  is  the  man.  I  think  I  saw  Mr.  Parsons  there  that  night 
talking  to  some  ladies.  I  had  been  down  to  the  Palmer  House  that  evening 
to  see  some  gentlemen  from  Des  Moines  that  I  understood  were  in  the  city. 
One  of  them 'was  Judge  Cole,  another  was  ex-Gov.  Samuel  Merrill.  I 
didn't  find  either  of  them  there.  I  went  to  the  meeting,  as  I  thought  I 
would  meet  Mr.  Roe,  and  we  would  go  home  together.  That  was  the  only 
business  I  had  with  Mr.  Roe.  It  would  have  been  eight  or  nine  blocks 
from  the  Haymarket  to  where  I  lived. 

"I  did  not  run  at  the  time  of  the   shooting.     I  did  not  move  at  all.     I 
stood  right  at  the  mouth  of  the  alley.     After  it  was  all  over  I  backed  out 


GILMERS  CROSS-EXAMINATION.  467 

the  alley,  took  a  car  and  went  home.  There  were  no  bullets  coming  in 
around  my  locality  in  the  alley.  On  the  street-car  on  my  way  home  I  didn't 
talk  with  anybody  about  the  occurrence.  There  were  quite  a  number  of 
people  in  the  car  talking  about  the  Haymarket  occurrence,  and  there  was 
considerable  excitement  in  the  car  on  account  of  it.  The  next  morning  I 
went  down  on  the  Wabash  Avenue  car  to  the  corner  of  Twentieth  Street 
and  Wabash  Avenue. 

"  I  heard  people  speak  about  the  Haymarket  affair  in  the  restaurant,  on 
Madison  Street,  where  I  took  my  breakfast.  I  did  not  say  to  them  any- 
thing about  my  seeing  the  match  lighted  and  the  bomb  thrown.  I  bought 
the  News  on  the  car.  I  think  I  was  working  for  Frank  Crandle  that  day; 
to  the  best  of  my  recollection,  there  was  only  one  man  working  with  me  on 
the  job.  We  worked  alongside  of  each  other  some  time.  Talked  about 
different  things,  about  our  business.  I  did  not  say  to  him  that  I  saw  the 
bomb  thrown,  nor  that  I  saw  the  man  light  the  match  that  lit  the  bomb. 
I  told  him  I  had  been  at  the  Haymarket  and  spoke  of  the  Haymarket  riot, 
and  I  think  I  said  there  were  a  number  killed  or  wounded.  In  the  evening 
I  went  home  on  the  Wabash  Avenue  car.  People  were  speaking  about  the 
Haymarket  meeting  in  the  car.  I  didn't  tell  them  I  knew  anything  about 
it.  I  think  I  got  home  about  half  past  six.  I  had  no  conversation  with  the 
landlady.  After  my  supper,  my  impression  is  I  went  to  Mr.  Roe's  house. 
He  was  not  at  home.  I  stayed  there  about  fifteen  minutes  talking  with  Mrs. 
Roe.  Her  daughter,  about  twelve  or  thirteen  years  old,  was  present  during 
the  conversation.  We  talked  about  the  Haymarket  meeting.  I  told  her  I 
was  there.  She  said  she  would  not  let  Mr.  Roe  go  to  the  meeting.  I  did 
not  tell  her  nor  anybody  on  that  occasion  that  I  saw  the  bomb  lighted  and 
thrown.  Since  noon  adjournment  I  had  no  talk  with  James  Bonfield." 

"Were  not  you  just  now  walking  back  and  forth  in  the  corridor  with 
him?" 

'I  did  not  have  no  —  " 

'  Didn't  you  walk  back  and  forth  ?  " 

'Yes,  sir." 

'You  were  talking  to  him  ?" 

'Yes,  sir." 

'When  I  was  at  Central  Station,  I  think,  both  Inspector  Bonfield  and 
Lieut.  Kipley  were  present  when  I  made  the  statement  that  I  could 
recognize  the  man,  if  I  ever  saw  him  again,  who  threw  the  bomb. 
Afterwards  I  told  all  the  details  to  Mr.  Grinnell.  I  explained  matters 
more  to  him  than  to  anybody  else.  I  would  not  be  positive  that  I  told  Mr. 
Bonfield  I  saw  the  man  light  the  match.  I  gave  a  description  of  the  man 
that  I  saw  throw  the  bomb.  I  think  the  man  had  a  black  or  blue  sack 
coat  on.  I  think  he  had  black  eyes,  and  somewhat  light  whiskers.  The 
bomb  went  in  a  westerly  direction.  I  have  seen  Mr.  Spies  the  last  year 
and  a  half,  and  knew  him  by  sight,  not  by  name.  I  heard  him  speak  at 
public  meetings,  seen  him  very  frequently,  but  never  knew  his  name.  I 
heard  him  once  on  Market  Street,  a  year  ago  last  spring.  I  did  not  inquire 
who  it  was  that  spoke.  I  knew  from  hearing  him  and  reading  the  papers 
that  Spies  was  one  of  the  speakers.  I  frequently  heard  the  name  of 
August  Spies.  At  the  time  I  had  the  conversation  with  Bonfield  I 
described  to  him  as  well  as  I  could  the  man  that  struck  the  match  and 
lighted  the  fuse.  It  was  either  Bonfield  or  one  of  the  officers  in  the 
Central  Station.  They  were  all  together.  I  was  twice  over  at  police 


468  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

headquarters.  This  picture  here  (photograph  of  Schnaubelt)  was  shown  to 
me  first  some  time  last  week,  at  the  State's  Attorney's  office.  I  was  in  the 
city  during  the  time  the  Coroner's  jury  was  examining  into  the  cause  of 
the  death  of  different  policemen,  and  at  the  time  the  grand  jury  was  exam- 
ining into  this  case.  The  officers  knew  my  name  and  address.  They 
never  called  on  me  to  go  before  the  grand  jury  or  the  Coroner's  jury. 

"  The  man  who  threw  the  bomb  was  about  five  feet  and  eight,  ten  or 
nine  inches  high.  I  don't  think  he  was  a  man  over  six  feet  tall.  The  first 
time  I  told  Mr.  Grinnell  of  my  experience  at  the  Haymarket  was  when  I 
made  my  second  visit  to  the  Central  Station,  on  Sunday  after  the  Hay- 
market  meeting.  I  think  at  that  time  I  only  told  Mr.  Grinnell  that  I  could 
identify  the  person  that  threw  the  bomb,  if  I  saw  him.  I  think  I  told  him 
at  that  time  that  I  saw  one  man  strike  a  match  and  light  the  fuse,  and 
another  man  throw  the  bomb.  Mr.  Fischer  was  brought  in  while  we  had 
the  conversation  at  the  Central  Station.  I  looked  at  him.  I  said  nothing 
about  his  being  the  man  that  struck  the  match.  I  knew  him  by  sight.  I 
identified  him  as  being  one  of  the  men  who  composed  the  group  in 
the  alley. 

"  I  received  some  money  two  or  three  times  when  I  have  been  over 
here  from  Mr.  James  Bonfield —  ten  or  fifteen  cents,  sometimes  a  quarter. 
At  the  conversation  at  Central  Station  I  was  not  told  that  I  was  wanted  as 
a  witness  before  the  grand  jury.  I  saw  the  picture  of  Rudolph  Schnaubelt 
about  six  weeks  ago,  when  Mr.  Grinnell  sent  for  me.  I  did  not  tell  any 
person  at  any  time,  except  the  officers  that  I  mentioned,  that  I  saw  the  act 
of  lighting  the  bomb  accomplished.  Neither  Mr.  Grinnell  nor  Bonfield,  nor 
any  other  officer,  told  me  to  keep  silent  in  regard  to  the  matter. 

"  I  am  six  feet  three  in  height.  I  could  pretty  near  see  right  over  the 
head  of  the  fellow  who  threw  the  bomb.  When  I  gave  a  description  of  the 
man  who  came  from  the  wagon  and  lighted  the  match  that  lit  the  fuse  they 
did  not  bring  out  Mr.  Spies  for  me  to  look  at.  Spies  had  kind  of  dark 
clothes  on  that  night.  His  hat  was  black  or  brown.  My  impression  is 
it  was  a  limber-rimmed  hat.  I  first  told  Mr.  Grinnell  one  day  last  week 
that  this  is  the  man  that  struck  the  match,  when  I  saw  him  sitting  here  in 
court.  I  think  Mr.  Fischer  had  on  a  blue  sack-coat  that  night.  I  think 
he  had  a  black  necktie.  If  Schnaubelt  had  any  necktie  that  night  it 
was  a  very  light  one.  Spies  had  a  turn-down  collar  that  night  and  not  any 
necktie.  I  think  the  upper  buttons  of  Mr.  Schnaubelt's  coat  were 
buttoned.  I  think  Spies  had  one  or  two  buttons  of  his  coat  buttoned  up 
when  he  came  from  the  wagon  into  the  alley." 

MARTIN  QUINN  was  recalled  and  testified  to  finding,  at  Engel's  house, 
a  machine  for  making  bombs. 

"Engel  said  it  had  been  left  there  by  some  man  about  four  or  five 
months  previous  to  that  time.  Mrs.  Engel  gave  a  description  of  the  man 
who  left  the  machine  down  at  the  basement  door,  as  a  man  with  long  black 
whiskers  and  pretty  tall.  Mr.  Engel  said  he  thought  he  knew  the  man, 
and  he  thought  the  machine  was  made  for  the  purpose  of  making  bombs. 
There  had  been  a  meeting  at  Turner  Hall,  where  this  man  had  made  a 
speech  about  the  manufacture  of  bombs,  and  the  next  thing  was,  this 
machine  was  brought  over,  and  Engel  had  said  to  him  he  wouldn't  allow 
him  to  make  any  bombs  in  his  basement;  so  the  man  went  away.  Engel 
didn't  know  where  he  was." 


ENGEL1  S  BOMB-MACHINE. 


469 


JOHN  BONFIELD  was  recalled  and  testified  to  being  at  the  Central 
Station  when  Officer  Quinn  brought  Engel  and  the  machine  there.  Bon- 
field,  being  asked  by  State's  Attorney  Grinnell  to  explain  the  purpose  of 
the  apparatus,  said  : 

"  This  is  a  blast  furnace  in  miniature  —  a  home-made  one.  This  upright 
part  could  be  lined  with  fire-clay.  This  shoulder,  some  two  and  a  half 
inches  from  the  bottom,  could  be  filled  in  around  with  clay,  leaving  the 
holes  open.  This,  in  a  blasting  furnace,  would  be  known  as  a  tweer.  It  is 
filled  up  to  a  considerable  height  with  clay  to  protect  it  from  the  hot  fire 
inside,  and  the  pressure  of  air  is  applied  through  those  pipes,  one  or  both 
of  them,  as  may  be  necessary.  When  the  fire  is  extinguished  or  removed, 
the  debris  or  slag  that  comes  from  the  metal,  and  the  ashes  and  cinders 
from  the  material  used  for  fuel,  can  be  taken  out 
through  the  trap  at  the  bottom.  The  spout  is 
for  the  purpose  of  passing  out  the  melted  metal. 
It  is  stopped  with  a  plug  of  clay,  and  when  the 
plug  is  removed  the  metal  is  poured  through  that 
tube." 

Louis  MAHLENDORF  testified  as  follows  : 

"I  am  a  tinner  by  trade,  at  292  Milwaukee 
Avenue,  since  two  years.  I  know  the  defendant 
Engel  since  about  eight  years.  I  made  this  ma- 
chine (referring  to  blasting-machine)  for  Engel 
over  a  year  ago.  I  cut  off  the  iron  and  formed 
it  up.  Another  gentleman,  a  kind  of  heavy-set 
man  with  long  beard,  was  with  him  when  he 
ordered  it.  Mr.  Engel  waited  for  it.  He  took 
it  away  with  him." 

HERMANN  SCHUETTLER,  a  detective  connected 
with  the  East  Chicago  Avenue  Station,  gave  the 
facts  with  reference  to  his  arrest  of  Lingg,  and 
his  search  of  the  room  on  Sedgwick  Street,  with 
Officers  Stift,  Loewenstein  and  Whalen  : 

"We  searched  a  trunk   and  found   a  round 
lead  bomb  in  a  stocking.      The  trunk  was  in  the 
southeast  room.      In  another  stocking    I    found     ENGEL'S  BLAST  FURNACE. 
a  large  navy  revolver.      Both  revolver  and  bomb  >m  a  phot°graPh- 

were  loaded.  I  turned  them  over  to  Capt.  Schaack.  We  found  a  ladle 
and  some  tools,  a  cold  chisel  and  other  articles.  This  here  (indicating)  is 
the  trunk  I  found  in  the  room.  The  letters  '  L.  L. '  were  on  it  at  the  time. 
I  recollect  a  round  porcelain-lined  blue  cup  made  out  of  china  that  I  found, 
and  I  believe  a  file.  In  the  closet  underneath  the  baseboard  we  found  a 
lot  of  torn-off  plaster.  The  lathing  was  sawed  so  you  could  get  your  hand 
between  the  floor  and  the  bottom  of  the  laths  underneath.  I  saw  those 
lead  pipes  (indicating)  lying  between  the  house  Lingg  lived  in  and  the  next 
house  to  it,  in  a  small  gangway.  On  the  way  to  the  Chicago  Avenue  Station 
I  asked  Lingg  why  he  wanted  to  kill  me.  He  said  :  '  Personally,  I  have 
nothing  against  you,  but  if  I  had  killed  you  and  your  partner  I  would  have 


470  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

been  satisfied.     I  would  have  killed  myself  if  I  had  got  away  with  you  and 
your  partner." 

On  cross-examination  witness  stated  that  he  had  had  no  search  warrant 
for  going  through  Lingg's  trunk. 

JACOB  LOEWENSTEIN,  another  detective  connected  with  the  same  station, 
testified  to  assisting  Schuettler  in  arresting  Lingg  and  that  after  they  had 
vanquished  him  Lingg  said  several  times:  "  Shoot  me  right  here,  before  I 
will  go  with  you.  Kill  me  !"  Witness  further  stated  : 

"I  was  with  Officers  Whalen,  Stift,  Schuettler,  Cushman  and  McCor- 
mick,  at  Lingg's  room,  on  May  7,  between  ten  and  eleven  o'clock.  Nobody 
was  in  the  house.  The  door  was  locked.  Finally  we  pushed  in  the  door 
and  went  in.  In  a  little  bed-room  in  the  southeast  corner  of  the  house  there 
was  a  bed  and  a  wash-stand  and  a  trunk,  and  a  little  shelf  up  in  the  corner 
with  some  bottles  on  it.  In  the  closet  there  were  some  shells,  and  some 
loaded  cartridges,  and  on  the  floor  some  metal  and  some  lead.  Those  here 
(indicating  box  containing  shells)  are  the  shells  I  found  in  the  closet  of 
Lingg's  room.  I  found  those  bolts  (indicating)  in  the  wash-stand.  This 
metal  here  (indicating)  I  found  in  a  dinner-box  with  some  loaded  dynamite 
bombs  in  the  trunk.  There  were  four  bombs  in  this  box  (indicating),  gas- 
pipe  bombs.  The  two  in  the  bottom  were  loaded.  When  I  first  opened 
the  trunk  this  cover  (indicating)  dropped  down,  and  with  this  Remington 
rifle  (indicating),  which  was  loaded,  fell  down.  I  found  a  lot  of  papers  and 
books  in  the  top  of  the  trunk.  In  a  gray  stocking  I  found  this  round  dyna- 
mite bomb,  loaded  (indicating).  I  found  two  pieces  of  solder  in  that 
dinner-box.  I  found  a  blast  hammer  and  one  smaller  hammer,  a  couple  of 
iron  bits  and  drills,  a  two-quart  pail,  with  a  little  substance  looking  like 
saw-dust  in  the'  bottom  of  it,  which  I  found  out  to  be  dynamite.  I  found  a 
little  tin  quart  basin  under  the  bed  with  a  little  piece  of  fuse  in  it.  In  the 
bottom  of  the  trunk  I  found  two  or  three  pieces  of  fuse.  In  the  closet  we 
tore  off  the  baseboard,  which  had  been  freshly  nailed  down  —  the  nails 
were  projecting  out  a  little  bit  —  and  found  the  plaster  was  torn  out  all  the 
way  around  on  the  baseboard,  and  there  were  holes  there." 

JOSEPH  B.  CASAGRANDE,  telephone  operator  at  the  East  Chicago  Avenue 
Station,  but  on  duty  at  the  Larrabee  Street  Station  on  the  night  of  May  4, 
and  John  K.  Seller,  a  police  officer  at  the  last-named  station,  testified  to  a 
call  for  a  patrol  wagon  and  its  leaving  at  10:40  o'clock  for  Desplaines  and 
Randolph  Streets  with  a  full  load  of  officers. 

JOHN  B.  MURPHY,  a  physician  and  surgeon,  was  called  to  the  Desplaines 
Street  Station  after  the  Haymarket  explosion  and  remained  until  three 
o'clock  in  the  morning.  He  was  a  surgeon  at  the  Cook  County  Hospital, 
and  when  he  left  the  station  he  proceeded  direct  to  that  institution.  At  the 
station  Dr.  Murphy  said  that  he  first  dressed  Barrett,  who  was  complain- 
ing and  crying  with  severe  pain. 

"  He  had  a  very  large  wound  in  his  side,  large  enough  to  admit  two  fin- 
gers right  into  his  liver,  and  severely  bleeding.  I  could  not  reach  with  my 
finger  the  piece  of  shell  that  caused  the  injury.  It  was  a  lacerated  wound, 
much  larger  than  could  be  made  by  an  ordinary  pistol  bullet.  I  tampened 


THE  AUTHOR  ON  THE  STAND.  471 

the  liver  with  gauze  to  prevent  his  bleeding  to  death  at  the  station,  and  I 
went  on  to  other  officers  in  that  way  until  I  dressed  in  all  between  twenty- 
six  and  thirty  at  the  station.  When  we  got  through  with  that,  at  three 
o'clock,  Dr.  Lee  remained  at  the  station  while  I  went  to  the  hospital  to  take 
care  of  those  injured  most  severely,  who  were  to  be  sent  to  the  hospital. 
Officers  Muller,  Whitney,  Keller,  Barrett,  Flavin  and  Redden  are  the  prin- 
cipal men  that  I  ordered  him  to  send  first  to  the  hospital." 

Dr.  Murphy  then  gave  a  list  of  the  men  and  specified  the  particular 
character  of  their  wounds. 

E.  G.  EPLER,  a  physician  and  surgeon  practicing  at  No.  505  South 
Canal  Street,  testified  to  having  dressed  a  wound  of  Fielden  between  eleven 
and  twelve  at  night  on  May  4. 

"The  wound  was  on  the  left  side  of  the  left  knee  joint,  the  bullet  having 
passed  in  underneath  the  skin  and  passed  out  again  five  inches  from  the 
point  of  entry.  He  said  he  was  crawling  on  the  pavement  trying  to  get 
away  from  the  crowd  when  he  received  the  injury,  and  the  bullet  glanced 
off  from  the  pavement  and  struck  him  in  that  position." 

MICHAEL  HOFFMAN,  a  detective  connected  with  the  Larrabee  Street  Sta- 
tion, gave  evidence  as  to  finding  nine  round  bombs  and  four  long  ones. 

"These  two  bombs  (indicating)  I  found  at  the  corner  of  Clyde  and  Cly- 
bourn  Avenue,  near  Ogden's  Grove,  under  the  sidewalk.  They  were  empty. 
I  found  another  one  there  which  was  loaded,  and  which  I  gave  to  Capt. 
Schaack.  Gustav  Lehman,  who  was  a  witness  in  this  case,  was  with  me 
when  I  found  them.  I  got  two  coils  of  fuse,  a  can  of  dynamite  and  a  box  of 
caps  at  the  same  time.  I  found  these  two  pieces  of  gas-pipe  (indicating) 
at  509  North  Halsted  Street,  under  the  house  of  John  Thielen,  who  was 
arrested,  with  two  cigar-boxes  full  of  dynamite  and  two  boxes  of  cartridges, 
one  rifle,  one  revolver.  The  revolver  and  one  box  of  cartridges  were  buried 
under  the  floor  of  the  coal-shed,  and  two  bombs  which  were  loaded,  the 
dynamite  and  rifle  and  other  box  of  cartridges  were  buried  under  the  house 
in  the  ground.  The  can  of  dynamite  which  Lehman  pointed  out  to  me,  and 
which  I  found  near  Ogden's  Grove,  held  about  a  gallon.  This  can  and  the 
box  of  caps  were  on  the  stone  of  the  pavement ;  the  bombs  were  buried  in 
the  ground." 

At  this  stage  of  the  proceedings  I  was  myself  put  on  the  stand.  My 
testimony,  as  taken  by  the  stenographers,  was  as  follows  : 

"  I  am  police  captain  of  the  Fifth  Precinct.  My  headquarters  are  at  East 
Chicago  Avenue  Station.  I  have  charge  of  two  other  stations  besides. 
Have  been  connected  with  the  force  for  eighteen  years.  Have  been  cap- 
tain one  year.  I  have  seen  Spies,  iSchwab,  Neebe  and  Fischer.  Had  no 
personal  acquaintance  with  them.  The  defendants  Engel  and  Lingg  were 
arrested  and  confined  in  my  station.  Lingg  was  arrested  on  May  i4th  ; 
Engel  about  the  i8th.  I  had  my  first  conversation  with  Lingg  about  this 
case  about  three  o'clock  on  the  afternoon  of  May  i4th.  Lingg  told  me  his 
name,  and  that  he  had  lived  at  442  Sedgwick  Street.  He  had  been  out  of 
work  for  about  four  weeks.  I  asked  him  whether  he  was  at  the  meeting 
held  in  the  basement  of  54  West  Lake  Street  on  Monday  night,  and  he 
said,  'Yes.'  On  Tuesday  night,  May  4th,  he  said,  he  was  at  home — not  all 


472  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

the  evening.  He  and  Seliger  had  been  on  Larrabee  Street,  quite  a  ways 
north  ;  had  had  several  glasses  of  beer,  and  from  there  he  went  home.  He 
said  he  had  made  some  bombs  to  use  them  himself.  He  said  he  had  rea- 
son for  being  down  on  the  police  ;  they  had  clubbed  him  out  at  McCor- 
mick's.  He  said  he  was  down  on  capitalists,  and  found  fault  with  the 
police  for  taking  the  part  of  the  capitalists.  If  the  capitalists  turned  out 
the  militia  and  the  police  force  with  their  Catling  guns,  they  couldn't  do 
anything  with  revolvers,  and  therefore  they  had  adopted  these  bombs  and 
dynamite.  He  said  he  had  learned  to  make  bombs  in  scientific  books  of 
warfare  published  by  Most,  of  New  York.  He  had  got  his  dynamite  on 
Lake  Street,  somewhere  near  Dearborn,  and  had  bought  some  fuse  and 
caps,  and  told  me  what  he  paid  for  it.  He  had  not  used  up  all  his  dyna- 
mite. He  said  he  had  made  bombs  of  gas-pipe,  and  also  of  metal  and  lead 
mixed.  He  found  the  gas-pipe  on  the  street  sometimes.  The  lead  he  got 
about  the  same  way.  He  said  the  bombs  they  found  in  his  place  were  all 
he  made.  We  put  Mrs.  Seliger  face  to  face  with  him,  and  she  accused  him 
that  he  had  commenced  making  bombs  a  few  weeks  after  he  came  to  their 
house.  He  looked  at  the  woman,  but  didn't  say  anything.  John  Thielen, 
who  was  arrested  at  the  time,  faced  him  too.  Lingg  admitted  he  had 
given  to  Thielen  the  two  cigar-boxes  full  of  dynamite  and  the  two  bombs 
which  Officer  Hoffman  brought  to  me  ;  at  the  same  time  Lingg  looked 
right  square  at  Thielen  and  shook  his  head  for  him  to  keep  still.  Thielen 
said  to  him,  '  Never  mind,  you  might  as  well  tell  it.  They  know  it  all, 
anyhow. ' 

"In  Lingg's  trunk  I  discovered  a  false  bottom,  and  in  there  I  found  two 
long  cartridges  of  dynamite,  and  some  fuse  four  inches  long,  with  caps  on, 
and  a  big  coil  of  fuse.  I  asked  Lingg  if  that  was  the  dynamite  he  used  in 
his  bombs,  and  he  said  yes.  The  dynamite  in  the  package  is  lighter  in 
quality  than  what  was  found  in  his  bombs,  except  one  that  was  black.  I  got 
three  kinds  of  dynamite.  That  in  the  gallon-box  that  Lehman  testified 
was  given  to  him  by  Lingg  looked  like  charcoal ;  the  dynamite  in  the  trunk 
was  white,  and  the  dynamite  in  most  of  those  bombs  is  dark-colored. 
Lingg  said  he  had  tried  a  round  bomb  and  a  long  one  in  the  open  air 
somewhere,  and  they  worked  well.  He  put  one  right  in  the  crotch  of  a 
tree  and  split  it  all  up.  He  said  he  had  known  Spies  for  some  time.  He 
had  been  at  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  office  about  five  times,  bringing  reports  of 
Socialistic  and  Anarchistic  meetings  to  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung.  He  stated 
he  had  been  financial  secretary  of  a  branch  of  the  Carpenters'  Union.  He 
had  been  a  Socialist  ever  since  he  could  think.  He  told  me  he  had  been  in 
this  country  since  last  July  or  August ;  he  had  been  a  Socialist  in  Europe." 

"Now  give  the  conversation  which  you  had  with  Engel. " 

"  Engel  said,  in  the  first  conversation  that  I  had  with  him,  that  on  Mon- 
day, 3d  of  May,  he  was  doing  some  fresco  work  for  a  friend  by  the  name  of 
Koch,  somewhere  out  west.  He  had  been  for  a  little  while  at  the  54  West 
Lake  Street  meeting  that  night,  but  made  no  speech  there. 

"Several  days  afterwards  I  had  another  conversation,  when  his  wife  and 
daughter  came.  Engel  complained  that  his  cell  was  dark  and  no  water 
running  in  it,  and  I  told  him  we  would  give  him  another  cell  if  we  had  it. 
The  cells  were  crowded  right  along  that  night.  And  his  wife  said,  'Do 
you  see  now  what  trouble  you  got  yourself  into  ? '  and  Engel  answered, 
'  Mamma,  I  can't  help  it.'  I  asked  him  why  he  didn't  stop  that  nonsense, 
and  he  said  :  '  I  promised  my  wife  so  many  times  that  I  would  stop  this  busi- 


EXPERIMENTS  WITH  DYNAMITE.  473 

ness,  but  I  can't  stop  it.  What  is  in  me  has  got  to  come  out.  I  can't  help 
it  that  I  am  so  gifted  with  eloquence.  It  is  a  curse.  It  has  been  a  curse 
to  a  good  many  other  men.  A  good  many  men  have  suffered  already  for 
the  same  cause,  and  I  am  willing  to  suffer  and  will  stand  it  like  a  man." 
And  I  think  he  mentioned  Louise  Michel  as  having  taken  a  leading  part  in 
the  Anarchist  business.  Engel  said  on  the  evening  of  May  4th  he  was  at 
home  tying  on  the  lounge. 

"I  have  experimented  with  all  dynamite  that  was  brought  me  ;  also  the 
bombs.  I  gave  a  portion  of  the  lead  bomb  which  Officer  Schuettler  testi- 
fied he  found  in  Lingg's  room  to  Professor  Haines.  I  took  the  dynamite 
from  that  bomb  and  put  the  dynamite  in  a  piece  of  gas-pipe,  about  five 
inches  long,  with  ends  screwed  on.  I  had  a  box  made  two  feet  square, 
of  inch  boards,  pretty  well  nailed  together,  and  we  dug  a  hole  three  feet 
deep  out  at  Lake  View,  in  the  bushes,  put  the  box  into  the  hole,  cut  a  hole 
in  the  top  of  the  box,  let  the  bomb  into  it,  put  a  fuse  and  cap  to  it,  and 
touched  it  off.  This  was  found  as  the  result  of  the  explosion  (indicating 
fragments).  The  box  was  blown  all  to  pieces,  and  some  of  the  pieces  flew  up 
in  the  trees.  Everything  in  that  box  was  smashed  to  pieces.  This  bomb 
here  (indicating)  I  have  made  in  the  same  way,  and  filled  it  with  some 
black  dynamite  from  that  gallon  can  which  was  given  by  Lingg  to  Leh- 
man, as  stated  here.  This  here  (indicating  fragments  of  the  exploded 
bomb)  was  the  result  of  the  examination.  I  put  some  dynamite  also  in  a 
beer  keg.  It  smashed  the  keg  all  to  pieces. 

"  Now  here  are  the  fragments  from  a  lead  bomb  which  Lehman  gave  to 
Hoffman  and  Hoffman  to  me.  We  got  a  piece  of  boiler-iron  a  quarter  of 
an  inch  thick,  nineteen  inches  high,  and  thirty-four  inches  wide.  Then  we 
had  a  steel  top  weighing  140  pounds.  On  the  ground  I  put  two-inch  plank. 
On  top  of  the  plank  I  put  four  large  metal  sheets.  I  put  the  bomb  right  in 
the  center,  and  a  big  stone  weighing  about  125  pounds  on  top,  and  the 
inside  of  the  boiler-iron,  the  tub,  I  had  painted  so  we  could  see  where  the 
lead  would  strike.  I  touched  it  off  myself.  It  knocked  the  tub  away  up  in 
the  air,  and  the  stone  on  top  was  crushed  all  to  pieces.  This  is  the  result 
of  the  lead  after  we  picked  it  up  on  top  of  the  boards  (indicating  fragments 
of  the  tub).  Here  is  the  bolt  (indicating)  that  was  on  the  bomb.  The  nut 
we  did  not  find.  I  counted  195  places  where  the  lead  struck  the  painted 
boiler-iron.  There  is%  a  crack  clear  through  the  boiler-iron.  In  six  places 
it  is  bulged  out.  Professor  Haines  has  got  a  piece  of  this  bomb  (indicat- 
ing), and  Professor  Patton  another  piece.  I  gave  to  the  professors  pieces 
of  metal  from  other  bombs. 

"  Lingg  in  his  conversations  with  me  said  there  would  likely  be  a  revo- 
lution through  this  workingmen's  trouble.  There  was  a  satchel  brought 
from  Neff's  place.  The  satchel  was  filled  with  bombs.  Thielen  was  pres- 
ent. I  asked  him  if  he  brought  the  satchel  there.  He  said  he  saw  the 
satchel  there,  saw  it  stand  there  when  he  left,  and  that  was  the  last  he  saw 
of  it.  Lingg  said  he  made  the  molds  to  make  these  bombs  himself.  He 
made  them  of  clay,  and  that  they  could  be  used  to  cast  in  only  about  twice. 
He  said  he  saw  the  'Revenge'  circular  on  the  West  Side,  I  believe  at  71 
West  Lake  Street.  I  asked  him  when  he  had  had  his  hair  trimmed  and  his 
chin  beard  shaved.  He  said  on  or  about  the  7th  of  May.  He  said  there 
had  been  several  persons  in  his  room  on  the  afternoon  of  May  4th,  among 
them  the  two  Lehmans. 

"I  experimented  with  fuse.     I  cut  a  fuse  four  inches  long  and  set  it  on 


474  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS, 

fire,  and  you  could  count  just  six  until  it  struck  the  cap  within.  I  experi- 
mented with  dynamite  cartridges.  I  drilled  a  hole  in  one  end  about  an  inch 
and  a  half  deep,  shoved  a  percussion  cap  in,  put  a  fuse  on,  and  exploded 
it.  I  had  it  stand  free  up  in  the  air  in  a  stone  weighing  about  twenty  or 
thirty  pounds.  When  it  went  off  it  broke  the  stone  all  up.  I  put  one  right 
in  the  center  of  a  lot  of  shrubs  and  bushes,  and  it  broke  everything  up  — 
took  around  about  four  feet  each  way." 

On  cross-examination  I  stated  that  I  had  never  taken  Lingg  before  any 
magistrate  for  examination.  There  was  no  complaint  entered  against  him. 

FREDERICK  DREWS  saw  some  cans  underneath  the  sidewalk  at  his  home, 
No.  351  North  Paulina  Street,  about  three  miles  from  the  Haymarket,  and 
testified  to  having  turned  them  over  to  me.  His  residence  was  about  a  mile 
and  a  half  from  Wicker  Park. 

MICHAEL  WHALEN,  a  detective  connected  with  the  Chicago  Avenue  Sta- 
tion, testified  to  having  seen  the  cans  referred  to  by  the  preceding  witness 
in  the  yard  at  No.  351  North  Paulina  Street,  and  that  there  were  four  of 
those  cans,  one  of  which  they  emptied. 

DANIEL  COUGHLIN,  a  police  officer,  testified  as  to  the  explosive  character 
of  one  of  the  cans  found  at  North  Paulina  Street,  with  a  fulminating  cap 
and  fuse  about  eight  inches  long.  After  igniting  the  fuse  an  explosion  was 
caused  which  shattered  the  can,  throwing  the  contents,  some  kind  of  vitriol, 
four  or  five  feet  around. 

CHARLES  E.  PROUTY,  manager  of  a  gun-store  at  No.  53  State  Street,  re- 
called a  visit  of  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Engel  at  the  store  the  previous  fall. 

"They  made  some  inquiries  in  regard  to  some  large  revolvers.  They 
found  one  there  that  seemed  to  be  satisfactory,  and  wanted  to  know  at  what 
price  they  could  get  a  quantity  of  them,  perhaps  one  or  two  hundred,  and 
wanted  to  buy  that  one  and  pay  for  it  and  present  it  at  some  meeting  of 
some  society.  They  took  the  pistol  and  paid  for  it.  A  week  or  two  after 
they  returned,  said  the  pistol  was  satisfactory,  and  wanted  to  know  if  I  could 
get  them  a  lot.  I  said  I  knew  of  one  lot  in  the  East,  and  would  inquire.  I 
wrote  East,  and  found  the  lot  had  been  disposed  of.  They  were  somewhat 
disappointed,  but  said  they  had  found  something  else  for  a  little  less  money 
that  would  answer  the  purpose,  and  with  that  they  left  our  store.  Mrs. 
Engel  comes  frequently  to  our  store.  She  has  a  little  store  on  the  West 
Side,  and  buys  fishing-tackle  and  other  things  in  our  line.  I  sold  cartridges 
to  them  in  a  small  way,  as  she  might  want  them  in  her  store.  When  I  spoke 
of  guns  I  meant  large  revolvers,  something  about  seven-inch  barrel — I  think 
44  or  45-caliber,  at  $5.50  apiece.  When  I  stated  the  price  was  very  cheap 
they  replied  they  didn't  care  to  make  profit  on  them,  it  was  for  a  society. 
I  remember  seeing  Mr.  Parsons'  face  in  the  store.  Never  had  any  dealings 
with  him." 

WILLIAM  J.  REYNOLDS,  in  the  employ  of  D.  H.  Lamberson  &  Co.,  gun 
business  at  No.  76  State  Street,  testified  : 

"  I  think  about  February  or  March  of  this  year  Mr.  Parsons  came  to  our 
store.  He  said  he  wanted  to  buy  a  quantity  of  revolvers —  I  think  forty  or 


THE  CHEMICAL  ANALYSIS.  475 

fifty.  He  wanted  what  is  called  an  old  remodeled  Remington  revolver,  44 
or  45-caliber.  I  agreed  to  write  and  get  a  quotation  of  the  revolver.  He 
came  in  again,  and  I  quoted  him  a  price  upon  it.  He  did  not  purchase  any 
revolvers,  and  was  in  once  or  twice  after  that.  He  seemed  undecided 
about  it." 

THOMAS  MCNAMARA,  a  police  officer,  testified : 

"  I  found  thirty  loaded  and  one  empty  gas-pipe  bombs  under  the  side- 
walk on  Bloomingdale  Road  and  Robey  Street.  The  loaded  bombs  were 
fixed  with  caps  and  fuse.  They  were  in  an  oil-cloth.  The  corner  where  I 
found  them  is  about  four  blocks  from  Wicker  Park.  Found  them  on  the 
afternoon  of  May  23  last.  Three  coils  of  fuse  in  a  tin  can  and  two  boxes 
of  dynamite  caps  —  probably  about  two  hundred  caps  —  were  also  in  the 
package." 

Prof.  WALTER  S.  HAINES  examined  a  number  of  bomb  fragments  and 
testified  as  follows  : 

"  I  am  professor  of  chemistry  in  Rush  Medical  College  in  this  city.  I 
devote  most  of  my  time  to  practical  chemistry.  I  have  examined  several 
pieces  of  metal  at  the  request  of  the  State's  Attorney.  I  received  from 
Capt.  Schaack,  on  June  24  this  year,  a  piece  of  bomb  said  to  have  been 
connected  with  Lingg.  I  call  it  '  Lingg  bomb  No.  i.'  I  received  from  Dr. 
J.  B.  Murphy,  on  the  same  day,  a  piece  of  metal  said  to  have  been  taken 
from  Officer  Murphy.  I  designate  it  '  Murphy  bomb.'  On  July  22  I 
received  a  piece  of  metal  said  to  have  been  taken  from  Officer  Degan.  I 
designate  it  '  Degan  bomb.'  The  last  piece  I  received  from  Mr.  Furth- 
mann.  I  subsequently  received  from  Officer  Whalen  a  piece  of  bomb  said 
to  have  been  connected  with  Lingg.  I  designate  it  '  Lingg  bomb  No.  2/ 
The  next  day  I  received  from  Capt.  Schaack  pieces  of  two  other  bombs 
also  said  to  have  been  connected  with  Lingg.  I  designate  as  '  Lingg 
bombs  Nos.  3  and  4.'  I  received  from  Mr.  Furthmann  a  portion  of  a  bomb 
said  to  have  been  connected  with  Mr.  Spies,  which  I  designate  as  '  Spies 
bomb.'  These  were  all  subjected  to  chemical  examination.  Lingg  bombs 
Nos.  i,  3  and  4  were  found  to  consist  chiefly  of  lead,  with  a  small  percentage 
of  tin  and  traces  of  antimony,  iron  and  zinc.  The  amount  of  tin  in  these 
three  bombs  differs  slightly.  One  of  them  contained  about  1.9  per  cent., 
another  about  2.4  per  cent.,  the  third  about  2^  per  cent,  of  tin.  Lingg 
bomb  No.  2  contained  more  tin,  consequently  less  lead ;  also  a  little  more 
antimony  and  a  little  more  zinc.  The  amount  of  tin  in  this  bomb  was  very 
nearly  seven  per  cent.  The  Murphy  bomb  was  composed  of  a  small  pro- 
portion of  tin,  chiefly  lead  and  traces  of  antimony,  iron  and  zinc.  The 
amount  of  tin  was  in  round  numbers  1.6  per  cent.  The  Degan  bomb  con- 
tained in  round  numbers  1.6  or  1.7  per  cent.  The  remainder  was  lead, 
with  traces  of  antimony,  iron  and  zinc.  The  Spies  bomb  consisted  chiefly 
of  lead  with  a  small  quantity  of  tin,  about  i.i  per  cent.,  in  round  numbers, 
with  traces  of  antimony,  iron  and  zinc.  The  different  pieces  of  the  same 
bomb  differed  slightly  in  the  proportions  of  the  metals  present.  The 
Degan  bomb  contained  slightly  more  tin  than  what  I  call  the  Murphy  bomb. 
There  is  no  commercial  substance  with  which  I  am  acquainted  that  has  such 
a  composition  as  these  bombs.  Commercial  lead  frequently  contains  traces 
of  other  substances,  but,  as  far  as  I  know,  never  tin.  Solder  is  composed 
of  from  a  third  to  a  half  tin  and  the  remainder  lead.  Lead  must  have  been 


476  ANARCHY  AND   ANARCHISTS. 

the  basis  for  the  preparation  of  the  various  articles  which  I  examined,  and 
this  must  have  been  mixed  either  with  tin  or  some  substance  containing  tin, 
as  for  instance  solder. 

"  Lingg  bomb  No.  2  had  a  minute  trace  of  copper.  This  piece  of  candle- 
stick (indicating)  is  composed  of  tin  and  lead,  with  a  certain  amount  of 
antimony  and  zinc  and  a  little  copper.  Professor  Patton  has  been  sick  for 
about  two  weeks.  I  worked  in  connection  with  Professor  Delafontaine 
instead  of  working  with  Patton."  (The  Spies  bomb  is  the  one  which  the 
witness  Wilkinson  identified.) 

Prof.  MARK  DELAFONTAINE  testified  as  follows : 

"  I  am  a  chemist,  teacher  of  chemistry  in  the  High  School  in  this  city. 
Have  been  a  chemist  for  over  thirty  years.  I  made  an  examination  of  the 
substances  described  by  Prof.  Haines,  compared  results  with  him,  and  they 
agreed  as  closely  as  they  can.  I  found  the  piece  of  candlestick  to  be  a  mix- 
ture of  antimony,  tin,  lead,  zinc  and  a  trace  of  copper.  I  made  experiments 
with  old  lead  pipes  upon  which  there  was  solder.  I  took  a  piece  of  old 
lead  pipe  that  had  been  very  much  mended,  had  much  solder  put  on ;  I 
melted  it,  analyzed  it,  and  the  amount  of  tin  contained  in  the  mixture  was 
about  seven-tenths  of  one  per  cent.  I  don't  know  of  any  one  commercial 
product  of  which  the  pieces  of  bomb  that  I  examined  could  be  composed. 
I  never  found  a  sample  of  lead  containing  the  least  traces  of  tin." 

MICHAEL  WHALEN,  recalled,  testified  that  he  gave  to  Prof.  Haines  two 
pieces  of  lead  which  I  had  given  to  him. 

EDMUND  FURTHMANN,  Assistant  State's  Attorney,  stated  that  the  piece 
of  lead  he  gave  to  Prof.  Haines  he  had  received  from  Dr.  Bluthardt,  and 
designated  the  various  halls  and  places  spoken  of  by  various  witnesses  as 
being  all  located  in  Cook  County  and  the  State  of  Illinois. 

THEODORE  J.  BLUTHARDT  was  then  called  and  gave  the  following  evidence: 

"I  am  County  Physician.  I  made  a  post-mortem  examination  upon  the 
body  of  Mathias  J.  Degan,  on  the  5th  day  of  May  last,  before  the  Coroner's 
inquest,  at  the  Cook  County  Hospital.  I  found  a  deep  cut  upon  his  fore- 
head, another  cut  over  the  right  eye  and  another  deep  cut,  about  two  inches 
in  length,  on  the  left  side.  I  found  a  large  wound,  apparently  a  gun-shot 
wound  —  a  hole  in  the  middle  of  the  left  thigh.  I  found  seven  explosive 
marks  on  his  right  leg  and  two  on  the  left  leg.  The  large  hole  in  the 
middle  of  the  left  thigh  was  the  mortal  wound  caused  by  an  explosive,  a 
piece  of  lead  that  had  penetrated  the  skin,  destroyed  the  inside  muscles 
and  lacerated  the  femoral  artery,  which  caused  bleeding  to  death.  Besides 
that  he  had  a  wound  on  the  dorsum  of  the  left  foot,  also  caused  by  a  piece 
of  lead,  which  forced  its  way  through  the  bones  of  the  ankle  joint.  I  found 
a  piece  behind  the  inside  ankle  of  the  left  foot.  Both  pieces  I  gave  to  Mr. 
Furthmann.  The  external  appearance  of  that  wound  on  that  left  thigh  was 
that  of  a  rifle  ball.  It  was  round  and  not  very  ragged ;  it  was  clean  cut 
through  the  skin,  but  the  muscles  of  the  thigh  were  all  contused  and  torn — 
formed  a  kind  of  pulpy  cavity  as  large  as  a  goose  egg  on  the  inside.  The 
missile  was  lodged  in  the  upper  part  of  the  thigh,  about  four  inches  above 
the  place  where  it  entered.  Mathias  J.  Degan  died  of  hemorrhage  of  the 
femoral  artery,  caused  by  this  wound  that  I  described. 


THE  HAYMARKET  MARTYRS.  477 

"  I  made  ^.post-mortem  examination  on  the  body  of  John  Barrett  on  the 
7th  of  May,  at  171  East  Chicago  Avenue.  A  missile  had  passed  through 
the  eleventh  rib  into  the  upper  part  of  the  liver,  about  three  inches  deep. 
There  I  found  a  piece  of  lead  and  a  piece  of  blue  cloth  with  lining  in.  The 
right  lung  was  collapsed.  From  the  opening  into  the  diaphragm  the  air 
rushed  into  the  cavity  of  the  chest  and  compressed  the  lung.  In  conse- 
quence of  the  wound  in  the  liver  there  was  a  good  deal  of  hemorrhage  into 
the  chest  as  well  as  into  the  abdomen.  This  wound,  by  this  explosive  piece 
of  material,  was  the  cause  of  his  death.  He  had  several  other  wounds. 

"On  the  same  day  I  made  a  post-mortem  examination  on  the  body  of 
George  F.  Muller,  at  the  Cook  County  Hospital.  This  man  died,  in  my 
opinion,  from  the  effects  of  a  pistol  ball  which  wounded  the  small  intestines 
and  caused  inflammation  of  the  bowels. 

"On  May  8th  I  made  a  post-mortem  examination  on  the  body  of  Tim 
Flavin.  He  had  a  small  wound  in  the  back  four  inches  to  the  left  of  the 
spine.  The  missile,  which  was  not  a  pistol  ball,  passed  into  the  abdomen 
below  the  twelfth  rib.  I  found  much  blood  in  both  cavities,  and  the  cause 
of  his  death  was  internal  hemorrhage. 

"On  May  loth  I  made  a  post-mortem  examination  on  the  body  of  Michael 
Sheehan.  He  died  from  exhaustion  caused  by  a  pistol  shot  wound  upon  the 
right  side  of  the  abdomen,  three  inches  to  the  right  and  four  inches  above 
the  umbilicus.  The  ball  passed  through  the  mesentary  and  lower  part  of 
the  liver  into  the  muscles  of  the  abdomen.  There  was  considerable  blood 
in  the  abdomen  and  the  liver.  The  surroundings  were  very  much  inflamed. 

"On  May  i7th  I  made  a  post-mortem  examination  on  the  body  of  Thomas 
Redden,  at  the  Cook  County  Hospital.  I  found  an  abrasion  over  the  right 
eye,  a  slight  lacerated  wound  upon  the  lower  part  of  the  left  hip,  a  large 
lacerated  wound  perforating  the  right  forearm,  a  compound  fracture  of  the 
left  tibia,  a  large  lacerated  wound  upon  the  posterior  part  of  the  left  leg,  a 
circular  wound  upon  the  right  leg  two  inches  below  the  knee  joint,  extend- 
ing to  the  bone,  another  wound  upon  the  right  leg  about  seven  inches  above 
the  ankle,  a  large  lacerated  wound  upon  the  left  side  of  the  back.  I  found 
the  lungs  badly  inflamed  and  the  blood  valves  enlarged  above  the  kidneys, 
and  the  liver  somewhat  inflamed  with  so-called  cloudy  swelling.  In  my 
opinion  he  died  from  the  effects  of  these  wounds  bringing  about  blood- 
poisoning. " 

JAMES  BONFIELD,  being  recalled,  stated  : 

"  I  found  a  number  of  banners  at  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung.  I  found,  alto- 
gether, about  forty  banners.  I  can  identify  only  a  few  of  them  as  found  at 
the  Arbeiter-Zeitung." 

State's  Attorney  Grinnell  here  announced  that  the  prosecution  rested  its 
case.  Thereupon  counsel  for  the  defendants  moved  that  the  jury  be  sent 
from  the  court-room  while  they  would  present  and  argue,  on  behalf  of 
Neebe,  a  motion  that  the  jury  be  instructed  to  find  a  verdict  of  not  guilty 
as  to  Neebe.  Judge  Gary  refused  the  motion. 

A  like  motion  on  behalf  of  the  other  defendants,  except  August  Spies 
and  Adolph  Fischer,  was  also  overruled  by  the  court. 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

The  Programme  of  the  Defense  —  Mayor  Harrison's  Memories  —  Simon- 
son's  Story  —  A  Graphic  Account  —  A  Bird's-eye  View  of  Dynamite  —  Ferguson  and  the 
Bomb  —  "  As  Big  as  a  Base  Ball "  —  The  Defense  Theory  of  the  Riot  —  Claiming  the 
Police  were  the  Aggressors  —  Dr.  Taylor  and  the  Bullet-marks  —  The  Attack  on  Gil- 
mer's  Veracity  —  Varying  Testimony  —  The  Witnesses  who  Appeared. 


M 


R.  MOSES  SALOMON  opened  the  case  for  the  Anarchists  on  Sat- 
urday, July  31.  He  proceeded  to  state  that  the  defendants  had 
steadily  refused  to  believe  that  any  man  on  the  jury  would  be  willing  to 
convict  any  of  the  defendants  because  of  being  an  Anarchist  or  a  Socialist. 

"Mr.  Grinnell,"  said  Mr.  Salomon,  "failed  to  state  to  you  that  he  had  a 
person  by  whom  he  could  prove  who  threw  the  bomb,  and  he  never  expected 
to  make  this  proof  until  he  found  that  without  this  proof  he  was  unable  to 
maintain  this  prosecution  against  these  defendants ;  and  it  was  as  this  case 
neared  the  prosecution  end  of  it  that  the  State  suddenly  changed  front  and 
produced  a  professional  tramp  and  a  professional  liar,  as  we  will  show  you, 
to  prove  that  one  of  these  defendants  was  connected  with  the  throwing  of 
it.  They  then  recognized,  as  we  claimed  and  now  claim,  that  that  is  the 
only  way  they  can  maintain  their  case  here." 

Mr.  Salomon  next  directed  the  attention  of  the  jury  to  the  charge  against 
the  defendants  and  said  : 

"  As  I  told  you  a  moment  ago,  they  are  not  charged  with  Anarchy ;  they 
are  not  charged  with  Socialism ;  they  are  not  charged  with  the  fact  that 
Anarchy  and  Socialism  is  dangerous  or  beneficial  to  the  community ;  but, 
according  to  the  law  under  which  we  are  now  acting,  a  charge  specific  in 
its  nature  must  be  made  against  them,  and  that  alone  must  be  sustained, 
and  it  is  the  duty  of  the  jury  to  weigh  the  evidence  as  it  bears  upon  that 
charge  ;  and  upon  no  other  point  can  they  pay  attention  to  it.  Now,  gen- 
tlemen, the  charge  here  is  shown  by  this  indictment.  This  is  the  accusa- 
tion. This  is  what  the  case  involves,  and  upon  this  the  defendants  and  the 
prosecution  must  either  stand  or  fall.  This  indictment  is  for  the  murder  of 
Mathias  J.  Degan.  It  is  charged  that  each  one  of  these  defendants  com- 
mitted the  crime,  each  defendant  individually ;  and  it  is  charged  in  a  num- 
ber of  different  ways.  Now,  I  desire  to  call  your  attention  to  the  law  gov- 
erning this  indictment  and  to  read  it  to  you ;  and  I  am  presenting  the  law 
to  you  now.  gentlemen,  so  that  you  can  understand  how  we  view  this  case 
and  how  the  evidence  is  affected  by  what  the  law  is." 

Mr.  Salomon  then  read  the  law  touching  murder  and  the  statute  on 
accessories  and  explained  : 

"  The  law  says,  no  matter  whether  these  defendants  advised  generally  the 
use  of  dynamite  in  the  purpose  which  they  claimed  to  carry  out,  and  sought 
to  carry  out,  yet  if  none  of  these  defendants  advised  the  throwing  of  that 
bomb  at  the  Haymarket,  they  cannot  be  held  responsible  for  the  action  of 

478 


OPENING  FOR    THE   DEFENSE. 


479 


others  at  other  times  and  other  places.  What  does  the  evidence  introduced 
here  tend  to  show  ?  It  may  occur  to  some  of  you,  gentlemen,  to  ask  : 
'What,  then,  can  these  defendants  preach  the  use  of  dynamite?  May  they 
be  allowed  to  go  on  and  urge  people  to  overturn  the  present  government 
and  the  present  condition  of  society  without  being  held  responsible  for  it 
and  without  punishment  ?  Is  there  no  law  to  which  these  people  can  be 
subjected  and  punished  if  they  do  this  thing?  '  There  is,  gentlemen,  but  it 
is  not  and  never  has  been  murder,  and  if  they  are  amenable,  as  the  evidence 
introduced  by  the  prosecution  tends  to  show,  it  is  under  another  and  a 
different  law,  and  no  attempt  on  the  part  of  the  prosecution  to  jump  the 
wide  chasm  which  separates  these  two  offenses  can  be  successful  unless  it 
is  done  out  of  pure  hatred,  malice,  ill-will,  or  because  of  prejudice.  The 
law  protects  every  citizen.  It  punishes  every  guilty  man,  and  according  to 
the  measure  of  his  crime  ;  no  more  and  no  less.  If  a  man  be  guilty  of  con- 
spiracy, or  if  he  be  guilty  of  treason,  he  is 
liable  to  punishment  for  that  offense,  and 
not  for  a  higher  one.  This  is  what  the 
people  of  the  State  of  Illinois  have  said, 
and  that  is  their  law.  That  is  what  they 
want  enforced,  and  that  is  what  I  stand 
here  for  as  the  advocate  of  these  defendants. 
I  claim  for  them,  and  for  the  entire  people 
of  this  State,  that  the  law  shall  be  applied 
as  it  is  found,  and  as  they  have  directed 
it  to  be  enforced.  Now,  what  is  the  statute 
on  conspiracy,  of  which  these  defendants 
may  be  guilty,  if  they  are  guilty  of  any- 
thing ?" 

He  next  read  the  law  with  reference  to 
conspiracy  and  proceeded  : 

"The  proof  in   this  case,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  Gilmer's  testimony,  showed  and  MOSES    SALOMON. 
shows  only  that  the  State  has  a  case  within 

those  sections  which  I  have  last  read  to  you,  and  no  other,  if  they  have 
a  case  against  them  at  all.  Now,  gentlemen,  I  have  read  to  you  the 
section  of  the  statute  relating  to  accessories.  As  I  have  told  you  before,  it 
is  only  the  perpetrator  and  abettor  in  the  perpetration  of  a  crime  who, 
under  the  decision  of  almost  every  supreme  court  in  the  United  States  and 
England,  can  be  held." 

Mr.  Salomon  touched  on  one  or  two  minor  points  and  concluded  as 
follows  : 

"  That  view  of  the  law,  that  they  must  be  proven  to  be  accessories  to  the 
crime,  is  the  one  point  only  upon  which  the  prosecution  can  sustain  their 
case,  and  is  the  only  one  upon  which  this  case  must  proceed,  according  to 
our  view.  Now,  these  defendants  are  not  criminals  ;  they  are  not  robbers  ; 
they  are  not  burglars ;  they  are  not  common  thieves  ;  they  descend  to  no 
small  criminal  act.  On  the  contrary,  this  evidence  shows  conclusively  that 
they  are  men  of  broad  feelings  of  humanity,  that  their  only  desire  has  been, 
and  their  lives  have  been  consecrated  to,  the  betterment  of  their  fellow-men. 


480  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

They  have  not  sought  to  take  the  life  of  any  man,  of  any  individual,  to  ma- 
liciously kill  or  destroy  any  person,  nor  have  they  sought  to  deprive  any 
man  of  his  property  for  their  own  benefit.  They  have  not  sought  to  get 
McCormick's  property  for  themselves  ;  they  have  not  sought  to  get  Marshall 
Field's  property  for  themselves,  and  to  deprive  Marshall  Field  of  it  felo- 
niously, but  they  have  endeavored  and  labored  to  establish  a  different  social 
system.  It  is  true  they  have  adopted  means,  or  wanted  to  adopt  means  that 
were  not  approved  of  by  all  mankind.  It  is  true  that  their  methods  were 
dangerous,  perhaps  ;  but  then  they  should  have  been  stopped  at  their  incep- 
tion. We  shall  expect  to  prove  to  you,  gentlemen,  that  these  men  have 
stood  by  the  man  who  has  the  least  friends ;  that  they  have  endeavored  to 
better  the  condition  of  the  laboring  man.  The  laboring  men  have  few 
friends  enough.  They  have  no  means,  without  the  combination  and  assist- 
ance of  their  fellow-men,  to  better  their  condition,  and  it  was  to  further  that 
purpose  and  to  raise  them  above  constant  labor  and  constant  toil  and  con- 
stant worry  and  constant  fret,  and  to  have  their  fellow-men  act  and  be  as 
human  beings  and  not  as  animals,  that  these  defendants  have  consecrated 
their  lives  and  energies.  If  it  was  in  pursuance  of  that,  wrought  up,  per- 
haps, through  frequent  failures  and  through  the  constant  force  exercised 
against  them,  that  they  came  to  the  conclusion  that  it  was  necessary  to  use 
force  against  force,  we  know  not,  and  we  do  not  expect  to  prove  nor  to  deny 
that  these  defendants  advocated  the  use  of  force,  nor  do  we  now  intend  to 
apologize  for  anything  they  have  said,  nor  to  excuse  their  acts.  It  is  neither 
the  place  nor  the  time  for  counsel  in  this  case,  nor  of  the  gentlemen  of  the 
jury,  to  either  excuse  the  acts  of  these  defendants  nor  to  encourage  them. 
With  that  we  have  here  nothing  to  do.  Our  object  is  simply  to  show  that 
these  defendants  are  not  guilty  of  the  murder  with  which  they  are  charged 
in  this  indictment.  But  the  issue  is  forced  upon  us  to  say  whether  it  was 
right  or  wrong,  and  whether  they  had  the  right  to  advocate  the  bettering  of 
their  fellow-men.  As  Mr.  Grinnell  said,  he  wanted  to  hang  Socialism  and 
Anarchy ;  but  twelve  men  nor  twelve  hundred  nor  twelve  thousand  can 
stamp  out  Anarchy  nor  root  out  Socialism,  no  more  than  they  can  Democ- 
racy or  Republicanism,  that  lie  within  the  heart  and  within  the  head.  Un- 
der our  forms  of  government  every  man  has  the  right  to  believe  and  the 
right  to  express  his  thoughts,  whether  they  be  inimical  to  the  present  insti- 
tutions or  whether  they  favor  them  ;  but  if  that  man,  no  matter  what  he 
advocates  or  who  he  be,  whether  Democrat,  Republican,  Socialist  or  An- 
archist, kill  and  destroy  human  life  deliberately  and  feloniously,  that  man, 
whether  high  or  low,  is  amenable  to  criminal  justice,  and  must  be  punished 
for  his  crime,  and  for  no  other. 

"  Now,  what  was  the  object  of  these  defendants,  as  they  are  charged,  in 
being  so  bloodthirsty  ?  Their  purpose  was  to  change  society,  to  bring  into 
force  and  effect  their  Socialistic  and  Anarchistic  ideas.  Were  they  right  or 
were  they  wrong,  or  have  we  nothing  to  do  with  it  ?  As  I  told  you,  they 
had  the  right  to  express  their  ideas.  They  had  the  right.  They  had  the 
right  to  gain  converts,  to  make  Anarchists  and  Socialists,  but  whether 
Socialism  or  Anarchy  shall  ever  be  established  never  rested  with  these 
defendants,  never  rested  in  a  can  of  dynamite  or  in  a  dynamite  bomb.  It 
rests  with  the  great  mass  of  people,  with  the  people  of  Chicago,  of  Illinois, 
of  the  United  States,  of  the  world.  If  they,  the  people,  want  Anarchy,  want 
Socialism,  if  they  want  Democracy  or  Republicanism,  they  can  and  they  will 
inaugurate  it.  But  the  people,  also,  will  allow  a  little  toleration  of  views.. 


THE  PLEA   OF  FREE   SPEECH.  481 

Now,  these  defendants  claim  that  Socialism  is  a  progressive  social  science, 
and  it  will  be  a  part  of  the  proof  which  you  will  have  to  determine.  Must 
the  world  stand  as  we  found  it  when  we  were  born,  or  have  we  a  right  to 
show  our  fellow-men  a  better  way,  a  nobler  life,  a  better  condition  ?  That 
is  what  these  defendants  claim,  if  they  are  forced  beyond  the  issue  in  this 
case.  ...  In  furtherance  of  that  plan,  what  have  these  defendants 
done  ?  Have  they  murdered  many  people  ?  What  was  their  plan  when 
they  counseled  dynamite  ?  They  intended  to  use  dynamite  in  furtherance 
of  the  general  revolution  ;  never,  never  against  any  individual.  We  will 
show  you  that  it  was  their  purpose,  as  the  proof,  I  think,  partly  shows 
already,  that  when  a  general  revolution  or  a  general  strike  was  inaugurated, 
when  they  were  attacked,  that  then,  in  fact,  while  carrying  out  the  purposes 
of  that  strike  or  that  revolution,  that  then  they  should  use  dynamite,  and 
not  until  then.  If  it  is  unlawful  to  conspire  to  carry  out  that  thing,  these 
men  must  be  held  for  that  thing.  We  shall  show  you  that  these  men,  in 
carrying  out  their  plan  for  the  bettering  of  the  condition  of  the  workingmen, 
inaugurated  the  eight-hour  movement.  They  inaugurated  the  early-closing 
movement.  They  inaugurated  every  movement  that  tended  to  alleviate  the 
condition  of  the  workingman  and  allow  him  a  greater  time  to  his  family,  for 
mutual  benefit.  That  is  what  these  defendants  set  up  for  a  defense.  That 
is  what  they  claim  was  their  right  to  do,  and  that  is  what  they  claim  they 
did  do,  and  they  did  nothing  more. 

"Now,  gentlemen,  we  don't  say  that  we  desire  to  go  into  this  proof,  be- 
cause we  think  it  has  nothing  to  do  with  this  case,  if  our  theory  is  correct ; 
but  if  we  are  forced  to  show  why  they  did  these  things  it  is  simply  to  con- 
vince you  that  their  objects  were  not  for  robbery,  not  for  stealing,  not  to 
gain  property  for  themselves,  and  not  to  maliciously  or  willfully  destroy  any 
man's  good  name  or  his  property  interests. 

"  We  expect  to  show  you,  further,  that  these  defendants  never  conspired, 
nor  any  one  of  them,  to  take  the  life  of  any  single  individual  at  any  time  or 
place  ;  that  they  never  conspired  or  plotted  to  take,  at  this  time  or  at  any 
other  time,  the  life  of  Mathias  Degan  or  any  number  of  policemen,  except 
in  self-defense  while  carrying  out  their  original  purpose.  We  expect,  fur- 
ther, to  show  you  that  on  the  night  of  the  4th  of  May  these  defendants  had 
assembled  peaceably,  that  the  purpose  of  the  meeting  was  peaceable,  that 
its  objects  were  peaceable,  that  they  delivered  the  same  harangue  as  before, 
that  the  crowd  listened,  and  that  not  a  single  act  transpired  there,  previous 
to  the  coming  of  the  policemen,  by  which  any  man  in  the  audience  could  be 
held  amenable  to  law.  They  assembled  there,  gentlemen,  under  the  pro- 
vision of  our  Constitution,  to  exercise  the  right  of  free  speech,  to  discuss 
the  situation  of  the  workingmen,  to  discuss  the  eight-hour  question.  They 
assembled  there  to  incidentally  discuss  what  they  deemed  outrages  at 
McCormick's.  No  man  expected  that  a  bomb  would  be  thrown  ;  no  man 
expected  that  any  one  would  be  injured  at  that  meeting;  but  while  some  of 
these  defendants  were  there  and  while  this  meeting  was  peaceably  in  prog- 
ress, the  police,  with  a  devilish  design,  as  we  expect  to  prove,  came  down 
upon  that  body  with  their  revolvers  in  their  hands  and  pockets,  ready  for 
immediate  use,  intending  to  destroy  the  life  of  every  man  that  stood  upon 
that  market  square.  That  seems  terrible,  gentlemen,  but  that  is  the  infor- 
mation which  we  have  and  which  we  expect  to  show  you.  We  expect  to 
show  you  further,  gentlemen,  that  the  crowd  did  not  fire,  that  not  a  single 
person  fired  a  single  shot  at  the  police  officers.  We  expect  to  show  you 


482  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

that  Mr.  Fielden  did  not  have  on  that  night,  and  never  had  in  his  life,  a 
revolver ;  that  he  did  not  fire,  and  that  that  portion  of  the  testimony  here  is 
wrong.  We  expect  to  show  you  further,  gentlemen,  that  the  witness  Gilmer, 
who  testified  to  having  seen  Spies  light  the  match  which  caused  the  destruc- 
tion coming  from  the  bomb,  is  a  professional  and  constitutional  liar  ;  that 
no  man  in  the  city  of  Chicago  who  knows  him  will  believe  him  under  oath, 
and,  indeed,  I  might  almost  say  that  it  would  scarcely  need  even  a  witness 
to  show  the  falsity  of  his  testimony,  because  it  seems  to  me  that  it  must  fall 
of  its  own  weight.  We  expect  to  show  you,  gentlemen,  that  Thompson  was 
greatly  mistaken  ;  that  on  that  night  Schwab  never  saw  or  talked  with  Mr. 
Spies  ;  that  he  was  at  the  Haymarket  early  in  the  evening,  but  that  he  left 
before  the  meeting  began  and  before  he  saw  Mr.  Spies  on  that  evening  at 
all.  We  expect  to  show  that  Mr.  Parsons,  so  far  from  thinking  anything 
wrong,  and  Fischer,  were  quietly  seated  at  Zepf's  Hall,  drinking,  perhaps,  a 
glass  of  beer  at  the  time  the  bomb  exploded,  and  that  it  was  as  great  a  sur- 
prise to  them  as  it  was  to  any  of  you.  We  expect  to  show  you  that  Engel 
was  at  home  at  the  time  the  bomb  exploded,  and  that  he  knew  nothing 
about  it.  With  the  whereabouts  of  Lingg  you  are  already  familiar.  It  may 
seem  strange  why  he  was  manufacturing  bombs.  The  answer  to  that  is, 
he  had  a  right  to  have  his  house  full  of  dynamite.  He  had  a  right  to  have 
weapons  of  all  descriptions  upon  his  premises,  and  until  he  used  them,  or 
advised  their  use,  and  they  were  used  in  pursuance  of  his  advice,  he  is  not 
liable  any  more  than  the  man  who  commits  numerous  burglaries,  the  man 
who  commits  numerous  thefts,  who  walks  the  streets,  is  liable  to  arrest  and 
punishment  only  when  he  commits  an  act  which  makes  him  amenable  to 
law. 

"  I  did  not  expect  to  address  you  concerning  Mr.  Neebe,  and  it  is  unneces- 
sary for  me  to  make  much  comment  on  that,  but  we  will  show  you  that  Mr. 
Neebe  did  not  know  of  this  meeting,  that  he  was  not  present,  that  he  was  in 
no  manner  connected  with  it,  and  there  is  no  proof  to  show  that  he  was. 
We  will  also  prove  to  you,  gentlemen,  that  Mr.  Fielden  did  not  go  down  the 
alley,  as  some  of  the  witnesses  for  the  State  have  testified,  but  that  he  went 
down  Desplaines  Street  to  Randolph,  and  up  Randolph,  as,  indeed,  if  my 
memory  serves  me  right,  the  statements  made  by  Mr.  Fielden  immediately 
after  the  occurrence  already  sufficiently  show. 

"  Now,  gentlemen,  in  conclusion,  as  I  stated  to  you  a  moment  ago,  we 
do  not  intend  to  defend  against  Socialism,  we  do  not  intend  to  defend 
against  Anarchism  ;  we  expect  to  be  held  responsible  for  that  only  which  we 
have  done,  and  to  be  held  in  the  manner  pointed  out  by  law.  Under  the 
charge  upon  which  these  defendants  are  held  under  this  indictment,  we 
shall  prove  to  you,  and  I  hope  to  your  entire  satisfaction,  that  a  case  has 
not  been  made  out  against  them.  Whether  they  be  Socialists  or  whether 
they  be  Anarchists  we  hope  will  not  influence  any  one  of  you,  gentlemen. 
Whatever  they  may  have  preached,  or  whatever  they  may  have  said,  or 
whatever  may  have  been  their  object,  if  it  was  not  connected  with  the 
throwing  of  the  bomb  it  is  your  sworn  testimony  to  acquit  them.  We  ex- 
pect to  make  all  this  proof,  and  we  expect  such  a  result." 

On  the  Monday  following,  being  the  2d  of  August,  the  defense  began 
its  testimony.  The  first  witness  introduced  was  CARTER  H.  HARRISON,  then 
Mayor  of  Chicago.  His  evidence  was  as  follows  : 


MAYOR  HARRISON'S  TESTIMONY.  483 

"  I  am  Mayor  of  the  city  of  Chicago  since  over  seven  years.  On  the 
4th  of  May  last  I  was  present  during  a  part  of  the  Haymarket  meeting  so- 
called.  On  the  day  before  there  was  a  riot  at  McCormick's  factory,  which 
was  represented  to  me  to  have  grown  out  of  a  speech  made  by  Mr.  Spies. 
During  the  morning  of  the  4th  I  received  information  of  the  issuance  of  a 
circular  of  a  peculiar  character  and  calling  for  a  meeting  at  the  Haymarket 
that  night.  I  directed  the  Chief  of  Police  that  if  anything  should  be  said 
at  that  meeting  that  might  call  out  a  recurrence  of  such  proceedings  as  at 
McCormick's  factory,  the  meeting  should  be  dispersed.  I  believed  that  it 
was  better  for  myself  to  be  there  and  disperse  the  meeting  myself  instead 
of  leaving  it  to  any  policeman.  I  went  to  the  meeting  for  the  purpose  of 
dispersing  it  in  case  I  should  feel  it  necessary  for  the  safety  of  the  city.  I 
arrived  there  about  five  minutes  before  eight.  There  was  a  large  concourse 
of  people  about  the  Haymarket,  but  it  was  so  long  before  any  speaking 
commenced  that  probably  two-thirds  of  the  people  there  assembled  left,  as 
it  seemed  to  me.  It  was  about  half-past  eight  when  the  speaking  com- 
menced and  the  meeting  congregated  around  Crane's  building,  or  the  alley 
near  it. 

"  Mr.  Spies  may  have  been  speaking  one  or  two  minutes  before  I  got 
near  enough  to  hear  distinctly  what  he  said.  I  judge  I  left  the  meeting  be- 
tween 10  and  10:05  o'clock  that  night.  I  staid  to  hear  Mr.  Spies'  speech, 
and  I  heard  all  of  Mr.  Parsons'  up  to  the  time  I  left,  with  the  exception  of 
five  or  ten  minutes,  during  which  I  went  over  to  the  station.  When  I  judged 
that  Mr.  Parsons  was  looking  towards  the  close  of  his  speech  I  went  over 
to  the  station,  spoke  to  Capt.  Bonfield,  and  determined  to  go  home,  but  in- 
stead of  going  immediately  I  went  back  to  hear  a  little  more  ;  staid  there 
about  five  minutes  longer  and  then  left.  Within  about  twenty  minutes  from 
the  time  that  I  left  the  meeting  I  heard  the  sound  of  the  explosion  of  the 
bomb  at  my  house.  While  at  the  meeting  I  noticed  that  I  was  observed 
when  I  struck  a  match  to  light  my  cigar  and  the  full  blaze  showed  my  face. 
I  thought  Mr.  Spies  had  observed  me,  as  the  tone  of  his  speech  suddenly 
changed,  but  that  is  mere  conjecture.  Prior  to  that  change  in  the  tone  of 
Mr.  Spies'  speech  I  feared  his  remarks  would  force  me  to  disperse  the 
meeting.  I  was  there  for  that  purpose  ;  that  is  to  say,  it  was  my  own  de- 
termination to  do  it  against  the  will  of  the  police.  After  that  occurrence 
the  general  tenor  of  Spies'  speech  was  such  that  I  remarked  to  Capt.  Bon- 
field  that  it  was  tame." 

"  Did  anything  transpire  in  the  address  of  either  Spies  or  Parsons,  after 
the  incident  of  the  lighting  of  your  cigar  to  which  you  have  referred,  that 
led  you  to  conclude  to  take  any  action  in  reference  to  the  dispersing  of  the 
meeting?  " 

The  State  objected  to  an  answer,  and  the  objection  was  sustained. 

"  I  did  in  fact  take  no  action  at  the  meeting  about  dispersing  it.  There 
were  occasional  replies  from  the  audience,  as  '  Shoot  him,'  '  Hang  him'  or 
the  like,  but  I  do  not  think,  from  the  directions  in  which  they  came,  here 
and  there  and  around,  that  there  were  more  than  two  or  three  hundred 
actual  sympathizers  with  the  speakers.  Several  times  cries  of  •  Hang  him' 
would  come  from  a  boy  in  the  outskirts,  and  the  crowd  would  laugh.  I  felt 
that  a  majority  of  the  crowd  were  idle  spectators,  and  the  replies  nearly  as 
much  what  might  be  called  '  guying '  as  absolute  applause.  Some  of  the 
replies  were  evidently  bitter ;  they  came  from  immediately  around  the 
stand.  The  audience  numbered  from  eight  hundred  to  one  thousand.  The 


484  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

people  in  attendance,  so  far  as  I  could  see  during  the  half  hour  before  the 
speaking  commenced,  were  apparently  laborers  or  mechanics,  and  the  ma- 
jority of  them  not  English-speaking  people  —  mostly  Germans.  There  was 
no  suggestion  made  by  either  of  the  speakers  looking  toward  calling  for  the 
immediate  use  of  force  or  violence  toward  any  person  that  night ;  if  there 
had  been  I  should  have  dispersed  them  at  once.  After  I  came  back  from 
the  station  Parsons  was  still  speaking,  but  evidently  approaching  a  close. 
It  was  becoming  cloudy  and  looked  like  threatening  rain,  and  I  thought  the 
thing  was  about  over.  There  was  not  one-fourth  of  the  crowd  that  had 
been  there  during  the  evening  listening  to  the  speakers  at  that  time.  In 
the  crowd  I  heard  a  great  many  Germans  use  expressions  of  their  being 
dissatisfied  with  bringing  them  there  and  having  this  speaking.  When  I 
went  to  the  station  during  Parsons'  speech,  I  stated  to  Capt.  Bonfield  that 
I  thought  the  speeches  were  about  over  ;  that  nothing  had  occurred  yet  or 
looked  likely  to  occur  to  require  interference,  and  that  he  had  better  issue 
orders  to  his  reserves  at  the  other  stations  to  go  home.  Bonfield  replied 
that  he  had  reached  the  same  conclusion  from  reports  brought  to  him,  but 
he  thought  it  would  be  best  to  retain  the  men  in  the  station  until  the  meet- 
ing broke  up,  and  then  referred  to  a  rumor  that  he  had  heard  that  night 
which  he  thought  would  make  it  necessary  for  him  to  keep  his  men  there, 
which  I  concurred  in.  During  my  attendance  of  the  meeting  I  saw  no 
weapons  at  all  upon  any  person." 

On  cross-examination  Mr.  Harrison  stated  : 

"The  rumor  that  I  referred  to  was  related  to  me  by  Capt.  Bonfield 
immediately  after  my  reaching  the  station.  Bonfield  told  me  he  had  just 
received  information  that  the  Haymarket  meeting,  or  a  part  of  it,  would  go 
over  to  the  Milwaukee  and  St.  Paul  freight-houses,  then  filled  with  'scabs,' 
and  blow  it  up.  There  was  also  an  intimation  that  this  meeting  might  be 
held  merely  to  attract  the  attention  of  the  police  to  the  Haymarket,  while  the 
real  attack,  if  any,  should  be  made  that  night  on  McCormick's.  Those 
were  the  contingencies  in  regard  to  which  I  was  listening  to  those  speeches. 
In  listening  to  the  speeches,  I  concluded  it  was  not  an  organization  to 
destroy  property  that  night,  and  went  home.  My  order  to  Bonfield  was 
that  the  reserves  held  at  the  other  stations  might  be  sent  home,  because  I 
learned  that  all  was  quiet  in  the  district  where  McCormick's  factory  is  sit- 
uated. Bonfield  replied  he  had  already  ordered  the  reserves  in  the  other 
stations  to  go  in  their  regular  order. 

"Bonfield  was  there,  detailed  by  the  Chief  of  Police,  in  control  of  that 
meeting,  together  with  Capt.  Ward.  I  don't  remember  of  hearing  Parsons 
call  '  To  arms  !  To  arms  !  To  arms  ! '  When  I  speak  of  a  rumor  in  regard 
to  a  possible  attack  upon  McCormick's,  the  fact  is  it  was  not  a  rumor 
that  came  from  others,  but  rather  a  fear  or  apprehension  on  my  own  part, 
and  it  was  suggested  first  by  myself  that  this  might  be  the  aim  of  this 
meeting.  There  was  a  direct  statement  by  Mr.  Bonfield  to  me  that  he  had 
heard  the  rumor  about  the  freight-houses." 

BARTON  SIMONSON,  a  traveling  salesman  -for  E.  Rothschild  &  Bros., 
wholesale  clothing,  concluded,  after  taking  supper  at  his  mother's  house, 
No.  50  West  Ohio  Street,  to  take  in  the  Haymarket  meeting,  and  he  went 
there  and  remained  throughout  the  proceedings,  until  the  explosion  of  the 
bomb.  He  testified  : 


BARTON  SIMONSON'S  TESTIMONY.  485 

"  The  speakers  were  northeast  from  me,  in  front  of  Crane  Bros',  build- 
ing, a  few  feet  north  of  the  alley.  I  remember  the  alley  particularly.  As 
far  as  I  remember  Spies'  speech,  he  said  :  '  Please  come  to  order.  This 
meeting  is  not  called  to  incite  any  riot.'  He  then  said  that  McCormick 
had  charged  him  with  the  murder  of  the  people  at  the  meeting  the  night 
before  ;  that  Mr.  McCormick  was  a  liar.  McCormick  was  himself  respon- 
sible. Somebody  had  opposed  his  speaking  at  the  meeting  near  McCor- 
mick's  because  he  was  a  Socialist.  The  people  he  spoke  to  were  good 
Christian,  church-going  people.  While  he  was  speaking,  McCormick's 
people  had  come  out.  Some  of  the  men  and  boys  had  started  for  them, 
and  had  had"  some  harmless  sport  throwing  stones  into  the  windows,  etc. 
Then  he  said  that  some  workingmen  were  shot  at  and  killed  by  the  police. 
That  is  as  far  as  my  memory  goes. 

"Parsons  illustrated  that  the  capitalists  got  the  great  bulk  of  the  profit 
out  of  everything  done.  I  remember  in  his  speech  he  said:  'To  arms! 
To  arms  !  To  arms ! '  but  in  what  connection  I  cannot  remember.  Some- 
body in  the  crowd  said,  'Shoot'  or  'Hang  Gould,'  and  he  says,  'No,  a 
great  many  will  jump  up  and  take  his  place.  What  Socialism  aims  at  is 
not  the  death  of  individuals,  but  of  the  system.' 

"  Fielden  spoke  very  loud,  and  as  I  had  never  attended  a  Socialistic  meet- 
ing before  in  my  life,  I  thought  they  were  a  little  wild.  Fielden  spoke  about  a 
Congressman  from  Ohio  who  had  been  elected  by  the  workingmen  and  con- 
fessed that  no  legislation  could  be  enacted  in  favor  of  the  workingmen  ;  con- 
sequently he  said  there  was  no  use  trying  to  do  anything  by  legislation. 
After  he  had  talked  awhile  a  dark  cloud  with  cold  wind  came  from  the 
north.  Many  people  had  left  before,  but  when  the  cloud  came  a  great 
many  people  left.  Somebody  said,  'Let's  adjourn,'  —  to  some  place,  I  can't 
remember  the  name  of  the  place.  Fielden  said  he  was  about  through,  there 
was  no  need  of  adjourning.  He  said  two  or  three  times,  '  Now,  in  conclu- 
sion,' or  something  like  that,  and  I  became  impatient.  Then  I  heard  a 
commotion  and  a  good  deal  of  noise  in  the  audience,  and  somebody  said, 
4  Police. '  I  looked  south  and  saw  a  line  of  police  when  it  was  at  about  the 
Randolph  Street  car-tracks.  The  police  moved  along  until  the  front  of  the 
column  got  about  up  to  the  speakers'  wagon.  I  heard  somebody  near  the 
wagon  say  something  about  dispersing.  I  saw  some  persons  upon  the 
wagon.  I  could  not  tell  who  they  were.  About  the  time  that  somebody 
was  giving  that  command  to  disperse,  I  distinctly  heard  two  words  coming 
from  the  vicinity  of  the  wagon  or  from  the  wagon.  I  don't  know  who 
uttered  them.  The  words  were  '  peaceable  meeting.'  That  was  a  few  sec- 
onds before  the  explosion  of  the  bomb.  As  the  police  marched  through  the 
crowd  the  latter  went  to  the  sidewalks  on  either  side,  some  went  north, 
some  few  went  on  Randolph  Street  east,  and  some  west.  I  did  not  hear 
any  such  exclamation  as  '  Here  come  the  bloodhounds  of  the  police  ;  you 
do  your  duty  and  I'll  do  mine,'  from  the  locality  of  the  wagon  or  from  Mr. 
Fielden.  I  heard  nothing  of  that  sort  that  night.  At  the  time  the  bomb 
exploded  I  was  still  in  my  position  upon  the  stairs.  A  reporter  talked  to 
me  while  I  was  on  those  stairs.  I  remember  he  went  down,  and  just  before 
the  police  came  he  ran  up  past  me  again.  There  was  no  pistol  fired  by  any 
person  upon  the  wagon  before  the  bomb  exploded.  No  pistol  shots  any- 
where before  the  explosion  of  the  bomb.  Just  after  the  command  to  dis- 
perse had  been  given,  I  saw  a  lighted  fuse  or  something  —  I  didn't  know 
what  it  was  at  the  time  —  come  up  from  a  point  nearly  twenty  feet  south  of 


486  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

the  south  line  of  Crane's  alley,  from  about  the  center  of  the  sidewalk  on  the 
east  side  of  the  street,  from  behind  some  boxes.  I  am  positive  it  was  not 
thrown  from  the  alley.  I  first  noticed  it  about  six  or  seven  feet  in  the  air, 
a  little  above  a  man's  head.  It  went  in  a  northwest  course  and  up  about 
fifteen  feet  from  the  ground,  and  fell  about  the  middle  of  the  street.  The 
explosion  followed  almost  immediately,  possibly  within  two  or  three  seconds. 
Something  of  a  cloud  of  smoke  followed  the  explosion.  After  the  bomb  ex- 
ploded there  was  pistol-shooting.  From  my  position  I  could  distinctly  see 
the  flashes  of  the  pistols.  My  head  was  about  fifteen  feet  from  the  ground. 
There  might  have  been  fifty  to  one  hundred  and  fifty  pistol  shots.  They 
proceeded  from  about  the  center  of  where  the  police  were.  I  did  not  ob- 
serve either  the  flashes  of  pistol  shots  or  hear  the  report  of  any  shots  from 
the  crowd  upon  the  police  prior  to  the  firing  by  the  police.  I  staid  in  my 
position  from  five  to  twenty  seconds.  There  was  shooting  going  on  in 
every  direction,  as  well  up  as  down.  I  could  see  from  the  flashes  of  the 
pistols  that  the  police  were  shooting  up.  The  police  were  not  only  shoot- 
ing at  the  crowd,  but  I  noticed  several  of  them  shoot  just  as  they  happened 
to  throw  their  arms.  I  concluded  that  my  position  was  possibly  more 
dangerous  than  down  in  the  crowd,  and  then  I  ran  down  to  the  foot  of  the 
stairs,  ran  west  on  the  sidewalk  on  Randolph  Street  a  short  distance,  and 
then  on  the  road.  A  crowd  was  running  in  the  same  direction.  I  had  to 
jump  over  a  man  lying  down,  and  I  saw  another  man  fall  in  front  of  me 
about  one  hundred  and  fifty  to  two  hundred  feet  west  of  Desplaines  Street. 
I  took  hold  of  his  arm  and  wanted  to  help  him,  but  the  firing  was  so  lively 
behind  me  that  I  just  let  go  and  ran.  I  was  to  the  rear  of  the  crowd  run- 
ning west,  the  police  still  behind  us.  There  were  no  shots  from  the  direc- 
tion to  which  I  was  running. 

"  I  am  not  and  have  never  been  a  member  of  any  Socialistic  party  or 
association.  Walking  through  the  crowd  before  the  meeting,  I  noticed 
from  their  appearance  that  the  meeting  was  composed  principally  of  ordi- 
nary workingmen,  mechanics,  etc.  The  audience  listened,  and  once  in 
awhile  there  would  be  yells  of  'Shoot. him  !  '  '  Hang  him  ! '  from  the  audi- 
ence. I  didn't  find  any  difference  in  the  bearing  of  the  crowd  during 
Fielden's  speech  from  what  it  was  during  Parsons'  or  Spies'.  In  the 
course  of  the  conversation  which  I  had  with  Capt.  Bonfield  at  the  station 
before  the  meeting  that  night,  I  asked  him  about  the  trouble  in  the  south- 
western part  of  the  city.  He  says,  '  The  trouble  there  is  that  these '- 
whether  he  used  the  word  Socialists  or  strikers,  I  don't  know  —  'get  their 
women  and  children  mixed  up  with  them  and  around  them  and  in  front  of 
them,  and  we  can't  get  at  them.  I  would  like  to  get  three  thousand  of 
them  in  a  crowd,  without  their  women  and  children' — and  to  the  best  of 
my  recollection  he  added,  'and  I  will  make  short  work  of  them.'  I  noticed 
a  few  women  and  children  at  the  bottom  of  the  steps  where  I  was.  I  don't 
think  there  were  any  in  the  bodv  of  the  crowd  around  the  wagon.  At  the 
time  the  police  came  up  there,  I  did  not  observe  any  women  or  children." 

On  cross-examination  Mr.  Simonson  said  : 

"  I  have  several  times  visited  police  stations  in  the  city.  I  attended  a 
Salvation  Army  meeting  on  East  Chicago  Avenue,  and  I  thought  the 
roughs  there  interrupted  the  meeting.  I  went  across  to  see  Capt.  Schaack 
two  or  three  times  about  it.  I  was  once  at  the  Desplaines  Street  Station 
and  made  complaint  against  a  policeman  for  abusing  an  old  man,  and  one 


BARTON  SIMONSON'S  TESTIMONY.  487 

evening  I  brought  there  a  fellow  who  asked  me  for  something  to  get  him  a 
lodging  on  the  West  Side,  and  I  asked  the  police  to  take  care  of  him. 
And  another  time,  when  I  heard  about  the  way  people  who  had  received 
lodging  at  the  station  were  treated  there,  I  went  to  the  station  to  satisfy 
myself  what  was  the  fact  about  the  matter,  and  Capt.  Ward  told  me  a  dif- 
ferent story. 

"I  went  to  the  Haymarket  meeting  out  of  curiosity  to  know  what  kind 
of  meetings  they  held,  believing  that  the  newspapers  ordinarily  misrepre- 
sented such  things.  I  had  my  impression  that  the  papers  had  misrepre- 
sented the  meetings  of  workingmen,  not  from  anything  definite  I  had,  but 
from  having  seen  reports  in  papers  of  occurrences  I  had  seen,  and,  as  a 
rule,  they  were  onesided.  I  went  to  the  meeting  to  satisfy  myself  —  to 
prove  or  disprove  my  impression.  That  was  one  of  my  reasons  for  going 
there.  At  that  conversation  with  Mr.  Bonfield  that  I  testified  to,  nobody 
else  was  present.  It  was  in  the  main  office  of  Desplaines  Street  Station. 
Capt.  Ward,  I  believe,  was  walking  around  at  the  time.  There  was  a  good 
deal  of  noise  in  the  police  station,  and  we  talked  quietly.  I  believe  no  one 
else  could  hear  it.  I  believe  it  was  last  fall  that  I  visited  the  North  Side 
police  station  in  regard  to  the  Salvation  Army  again.  I  visited  about  a 
half  dozen  of  their  meetings.  I  saw  Capt.  Schaack  at  the  station.  I  did 
not  ask  him  to  arrest  any  people  who  had  disturbed  the  meeting,  nor  to 
arrest  the  Salvation  Army  people.  I  told  him  that  in  going  to  the  meet- 
ing I  heard  somebody  swear  a  very  vicious  oath  and  curse  the  Salvation 
Army  people.  The  police  were  standing  within  hearing,  and  the  crowd 
joined  in  the  laugh.  I  told  him  it  seemed  to  me  that  the  police  ought  not 
to  allow  anything  of  that  kind.  The  windows  of  the  Salvation  Army  were 
filled  with  boards.  I  told  Capt.  Schaack  that  it  seemed  not  right  that  in 
front  of  the  police  station  they  should  do  any  such  thing.  He  said  he 
would  order  the  boards  taken  down,  and  if  they  wanted  protection  they 
could  get  it.  I  went  another  time  to  Capt.  Schaack  when  some  of  the  Sal- 
vation Army  people  were  confined  in  the  Bridewell.  Mayor  Harrison  had 
given  me  a  note  to  Mr.  Felton,  telling  him  to  let  them  go,  and  I  went  to 
Capt.  Schaack  to  tell  him  that. 

"My  recollection  is  that  Fielden  said  :  'The  law  is  your  enemy.  Kill 
it,  stab  it,  throttle  it,  or  it  will  throttle  you.'  When  the  police  came,  I 
looked  at  them  and  at  the  crowd.  I  watched  both  to  some  extent.  I  don't 
know  how  many  lines  of  police  there  were.  When  I  saw  them  at  the  Ran- 
dolph Street  tracks,  I  saw  a  straight  line  of  police  filling  the  whole  street. 
There  was  more  than  one  column,  but  I  don't  know  how  many.  I  was  at 
that  time  contemplating  the  question  of  my  own  safety.  I  was  looking  in 
the  direction  of  the  wagon  at  the  time  the  bomb  was  thrown.  I  didn't  see 
the  officer  command  the  meeting  to  disperse,  but  heard  somebody,  in  some 
form,  tell  the  meeting  to  disperse.  The  only  words  I  remember  to  have 
heard  were:  'Command  —  meeting  —  to  disperse.'  During  the  delivery 
of  that,  or  right  after  it,  I  heard  somebody  say  something,  of  which  I  caught 
the  two  words,  'Peaceable  meeting.'  The  first  column  of  police  were 
standing  on  about  a  line  with  the  north  line  of  the  alley.  I  don't  know 
where  the  other  columns  were  with  reference  to  where  the  bomb  exploded. 
I  only  saw  the  police  in  a  large  body  march  out.  It  looked  to  me  at  the 
time  as  if  the  bomb  struck  the  ground  and  exploded  just  a  little  behind  the 
front  line  of  police.  I  saw  policemen  behind  the  first  line  of  police,  but  I 
did  not  distinguish  the  columns.  I  don't  know  whether  the  bomb  exploded 


488  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

directl)'  behind  the  front  line,  or  between  the  second  and  the  third  or  third 
and  fourth  lines. 

"  The  firing  began  from  the  police,  right  in  the  center  of  the  street.  I 
did  not  see  a  single  shot  fired  from  the  crowd  on  either  side  of  the  street. 
I  didn't  know  what  became  of  the  men  in  the  wagon.  I  don't  think  there 
were  any  shots  fired  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  wagon.  I  was  not  looking 
at  the  wagon  all  the  time,  but  was  looking  over  the  scene  in  general.  If 
you  got  up  on  a  place  as  high  as  I  was,  and  it  was  dark,  you  could  see 
every  flash ;  the  flashes  show  themselves  immediately  when  they  are  out  of 
the  revolver,  on  a  dark  night.  The  scene  impressed  itself  so  upon  me  that 
now,  looking  back,  I  see  it  as  I  did  then.  Looking  at  where  the  bomb  ex- 
ploded, I  could  not  help  looking  toward  the  wagon,  too.  My  impression  is, 
the  boxes  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  street  were  from  two  to  four  feet  high. 
I  have  been  at  the  Haymarket  to  look  over  the  ground,  several  times  since 
the  4th  of  May,  so  as  to  get  an  idea  of  the  dimensions  of  the  thing.  I  went 
there  of  my  own  volition  ;  nobody  asked  me  to  go  there.  It  was  on  my  way 
to  mother's  house.  I  am  employed  by  Rothschild  Brothers,  on  commission." 

When  this  witness  returned  to  the  store,  the  firm  by  whom  he  was  em- 
ployed at  once  discharged  him,  saying  that  he  was  one  of  the  worst  Anarch- 
ists in  the  city  and  they  had  no  use  for  him. 

JOHN  FERGUSON,  a  resident  of  Chicago  for  seventeen  years,  and  in  the 
cloak  business,  passed  the  Haymarket,  and,  noticing  a  crowd  there,  stopped 
to  listen  to  the  speeches.  He  was  accompanied  by  an  acquaintance.  They 
stood  at  the  Randolph  Street  crossing  and  listened  about  fifteen  minutes  to 
Parsons'  speech.  Said  the  witness  : 

"We  could  hear  all  of  the  speaking  plainly,  from  where  we  stood,  as  the 
speakers  were  facing  Randolph  Street.  During  his  speech,  when  he  men- 
tioned Jay  Gould's  name,  somebody  said  :  '  Throw  him  in  the  lake  ; '  and  a 
man  standing  almost  in  front  of  me  took  his  pipe  from  his  mouth  and  hal- 
loaed out  :  '  Hang  him.'  Parsons  replied  that  would  do  no  good ;  a  dozen 
more  Jay  Goulds  would  spring  up  in  his  place.  '  Socialism  aims  not  at  the 
life  of  individuals,  but  at  the  system.'  I  didn't  hear  any  other  responses 
from  the  crowd  than  those  I  mentioned.  After  Parsons  concluded,  another 
gentleman  got  up  and  began  speaking  about  Congressman  Foran.  After  a 
few  minutes  I  saw  quite  a  storm  cloud  come  up.  Some  one  interrupted  the 
speaker  with  the  remark  :  '  There  is  a  prospect  of  immediate  storm,  and 
those  of  you  who  wish  to  continue  the  meeting  can  adjourn  to '  —  some  hall, 
I  don't  remember  the  name  of  it ;  but  the  speaker,  resuming,  said  :  '  I 
haven't  but  two  or  three  words  more  to  say,  and  then  you  can  go  home.'  I 
walked  away  from  the  meeting,  across  Randolph  Street  to  the  southwest 
corner.  There  I  saw  the  police  rush  out  from  the  station  in  a  body.  They 
whirled  into  the  street  and  came  down  very  rapidly  toward  us.  The  gen- 
tleman in  command  of  the  police  was  swinging  his  arm  and  told  them  to 
hurry  up.  After  they  had  passed  us  we  turned  to  walk  south  toward  the 
station,  and  we  heard  a  slight  report,  something  like  breaking  boards,  or  like 
slapping  a  brick  down  on  the  pavement.  We  turned,  and  we  had  just  about 
faced  around,  looking  at  the  crowd,  when  we  saw  a  fire  flying  out  about  six 
or  eight  feet  above  the  heads  of  the  crowd  and  falling  down  pretty  near  the 
center  of  the  street.  It  was  all  dark  for  almost  a  second,  perhaps,  then 
there  was  a  deafening  roar.  Then  almost  instantly  we  saw  flashes  from 


LUDWIG  ZELLERS  TESTIMONY.  489 

toward  the  middle  of  the  street,  south  of  Randolph  on  Desplaines,  and 
heard  reports.  That  side  of  the  street  where  the  crowd  was  was  dark. 
At  that  time  there  did  not  appear  to  be  any  light  there.  Then  we  hurried 
away.  I  did  not  see  any  flashes  from  either  side  of  the  street.  The  majority 
of  the  crowd  had  gone  away  on  the  appearance  of  the  approaching  storm. 
The  crowd  was  very  orderly,  as  orderly  a  meeting  as  I  ever  saw  anywhere 
in  the  street. 

"It  could  not  have  been  longer  than  five  minutes  from  the  time  that 
Fielden  said,  'We  will  be  through  in  a  short  time,'  that  the  police  marched 
down  the  street.  I  am  not  a  Socialist,  nor  an  Anarchist,  nor  a  Communist; 
I  don't  know  anything  about  what  those  terms  mean." 

LUDWIG  ZELLER  went  to  the  meeting  about  a  quarter  past  ten,  and  took 
a  position  at  a  lamp-post  near  Crane's  alley.  A  few  minutes  thereafter  the 
police  came,  and  when  they  passed  him  he  heard  the  command  of  the  Cap- 
tain, but  heard  no  reply  from  anybody  on  the  wagon  or  near  the  wagon. 

"  I  turned  and  went  south  to  Randolph  Street,  and  in  turning  I  saw  a 
light  go  through  the  air  about  six,  or  eight,  or  ten  feet  south  of  the  lamp. 
It  went  in  a  northwesterly  direction,  right  into  the  middle  of  the  street  and 
in  the  middle  of  the  police ;  then  I  heard  an  explosion  and  shooting,  and  I 
tried  to  get  out,  because  there  were  a  great  many  men  falling  around  me, 
and  a  few  were  crying.  I  turned  the  corner  on  Randolph  Street  east 
toward  Clinton.  A  great  many  people  were  running  in  the  same  direction  ; 
men  were  falling  before  me  and  on  the  side  of  me.  I  heard  shooting  imme- 
diately upon  the  explosion  of  the  bomb.  The  shots  came  from  behind  me 
while  I  ran.  The  shots  came  from  the  center  of  the  street,  from  north  and 
northwest  of  me. 

"On  Sunday,  May  2d,  I  was  present  at  a  meeting  of  the  Central  Labor 
Union  as  a  delegate  from  the  Cigar-makers'  Union,  No.  15.  The  delegates 
of  the  Lumber-shovers'  Union  at  that  meeting  requested  me,  as  a  member 
of  the  agitation  committee,  to  send  a  speaker  to  a  meeting  of  the  Lumber- 
shovers'  Union  to  be  held  on  Monday,  May  3d,  at  the  Black  Road.  They 
wanted  a  good  speaker,  who  could  keep  the  meeting  quiet  and  orderly.  In 
the  afternoon  of  the  same  day  we  had  another  meeting  of  the  Central  Labor 
Union,  at  which  Mr.  Spies  was  present  as  a  reporter  of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung, 
and  I  told  him  personally  to  go  out  to  the  meeting  of  the  Lumber-shovers' 
Union  and  speak  in  the  name  of  the  Central  Labor  Union.  The  Central 
Labor  Union  is  a  body  composed  of  delegates  from  about  twenty-five  or 
thirty  different  labor  unions  of  the  city.  The  Lumber-shovers'  Union  is 
represented  in  the  Central  Labor  Union  by  delegates.  There  are  from 
fifteen  to  sixteen  thousand  laborers  represented  by  those  unions.  The 
agitation  committee  to  which  I  belonged  was  for  the  purpose  of  organizing 
different  branches  of  trade  who  had  no  eight-hour  organization  at  that  time. 
I  did  not  notice  any  firing  back  from  the  crowd  at  the  police,  either  on  Des- 
plaines Street  or  Randolph  Street." 

On  cross-examination  Mr.  Zeller  stated  : 

"  Since  last  December,  I  don't  belong  to  any  group.  Prior  to  that  I  was 
a  member  of  the  group  '  Freiheit,'  which  used  to  meet  on  Sherman  Street. 
I  only  attended  three  meetings  of  that  group.  We  had  no  numbers.  I  am 
not  an  Anarchist.  I  am  a  Socialist. 


490  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

"  I  was  standing  about  five  or  six  feet  south  of  that  alley.  I  saw  the 
fuse  about  eight  or  ten  feet  south  of  me.  I  didn't  know  what  it  was.  I  saw 
behind  that  fuse  something  dark,  but  I  couldn't  distinguish  what  it  was. 
I  was  only  looking  where  it  was  going.  I  cannot  say  what  kind  of  looking 
thing  it  was ;  it  seems  to  me  it  was  more  round,  and  about  as  big  as  a  base- 
ball. I  cannot  say  who  fired  first  after  the  bomb  went  off.  I  can't  say 
exactly  whether  the  police  fired  —  I  didn't  see.  On  the  wagon  I  only  recog- 
nized Fielden.  I  was  too  far  away  from  the  wagon,  and  it  was  dark.  The 
gas-light  was  lighted.  I  didn't  see  anybody  put  it  out. " 

Carl  Richter  and  F.  Liebel  gave  practical!)'  similar  stories  of  the  riot. 
The  point  which  the  defense  seemed  to  wish  to  bring  out  in  their  testimony 
was  that  the  gravamen  lay  rather  with  the  police  than  with  the  Anarchists. 
They  swore  that,  although  standing  close  to  the  famous  wagon,  they  had 
heard  nothing  about  ' '  bloodhounds. " 

Along  this  line,  also,  was  the  evidence  of  Dr.  James  D.  Taylor,  who  gave 
a  practically  identical  account  of  the  explosion.  This  gentleman,  however, 
seemed  to  be  certain  that  the  police  had  attacked  the  crowd.  He  had  ex- 
amined the  scene  of  the  riot  on  the  next  day  and  found  that  the  bullet 
marks  on  the  buildings  came  chiefly  from  the  direction  from  which  the 
police  had  charged.  Quite  a  point  was  made  by  the  Anarchists  upon  the 
fact  that  a  telegraph  pole,  which  was  said  to  have  thoroughly  borne  out  Dr. 
Taylor's  testimony,  had  disappeared  from  the  Haymarket.  It  was  insinuated 
that  the  prosecution  had  made  away  with  this  pole.  The  fact  was  that  the 
pole  had  been  very  prosaically,  and  in  the  common  course  of  business,  re- 
moved by  the  telegraph  company. 

Frank  Stenner,  Joseph  Gutscher  and  Frank  Raab  gave  their  memories 
of  the  riot,  all  agreeing  closely  with  the  theory  of  the  defense.  Wm.  Urban, 
a  compositor  on  the  Ar better- Zeitung,  after  telling  the  same  story,  swore  that 
he  saw  something  shining — which  he  believed  were  revolvers  —  in  the 
hands  of  the  police  as  they  came  up  toward  the  meeting.  The  story  of  the 
explosion  and  the  murder  of  the  police,  from  the  Anarchists'  point  of  view, 
was  also  detailed  by  Wm.  Gleason,  Wm.  Sahl,  Eberhard  Hierzemenzel, 
Conrad  Messer  and  August  Krumm.  This  last  witness,  Krumm,  also  testi- 
fied that  he  was  lighting  his  pipe,  in  company  with  another  man,  in  Crane's 
alley,  at  the  time  that  the  bomb  was  thrown,  which,  it  will  be  remembered, 
Gilmer  swore  had  been  fired  in  this  alley  by  Spies  and  Schnaubelt  —  and 
Krumm  declared  that  there  was  nobody  in  that  little  thoroughfare  then  save 
his  friend  and  himself. 

This  was  not  the  only  attack  on  Gilmer's  veracity.  Lucius  M.  Moses 
had  known  Harry  Gilmer  six  or  seven  years  and  would  not  believe  him  on 
oath.  John  O.  Brixey  stated  on  the  stand  that  Gilmer's  reputation  was  bad 
and  that  he  was  not  worthy  of  belief.  John  Garrick,  an  ex-deputy  sheriff, 
knew  Gilmer  and  would  not  believe  him  on  oath.  Mrs.  B.  P.  Lee  was  an- 
other who  had  no  confidence  in  Gilmer's  truth  and  veracity. 


CHAPTER   XXVI. 

Malkoff's  Testimony  —  A  Nihilist's  Correspondence  —  More  about  the 
Wagon  —  Spies'  Brother  —  A  Witness  who  Contradicts  Himself  —  Printing  the  Revenge 
Circular  —  Lizzie  Holmes'  Inflammatory  Essay  —  "  Have  You  a  Match  About  Yon?  " — 
The  Prisoner  Fielden  Takes  the  Stand  —  An  Anarchist's  Autobiography  — The  Red  Flag 
the  Symbol  of  Freedom  — The  "  Peaceable  "  Meeting —  Fielden's  Opinion  of  the  Alarm 
—  "  Throttling  the  Law" —  Expecting  Arrest —  More  about  Gilmer. 

THE  evidence  so  far  produced  for  the  defendants  showed  that  their 
counsel  had  done  everything  possible  in  their  efforts  to  offset  the 
damaging  testimony  of  the  State.  They  proved  themselves  not  only  fertile 
in  resources,  but  ingenious  in  the  selection  of  witnesses  and  in  the  manner 
of  presenting  their  points  before  the  jury.  It  was  no  fault  of  theirs  that 
they  failed  to  make  "the  worse  appear  the  better  reason."  They  labored 
incessantly  for  the  cause  of  their  clients,  and  they  certainly  called  the  best 
witnesses  that  could  be  found  among  the  Anarchists  and  their  sympathizers. 

ROBERT  LINDINGER  lived  with  Carl  Richter  and  accompanied  him  to  the 
Haymarket  meeting.  He  stood  at  the  mouth  of  the  alley  and  saw  at  the 
meeting  Spies,  Parsons  and  Fielden.  He  did  not  see  the  gentleman  on 
trial  (indicating  Schwab)  ;  had  never  seen  him  before  in  his  life,  and  he 
(Schwab)  was  not  on  the  wagon  when  Spies  was  there.  He  did  not  hear  any- 
body say,  "  Here  come  the  bloodhounds,"  etc.,  saw  no  one  in  the  crowd  fire 
any  shots,  and  saw  no  pistol  in  Fielden's  hand.  Witness  was  a  cornice- 
maker,  and  had  been  in  '  the  country  about  three  years.  He  was  not  a 
Socialist,  but  read  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung. 

WILLIAM  ALBRIGHT,  who  stood  in  the  alley  with  Krumm,  stated  sub- 
stantially the  same  facts  as  given  by  his  companion. 

M.  D.  MALKOFF,  a  reporter  for  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung,  up  to  the  5th  of 
May,  saw  Parsons  at  Zepf's  Hall  from  five  to  ten  minutes  before  the  ex- 
plosion of  the  bomb.  Said  he  : 

"He  was  sitting  at  the  window,  north  of  the  entrance  door,  in  company 
with  Mrs.  Parsons  and  Mrs.  Holmes.  The  saloon  was  pretty  crowded  at 
that  time.  I  spoke  with  Mr.  Allen  about  these  parties.  I  think  Mrs. 
Holmes  was  standing  and  Mrs.  Parsons  was  sitting  on  the  window-sill  right 
on  the  side  of  Mr.  Parsons.  I  saw  them  there  when  I  heard  the  explosion 
of  the  bomb." 

On  cross-examination  Mr.  Malkoff  said  : 

"I  have  been  five  years  in  the  country  ;  in  Chicago  about  two  years  and 
a  half.  When  I  first  came  to  the  country,  I  was  private  teacher  of  the 
Russian  language  in  Brooklyn.  I  taught  Paesig,  the  editor  of  the  Brooklyn 
Freie  Presse.  He  is  not  a  revolutionist ;  his  paper  is  not  a  revolutionary  one. 
Then  I  went  to  Little  Rock  for  about  half  a  year,  working  as  a  printer  for 
the  Arkansas  Staats-Zeitung.  Then  I  went  to  St.  Louis  for  about  three 


492  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

months,  found  no  work  there,  and  came  to  Chicago.  I  had  no  letter  of 
introduction  to  Spies  when  I  came  here.  I  had  obtained  my  position  at 
Little  Rock  through  a  letter  of  introduction  from  Mr.  Spies,  whom  I  knew 
by  some  correspondence  in  regard  to  a  novel  which  Mr.  Paesig  and  I  trans- 
lated and  sold  to  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung.  It  was  not  a  revolutionary  novel.  I 
did  not  get  that  letter  of  introduction  from  Mr.  Spies  through  Herr  Most. 
I  have  seen  Most,  but  don't  know  him  personally.  I  know  Justus  Schwab. 
I  did  not  live  with  him,  but  had  letters  directed  to  his  care.  When  I  came 
to  Chicago  I  went  directly  to  Spies.  For  about  half  a  year  I  was  without 
employment ;  then,  for  a  year  and  a  half,  up  to  May  4th,  I  was  reporter  on 
the  Arbeiter-Zeitung.  I  roomed  with  Balthasar  Rau  for  about  four  months ; 
part  of  that  time  was  after  the  Haymarket  meeting.  I  had  been  at  Zepf's 
Hall  for  more  than  an  hour  before  I  heard  the  bomb  explode,  part  of  the 
time  in  the  saloon,  part  of  the  time  attending  the  meeting  up-stairs.  When 
I  came  down  again  in  the  saloon  it  was  a  good  half  hour  before  the  bomb 
exploded.  I  was  there  alone,  standing  near  the  counter,  where  I  had  one 
glass  of  beer.  When  I  was  talking  with  Mr.  Allen,  we  stood  on  the  floor 
between  the  stove  and  the  bar. 

"When  the  bomb  exploded  we  made  a  few  steps  toward  the  rear.  Mr. 
Allen  thought  it  was  a  Gatling  gun  ;  it  sounded  like  a  Gatling  gun.  A  few 
seconds  after  that  the  shooting  began,  and  a  good  many  people  came  to 
the  hall.  A  good  many  had  been  there  before  that.  When  the  crowd  came, 
we  rushed  out  the  back  door. 

"  I  did  not  belong  to  any  Nihilistic  organization  in  Russia.  I  was  not  a 
Nihilist  in  Russia.  I  am  not  in  this  country  as  the  agent  of  the  Nihilists, 
or  any  other  society  in  Russia.  The  reporters  used  to  call  me  a  Nihilist 
because  I  was  a  Russian,  that  is  all.  This  letter  here  (indicating)  is  in  my 
handwriting,  and  has  my  signature  at  the  bottom.  I  don't  remember  to 
whom  I  wrote  it.  I  am  now  working  for  the  Moscow  Gazette,  an  illustrated 
paper." 

A  translation  of  the  letter  heretofore  referred  to  was  introduced  in  evi- 
dence, as  follows  : 

DEAR  MR.  EDITOR: — The  articles  I  send  you  herewith  you  may  read,  put  them  into 
proper  form,  and,  if  you  consider  them  competent,  reprint  them  in  one  of  your  papers.  I 
have  also  nearly  completed  a  very  interesting  article  treating  of  the  secret  revolutionary 
societies  of  Russia,  in  the  so-called  Dekabrists  —  that  is,  of  1820  to  1830.  I  have  also 
another  one  in  my  thoughts,  but,  being  out  of  work,  and  having  no  dwelling-place,  it  is 
entirely  impossible  to  give  even  a  few  hours  daily  to  writing.  You  see,  I  am  writing  in 
German,  which  I  can  do  —  i.  e.,  I  translate  every  sentence,  word  for  word,  from  the  Russian. 
You  have  in  this  connection  the  not  easy  task  to  set  the  corrupted  German  right.  I  hope 
you  will  pardon  me  for  this.  At  the  time  I  came  over  here  I  did  not  understand  one 
German  word.  Thanks  to  Wassilisson,  which  I  translated  with  the  help  of  a  dictionary,  I 
have  learned  this  little.  For  your  letter  I  am  very  thankful  to  you.  I  would,  of  course,  fol- 
low your  accommodating  invitation,  and  would  have  left  New  York  long  ago,  but  unfortun- 
ately it  does  not  depend  upon  me.  I  am  a  proletarian  in  the  fullest  sense  of  the  word,  and 
a  proletarian  is  not  favored  to  put  his  ideas  into  execution. 

Respectfully,          MICHAEL  MALKOFF. 
Care  of  J.  H.  Schwab,  50  First  Street,  New  York.     Written  on  the  aad  of  October,  1883. 

WILLIAM  A.  PATTERSON,  a  printer,  attended  the  meeting  at  No.  107 
Fifth  Avenue,  on  the  evening  of  May  4,  in  response  to  an  advertisement  in 


THE  DYNAMITE  CLOSET.  493 

the  Daily  News,  and  said  it  was  for  the  purpose  of  organizing  the  working 
women  of  Chicago.  While  there,  a  telephone  message  came  for  a  speaker 
at  Deering,  and  a  clerk  in  the  office  answered  it.  That  was  a  little  after 
eight  o'clock.  They  wanted  a  German  speaker,  and  Schwab's  name  was 
mentioned.  After  that,  witness  said,  he  did  not  see  Schwab.  There  was 
also  a  call  for  speakers  at  the  Haymarket.  Those  present  at  the  Fifth 
Avenue  meeting  were  Parsons,  Fielden,  Mrs.  Parsons,  Mrs.  Holmes, 
Schwab,  Waldo,  Brown,  Snyder  and  some  others. 

HENRY  LINDEMEYER,  a  mason,  testified  through  an  interpreter.  He 
occasionally  did  calcimining,  and,  while  working  at  that  in  the  Arbeiter- 
Zeitung,  had  occasion  to  place  some  things  on  a  shelf  in  the  closet  off  the 
editorial  room.  He  missed  a  brush,  and  looked  for  it  on  a  shelf  in  that 
closet.  He  found  some  papers,  which  he  took  down,  but  he  did  not  find 
his  brush.  "I  found,"  said  he,  "no  bundle,  no  large  package,  no  dynamite 
on  the  shelf.  Saw  no  indication  of  greasiness  there." 

On  cross-examination  he  testified  : 

"  I  have  known  Spies  for  seven  or  eight  years.  I  am  on  the  bond  of  his 
brother,  who  is  charged  with  conspiracy  growing  out  of  the  Haymarket 
trouble.  I  have  known  Schwab  three  or  four  years.  Saw  him  at  public 
meetings,  at  Turner  Hall  and  other  halls.  I  saw  Spies  nearly  every  day. 
He  lives  in  my  neighborhood  since  quite  a  time.  I  have  been  a  subscriber 
to  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  since  it  is  in  existence.  The  closet  was  in  the  south- 
east part  of  the  room,  about  four  or  five  feet  square,  and  about  eleven  or 
twelve  feet  high,  as  high  as  the  room.  There  was  only  one  shelf  in  the 
closet.  There  was  a  wash-stand  in  there,  under  which  I  kept  some  things. 
I  had  calcimined  that  room  a  few  weeks  before.  On  the  2d  of  May  I  cal- 
cimined  the  upper  floor.  On  the  5th  of  May  I  calcimined  the  library.  I 
left  my  things  in  the  closet  from  the  2d  to  the  forenoon  of  the  5th  of  May. 
When  the  police  came  I  took  them  to  some  other  place.  The  things  I  left 
in  that  closet  were  my  working-clothes  and  my  tools.  My  hat  and  my  vest 
I  had  on  the  upper  part  of  the  shelf,  and  the  rest  on  the  floor.  When  I 
examined  the  shelf,  I  found  nothing  but  a  small  package  of  papers,  cover- 
ing as  much  space  as  the  size  of  an  open  paper,  occupying  about  one-quar- 
ter of  the  shelf.  I  didn't  feel  on  the  bottom  of  the  shelf  to  see  if  there  was 
any  grease  on  it.  There  was  no  grease  on  there ;  else  I  wouldn't  have  put 
my  clothes  there.  The  shelf  was  about  six  feet  from  the  ground." 

EDWARD  LEHNERT,  testifying  through  an  interpreter,  said : 

"I  know  Schnaubelt,  and  saw  him  at  the  Haymarket  that  night  about 
ten  o'clock.  I  was  standing  on  the  west  side  of  Desplaines  Street,  about 
thirty  paces  from  Randolph,  about  twenty  paces  south  of  the  wagon.  I  saw 
Schnaubelt  about  the  time  when  it  grew  dark  and  cloudy.  I  had  a  conver- 
sation with  him  at  that  time,  at  the  place  where  I  stood.  The  speaking 
was  still  going  on.  It  was  before  the  bomb  exploded.  August  Krueger 
was  present.  I  mean  Rudolph  Schnaubelt,  this  man  (indicating  photograph 
of  Schnaubelt)." 

"What  was  the  conversation?  ' 
The  State  objected. 


494  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

Mr.  Zeisler — "We  offer  to  show  by  this  witness  that  Schnaubelt  stated 
to  Lehnert  that  he  did  not  understand  English  ;  that  he  had  expected  a 
German  speaker  would  be  present ;  that  no  one  was  present  who  spoke 
German  except  Spies  ;  that  Spies  had  already  made  an  English  speech,  and 
that  he  did  not  want  to  stay  any  longer,  and  asked  Lehnert  if  he  would  go 
along ;  that  Lehnert  thereupon  said  he  did  not  go  in  the  same  direction  ; 
and  that  then  Schnaubelt  went  away  with  another  party.  We  have  been 
able  to  trace  Schnaubelt  only  for  a  short  distance  on  his  way  home.  We 
offer  this  conversation  with  Lehnert  for  the  purpose  of  explaining  Mr. 
Schnaubelt's  movements  after  meeting  Lehnert." 

The  objection  was  sustained. 

WILLIAM  SNYDER,  indicted  for  conspiracy  in  connection  with  the  Hay- 
market  riot,  and  in  jail  since  the  8th  of  May,  said  : 

"  I  am  a  Socialist,  a  member  of  the  American  group  of  the  Inter- 
nationale since  it  was  organized.  I  am  acquainted  with  all  the  defendants 
except  Lingg.  I  saw  Parsons  and  Fielden  on  Tuesday  night,  May  4  last, 
at  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  building  on  Fifth  Avenue.  I  had  gone  there  pur- 
suant to  a  notice  of  a  meeting  of  the  American  group  in  the  paper.  I  knew 
nothing  of  this  meeting  of  the  group  before  I  read  the  notice  in  the  paper. 
The  meeting  was  called  to  order  about  half-past  eight.  Before  that  we  had 
waited  for  some  time  for  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Parsons.  They  finally  came  about 
half-past  eight.  I  was  elected  chairman.  I  asked  the  purpose  for  which 
the  meeting  was  called.  The  general  topic  of  consideration  was  to  get 
money  from  the  treasury  for  the  purpose  of  furthering  the  organization  of 
the  sewing  girls  of  this  city  through  Mrs.  Parsons  and  Mrs.  Holmes.  The 
meeting  lasted  about  half  an  hour ;  then  nearly  all  of  us  went  over  to  the 
Haymarket  meeting.  I  don't  remember  seeing  Schwab  at  that  meeting. 
We  walked  over."  Witness  got  on  the  wagon  and  when  the  police  came,  he 
said,  he  got  down  first  in  front  of  Fielden.  Fielden  did  not  shoot;  he 
would  have  killed  me  if  he  had  shot;  I  was  south  of  him."  They  both 
started  for  the  alley,  and  there  witness  lost  sight  of  Fielden.  He  heard  no 
reference  to  bloodhounds  and  saw  no  one  shooting  except  the  police. 

On  cross-examination  Snyder  said  : 

"  I  used  to  make  addresses  to  the  working  people.  Never  missed  an 
opportunity  to  show  the  injustice  which  they  are  laboring  under.  I  have 
been  chairman  of  the  American  group  ;  addressed  meetings  of  the  group 
from  time  to  time.  I  never  talked  to  people  on  the  lake  front.  I  read  the 
Alarm  every  time  it  came  out." 

"  How  long  have  you  been  a  Socialist  ?  " 

"  Well,  I  was  born  one." 

THOMAS  BROWN,  arrested  for  conspiracy,  belonged  to  the  Internationale 
for  about  a  year  and  a  half,  and  after  Parsons  had  spoken  at  the  Haymarket 
he  and  Parsons  went  to  Zepf's  saloon.  When  the  bomb  exploded,  they 
were  sitting  there  at  a  table.  Fischer  was  there  at  the  time.  On  cross- 
examination  Brown  said  : 

"  I  was  born  in  Ireland  ;  came  to  this  country  some  thirty-four  years  ago. 
The  first  organization  of  Socialists  I  joined  was  in  the  city  of  Chicago,  about 
1881.  I  did  not  know  Parsons  at  that  time.  I  became  acquainted  with 


HENRY  SPIES'   TESTIMONY.  495 

Parsons  about  two  or  two  and  a  half  years  ago.  When  the  bomb  exploded, 
Parsons  and  I  jumped  up.  I  did  not  go  out  with  Parsons  from  the  rear 
door.  I  did  not  go  out  until  some  time  after  the  explosion.  I  next  saw 
Parsons  on  the  corner  of  Kinzie  and  Desplaines  Streets,  when  he  was  with 
Mrs.  Parsons  and  Mrs.  Holmes.  Parsons  asked  me  what  I  would  do  in  his 
case.  We  separated  on  the  corner.  I  went  north,  and  I  think  Parsons  went 
east." 

"  What  was  the  conversation  you  had  with  Parsons  ?  " 
"I  told  him  I  would  leave  for  a  while,  under  the  circumstances.  He 
said  :  'What  do  you  think  I  had  better  do?'  I  told  him  :  'Suit  yourself, 
you  are  your  own  boss.  You  must  use  your  own  judgment.'  I  then  loaned 
him  five  dollars.  Parsons  did  not  say  to  me  that  he  could  not  get  away 
because  he  had  no  money.  He  simply  asked  me  for  five  dollars,  and  I  lent 
it  to  him.  I  did  not  state  to  the  State's  Attorney,  at  the  Central  Station,  in 
the  presence  of  Mr.  Furthmann,  James  Bonfield,  Lieut.  Shea  and  others, 
that  Parsons  had  said  he  had  no  money  to  get  away  with  ;  that  I  advised 
him  to  go,  and  that  I  would  lend  him  five  dollars.  I  used  to  buy  the  Alarm 
every  time  it  came  out,  and  used  to  read  it.  I  had  stock  in  the  paper." 

HENRY  W.  SPIES,  a  cigar  manufacturer,  brother  of  the  defendant,  went 
to  the  Haymarket  with  his  brother.  When  his  brother  got  off  the  wagon  to 
hunt  for  Parsons,  they  went  in  a  northwesterly  direction  from  the  wagon, 
but  Schwab  was  not  there. 

"  Schnaubelt  and  my  brother  went  together,  and  I  and  Legner  followed 
right  behind  them.  After  asking,  '  Is  Parsons  here?  '  and  descending  from 
the  wagon,  August  did  not  go  in  the  direction  of  Crane's  Alley,  nor  into 
Crane's  Alley.  He  went  as  far  as  Union  Street,  and  in  fact  got  down  on  the 
side  of  the  wagon,  pretty  near  the  middle  of  it.  Just  at  that  time  the  ex- 
plosion took  place.  I  asked  him  what  it  was.  He  said,  '  They  have  got  a 
Gatling  gun  down  there,'  and  at  the  same  time,  as  he  jumped,  somebody 
jumped  behind  him  with  a  weapon,  right  by  his  back,  and  I  grabbed  it,  and 
in  warding  off  the  pistol  from  my  brother  I  was  shot.  I  don't  know  who  did 
the  shooting.  I  didn't  see  August  any  more  until  I  went  home.  I  went  to 
Zepf's  Hall,  though,  and  inquired  for  him.  August  did  not  leave  the  wagon 
about  the  time  the  police  came,  or  at  any  time,  and  go  into  the  alley.  Leg- 
ner and  myself  helped  him  off  the  wagon  just  as  the  explosion  came.  The 
firing  came  from  the  street." 

On  cross-examination  the  witness  testified  : 

"  On  the  6th  of  May  I  was  arrested  at  my  house  by  Officers  Whalen  and 
Loewenstein.  I  told  them  when  the  bomb  exploded  I  was  at  Zepf's  Hall, 
walked  out  and  was  shot  in  the  door.  I  told  them  I  was  not  at  the  Hay- 
market  at  all,  from  beginning  to  end.  That  was  not  true  when  I  told  it  to 
them.  I  lied  to  them.  I  have  told  the  truth  now,  when  I  was  under  oath. 
I  was  afterwards  brought  down  to  the  Central  Station,  about  the  gth  or  loth 
of  May.  I  was  there  interrogated  by  either  Mr.  Grinnell  or  Mr.  Furthmann, 
in  the  presence  of  Lieuts.  Shea  and  Kipley.  I  was  asked  .whether  I  was  a 
Socialist.  I  don't  believe  I  said  I  was  not.  I  asked  whether  you  could  tell 
me  what  a  Socialist  was.  I. said  I  had  been  on  business  at  Zepf's  saloon, 
which  is  a  fact.  I  told  you  that  I  was  down  there  for  the  purpose  of  collect- 
ing a  bill.  That  was  true  when  I  said  it.  I  also  told  you  I  was  down  there 
and  did  a  large  dealing  in  cigars.  I  also  stated  at  that  time  and  place  that 


4g6  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

I  was  not  at  the  Haymarket  from  the  beginning,  but  was  in  Zepf's  saloon, 
and  was  shot  when  I  came  out  of  the  door  at  Zepf's.  I  also  said  that  I  did 
not  see  my  brother  that  evening  until  he  called  at  the  house  and  asked  me 
if  I  had  a  good  physician.  I  now  state  that  what  I  then  said  about  that  was 
not  the  truth.  I  was  not  under  oath  then,  and  I  knew  the  treatment  which 
my  brothers  had  found." 

AUGUST  KnuEGERsaid: 

"  I  saw  there  the  man  represented  on  this  picture  (Schnaubelt).  When 
I  saw  him  I  was  standing  with  Mr.  Lehnert  on  the  west  side  of  Desplaines 
Street,  about  thirty  to  forty  feet  north  of  Randolph.  I  saw  that  man  about 
ten  o'clock ;  he  came  from  the  northeast.  I  didn't  know  at  the  time  what 
his  name  was,  although  I  knew  him  well.  Mr.  Furthmann  since  told  me  his 
name  is  Schnaubelt.  Schnaubelt  stayed  there  about  five  minutes.  He 
wanted  to  go  home,  and  wanted  me  to  go  along,  and  I  went  with  him  down 
on  Randolph  Street  to  Clinton.  There  I  left  him  ;  he  went  further  east  on 
Randolph  Street,  and  I  turned  north  on  Clinton  Street.  This  is  the  last  I 
saw  of  Schnaubelt.  I  walked  down  Milwaukee  Avenue  and  went  to  Engel's 
house.  I  reached  it  about  fifteen  minutes  past  ten  —  I  don't  remember 
exactly.  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Engel  were  there.  I  stayed  there  and  drank  a  pint 
of  beer.  Later  Gottfried  Waller  came  in  and  said  he  came  from  the  Hay- 
market,  and  that  300  men  were  shot  by  the  police,  and  we  ought  to  go  down 
there  and  do  something.  Engel  said  whoever  threw  that  bomb  did  a  fool- 
ish thing  ;  it  was  nonsense,  and  he  didn't  sympathize  with  such  a  butchery, 
and  he  told  Waller  he  had  better  go  home  as  quick  as  possible." 

On  cross-examination  Krueger  said  he  was  known  as  "  Little  Krueger." 

"I  am  an  Anarchist.  I  was  arrested  for  a  day  at  the  North  Side  sta- 
tion. I  had  a  conversation  there  with  Capt.  Schaack  and  Mr.  Furthmann. 
I  was  shown  a  picture  of  Schnaubelt  at  that  time.  I  was  asked  whether  I 
had  ever  seen  that  man.  I  don't  know  whether  I  answered,  '  I  might  have 
seen  him,'  or  what  I  answered.  I  know  I  had  seen  him.  There  were  sev- 
eral other  officers  present  at  the  conversation  ;  I  don't  know  their  names. 
I  told  Mr.  Furthmann  there  that  I  was  not  at  the  Haymarket;  I  told  him 
I  was  at  Engel's  house.  I  don't  remember  what  I  stated  in  regard  to  the 
time  when  I  got  to  Engel's  house.  It  may  be  that  I  told  him  that  I  got  to 
Engel's  house  at  nine  o'clock  and  staid  there  until  eleven,  but  I  don't 
remember." 

ALBERT  PRUESSER  stated  that  he  telephoned  three  times  to  the  Arbeiter- 
Zeitung  for  a  speaker  for  the  meeting  at  Lake  View.  The  committee  from 
the  Deering  factory  wanted  Spies.  Witness  was  told  that  Spies  could  not 
come,  and  he  said  it  would  make  no  difference  if  they  sent  some  one  else. 
A  quarter  of  an  hour  later  he  telephoned  again  and  received  a  reply  that 
Schwab  was  on  the  way.  He  went  to  meet  Schwab  at  the  Clybourn  Ave- 
nue car.  He  met  him  on  the  rear  platform  of  the  car.  That  was  half  past 
nine  o'clock,  or  twenty  minutes  to  ten.  They  went  to  Radtke's  saloon,  888 
Clybourn  Avenue,  remained  there  ten  minutes,  and  then  Schwab  went  to 
the  prairie  and  spoke.  He  spoke  about  twenty  minutes.  When  he  got 
through  they  went  and  had  lunch  and  beer  at  Schilling's  saloon.  Schwab 


MRS.  HOLMES  ON  THE  STAND.  497 

then  took  a  car  for  the  city.  It  takes  forty-five  minutes  to  reach  the  corner 
of  Clark  and  Washington  Streets,  and  ten  minutes  to  the  Haymarket  if  there 
is  no  interruption.  On  cross-examination  Pruesser  stated  that  he  had  been 
a  carrier  for  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  for  a  time. 

JOHANN  GRUENEBERG  testified  that  he  was  an  intimate  friend  of  Fischer's. 
He  went  to  the  printing  establishment  of  Wehrer  &  Klein  at  Fischer's  re- 
quest and  got  some  circulars  with  the  line  :  "  Workingmen,  arm  yourselves 
and  come  in  full  force."  He  took  them  to  the  compositors'  room  in  the 
Arbeiter-Zeitung  and  then  took  some  down  to  Spies.  Fischer,  Spies  and 
witness  had  some  conversation,  and  then  he  took  an  order  from  Fischer  to 
Wehrer  &  Klein  to  leave  out  that  line.  On  cross-examination  Grueneberg 
stated  : 

"  I  came  to  this  country  from  Germany  four  years  ago.  I  have  lived  in 
Chicago  two  years.  I  am  a  carpenter." 

"  Where  did  the  armed  section  of  the  Northwest  group  drill  ?  " 

"  I  don't  know  an  armed  section  of  the  Northwest  group.  I  don't  know 
of  a  single  time  that  the  Northwest  group  drilled.  I  know  of  a  paper  called 
the  Anarchist.  I  distributed  it  three  or  four  times.  I  saw  Fischer  on  Mon- 
day, May  3,  between  five  and  half-past  five,  at  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung,  in  the 
compositors'  room.  I  did  not  see  Fischer  at  any  other  place  on  Monday. 
I  saw  him  on  Sunday  afternoon  at  my  house,  570  West  Superior  Street.  I 
did  not  see  him  Sunday  morning  at  any  place." 

"  Were  you  at  home  all  the  morning  yourself  ?  " 

The  defense  objected  to  this  question. 

The  Court — "  You  have  put  this  witness  on  the  stand  for  the  purpose  of 
showing  a  thing  was  taken  out,  a  particular  circular.  Whether  he  has  told 
that  thing  as  it  occurred  depends  in  some  degree  upon  what  his  associa- 
tions, feelings,  inclinations,  biases  are  in  reference  to  the  whole  business." 

Mr.  Black  —  "Whether  he  has  told  the  truth  in  regard  to  that  depends 
upon  his  bias  and  inclinations?  " 

The  Court  —  "Whether  it  is  to  be  believed —  I  don't  mean  whether  he 
has  told  the  truth." 

"  I  don't  remember  whether  I  was  home  on  that  Sunday  morning,"  con- 
tinued the  witness.  "  I  was  not  on  Emma  Street  that  Sunday  morning.  I 
have  known  Spies  a  year  and  a  half ;  saw  him  at  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  and 
at  several  Socialistic  meetings  ;  once  at  our  group,  the  other  times  I  don't 
remember  where.  I  have  known  Neebe  for  a  short  time  by  sight.  I  have 
known  Schwab  as  long  as  Spies  ;  saw  him  at  our  group.  He  did  not  belong 
to  the  group.  He  made  a  speech  once  every  few  months.  I  know  Lingg 
since  the  ist  of  May.  I  met  him  at  the  Carpenters'  Union,  not  any  other 
place." 

MRS.  LIZZIE  MAY  HOLMES,  assistant  editor  of  the  Alarm  for  about  a 
year,  detailed  what  transpired  at  the  meeting  of  the  American  group  on 
Tuesday  evening,  May  4th,  and  stated  that  she,  in  company  with  Mr.  and 
Mrs.  Parsons  and  Mr.  Brown,  went  to  the  Haymarket.  Subsequently  they 
went  to  Zepf's  Hall.  She  could  not  say  just  where  Parsons  was  in  the 
saloon  when  the  explosion  occurred.  She  had  not  heard  of  the  word 
"Ruhe"  at  the  meeting  Tuesday  evening. 


498  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

On  cross-examination  she  said : 

"  My  name  has  been  Holmes  since  November  26th  last.  Before  that 
my  name  was  Swank.  All  articles  in  the  Alarm  under  which  the  initials 
L.  M.  S.  appear  are  my  articles.  I  wrote  an  article  under  date  of  April 
23d,  1886,  headed,  'It  is  Coming.'  I  meant  it  in  the  same  way  that  any 
prophet  means  anything,  judging  from  events  of  past  history.  I  was  a 
member  of  the  American  group  of  the  Internationale.  That  night  I 
went  home  with  Mrs.  Parsons  and  staid  there  over  night.  Mr.  Parsons 
did  not  go  home  that  night.  I  left  him  on  the  corner  of  Kinzie.  I  am  an 
Anarchist  as  I  understand  Anarchy.  I  have  known  Spies  about  three 
years,  Fielden  about  four  years.  The  latter  was  a  stockholder  in  the  paper, 
and  I  believe  complaints  were  directed  to  him.  I  was  sometimes  absent 
for  a  whole  week  from  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  building.  I  wrote  my  articles 
at  home  and  at  various  places.  I  don't  think  I  have  ever  been  at  the 
Arbeiter-Zeitung  building  more  than  six  or  eight  times.  I  can't  remember 
where  the  Bureau  of  Information  for  the  Internationale  was.  I  suppose 
it  was  in  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung. 

"  I  never  advocated  arson,  or  advised  persons  to  commit  arson  in  my 
life.  I  wrote  the  article  entitled  '  Notice  to  Tramps,'  in  the  April  24th 
number  of  the  Alarm,  which  reads : 

"  In  a  beautiful  town,  not  far  from  Chicago,  lives  a  large  class  of  cultivated,  well-informed 
people.  They  have  Shakespeare,  Lowell,  Longfellow  and  Whittier  at  their  tongues'  ends, 
and  are  posted  in  history  and  grow  enthusiastic  over  the  wickedness  of  the  safely  abolished 
institutions  of  the  past.  They  say  eloquent  things  about  old  fugitive  slave  laws,  etc.,  which 
made  it  criminal  to  feed  and  shelter  a  starving  human  being  if  he  were  black.  Posted  at  the 
roadside,  in  the  hotels  and  stores,  is  a  '  Notice  to  Tramps,'  an  abominable  document  which 
compares  well  with  the  old  notices  to  runaway  negroes  which  used  to  deface  similar  buildings. 
It  is  against  the  law  to  feed  a  tramp.  You  are  liable  to  a  fine  if  you  give  a  cup  of  coffee  and 
a  piece  of  bread  to  a  fellow-man  who  needs  it  and  asks  you  for  it.  This  is  a  Christian-  com- 
munity, under  the  flag  of  the  free.  Look  out,  you  wretched  slaves.  If,  after  toiling  through 
your  best  years,  you  are  suddenly  thrown  out  of  a  job  along  with  thousands  of  others,  do  not 
start  out  to  hunt  for  work,  for  you  will  strike  plenty  of  such  towns  as  this.  You  must  not 
walk  from  town  to  town.  You  must  not  stay  where  you  are  in  idleness — you  must  move  on. 
You  must  not  ride — you  have  no  money,  and  those  tracks  and  cars  you  helped  to  build  are 
not  for  such  as  you.  You  must  not  ask  for  anything  to  eat,  or  a  place  to  sleep.  You  must 
not  lie  down  and  die,  for  then  you  would  shock  people's  morals.  What  are  you  to  do  ? 
Great  heavens!  Jump  into  the  lake  ?  Fly  up  into  the  air  ?  Or  stay  —  have  you  a  match 
about  you  ? " 

"  I  wrote  that  article  deliberately;  it  speaks  for  itself.  I  don't  think  it 
needs  any  explanation  from  me." 

SAMUEL  FIELDEN  was  then  put  on  the  witness-stand  and  testified  in  his 
own  behalf  as  follows : 

"On  May  4th  last  I  took  a  load  of  stone  to  Waldheim  Cemetery.  I 
had  engaged  to  speak  that  night  at  268  Twelfth  Street,  and  intended  to  go 
there.  When  I  got  home  in  the  evening  I  bought  a  copy  of  the  Daily  News 
and  there  saw  the  announcement  of  a  meeting  of  the  American  group  to 
be  held  at  107  Fifth  Avenue,  that  night.  I  believe  it  said  important  busi- 
ness. I  was  the  treasurer  of  the  American  group,  and  as  such  had  all  the 
money  it  was  worth.  We  should  have  had  our  semi-annnal  election  the 
Sunday  previous  ;  besides,  I  thought  that  some  money  would  be  wanted, 
as  important  business  was  announced,  so  I  determined  to  go  to  that  meet- 
ing instead  of  to  the  meeting  at  which  I  had  engaged  to  speak.  I  arrived 
at  107  Fifth  Avenue  about  ten  minutes  before  eight.  I  was  there  when 


FIELDEN  ON  THE  STAND.  499 

some  telephoning  was  done  with  reference  to  the  Deering  meeting.  The 
witnesses  who  have  detailed  that  occurrence  are  substantially  correct.  After 
I  had  entered  the  room  I  asked  what  the  meeting  was  called  for,  and  a 
gentleman  named  Patterson,  who  was  not  a  member  of  our  organization, 
showed  me  a  hand-bill,  which  did  not  call  that  meeting,  but  had  reference 
to  the  organization  of  the  sewing  women.  I  paid,  as  treasurer,  five  dollars 
to  those  who  had  laid  out  the  costs  of  printing  those  hand-bills,  and  who 
might  need  a  little  money  for  car-fare  in  going  around  to  hire  halls,  and 
•other  incidental  expenses.  Schwab  must  have  left  there  about  ten  or 
iifteen  minutes  past  eight.  During  the  progress  of  the  meeting  a  request 
was  received  from  the  Haymarket  meeting  for  speakers,  in  response  to  which 
Parsons  and  I  went  over.  Mr.  Parsons,  I  believe,  brought  his  two  children 
down-stairs  and  gave  them  a  drink  of  water  in  the  saloon ;  then  we  walked 
together  through  the  tunnel,  and  from  about  the  west  end  of  the  tunnel  I 
walked  with  Mr.  Snyder,  with  whom  I  had  a  conversation.  Spies  spoke 
about  five  minutes  longer  after  we  had  arrived  there ;  then  he  introduced 
Mr.  Parsons.  During  Parsons'  speech  I  was  on  the  wagon.  After  he  con- 
cluded I  was  introdcced  by  Mr.  Spies  to  make  a  short  speech.  I  did  not 
wish  to  speak,  but  Mr.  Spies  urged  me,  and  I  did  speak  about  twenty 
minutes.  I  referred  to  some  adverse  criticism  of  the  Socialists  by  an  even- 
ing paper,  which  had  called  the  Socialists  cowards  and  other  uncompli- 
mentary names,  and  I  told  the  audience  that  that  was  not  true  ;  that  the 
Socialists  were  true  to  the  interests  of  the  laboring  classes  and  would  continue 
to  advocate  the  rights  of  labor.  I  then  spoke  briefly  of  the  condition 
of  labor.  I  referred  to  the  classes  of  people  who  were  continually  posing 
as  labor  reformers  for  their  own  benefit,  and  who  had  never  done  anything 
to  benefit  the  laboring  classes,  but  had  at  all  times  approved  the  cause  of 
labor,  in  order  to  get  themselves  into  office.  To  substantiate  this,  I  cited 
the  case  of  Martin  Foran,  who,  in  a  speech  in  Congress  on  the  arbitration 
bill  that  was  brought  in  by  the  labor  committee,  had  stated  that  the  working 
classes  of  this  country  could  get  nothing  through  legislation  in  Congress, 
and  that  only  when  the  rich  men  of  this  country  understood  that  it  was 
dangerous  'to  live  in  a  community  where  there  were  dissatisfied  people 
would  the  labor  problem  be  solved.  Somebody  in  the  audience  cried  out, 
4  That  is  not  true,'  or  '  That  is  a  lie. '  Then  I  went  over  it  again,  adding 
words  like  these  :  That  here  was  a  man  who  had  been  on  the  spot  for 
years,  had  experience,  and  knew  what  could  be  done  there,  and  this  was 
his  testimony.  It  was  not  the  testimony  of  a  Socialist.  Then  I  went  on  to 
state  that  under  such  circumstances  the  only  way  in  which  the  working 
people  could  get  any  satisfaction  from  the  gradually  decreasing  opportuni- 
ties for  their  living  —  the  only  thing  they  could  do  with  the  law  would  be 
to  throttle  it.  I  used  that  word  in  a  figurative  sense.  I  said  they  should 
throttle  it,  because  it  was  an  expensive  article  to  them  and  could  do  them 
no  good.  I  then  stated  that  men  were  working  all  their  lifetime,  their 
love  for  their  families  influencing  them  to  put  forth  all  their  efforts,  that 
their  children  might  have  a  better  opportunity  of  starting  in  the  world  than 
they  had  had.  And  the  facts,  the  statistics  of  Great  Britian  and  the  United 
States,  would  prove  that  every  year  it  was  becoming  utterly  impossible  for 
the  younger  generation,  under  the  present  system,  to  have  as  good  an  oppor- 
tunity as  the  former  ones  had  had. 

"Mr.    Spies    asked    me,    before    I    commenced,    to    mention    that   the 
Chicago  Herald  had  advised  the  labor  organizations  of  this  city  to  boycott 


500  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

the  red  flag.  I  briefly  touched  on  that,  and  told  them  not  to  boycott  the 
red  flag,  because  it  was  the  symbol  of  universal  freedom  and  universal 
liberty. 

"I  was  just  closing  my  remarks  about  that  point,  when  some  one  said 
it  was  going  to  rain.  There  was  a  dark,  heavy  cloud  which  seemed  to  be 
rolling  over  a  little  to  the  northwest  of  me.  I  looked  at  it,  and  some  one 
proposed  to  adjourn  the  meeting  to  Zepf's  Hall.  Somebody  else  said  : 
'No,  there  is  a  meeting  there,'  and  I  said  :  'Never  mind  ;  I  will  not  talk 
very  long;  I  will  close  in  a  few  minutes,  and  then  we  will  all  go  home/ 
Then  I  advised  them  to  organize  as  laboring  men  for  their  own  protection 
—  not  to  trust  to  any  one  else,  but  to  organize  among  themselves  and 
depend  only  upon  themselves  to  advance  their  condition.  I  do  not  think 
I  spoke  one  minute  longer  when  I  saw  the  police.  I  stopped  speaking, 
and  Capt.  Ward  came  up  to  me  and  raised  his  hand  —  I  do  not  remember 
whether  he  had  anything  in  his  hand  or  not  —  and  said  :  '  I  command  this 
meeting,  in  the  name  of  the  people  of  the  State  of  Illinois,  to  peaceably 
disperse.'  I  was  standing  up,  and  I  said:  'Why,  Captain,  this  is  a 
peaceable  meeting,'  in  a  very  conciliatory  tone  of  voice,  and  he  very 
angrily  and  defiantly  retorted  that  he  commanded  it  to  disperse,  and  called,, 
as  I  understood,  upon  the  police  to  disperse  it.  Just  as  he  turned  around 
in  that  angry  mood,  I  said:  'All  right,  we  will  go,'  and  jumped  from, 
the  wagon,  and  jumped  to  the  sidewalk.  This  is  my  impression,  after 
being  in  jail  now  for  over  three  months,  and  I  am  telling,  as  near  as  I  can 
remember,  every  incident  of  it.  Then  the  explosion  came.  I  think  I  went 
in  a  somewhat  southeasterly  direction  from  the  time  that  I  struck 
the  street.  It  was  only  a  couple  of  steps  to  the  sidewalk.  I 
had  just,  I  think,  got  onto  the  sidewalk  when  the  explosion  came,, 
and,  being  in  a  diagonal  position  on  the  street,  I  saw  the  flash. 
The  people  began  to  rush  past  me.  I  was  not  decided  in  my  own  mind 
what  it  was,  but  I  heard  some  one  say  'dynamite,'  and  then  in  my  own. 
mind  I  assented  that  that  was  the  cause  of  the  explosion,  and  I  rushed  and 
was  crowded  with  the  crowd.  There  were  some  of  them  falling  down,  oth- 
ers calling  out  in  agony,  and  the  police  were  pouring  shots  into  them.  We 
tried  to  get  behind  some  protection  but  there  were  so  many  trying  to  get 
there  that  little  protection  was  afforded.  I  then  made  a  dash  for  the  north- 
east corner  of  Randolph  and  Desplaines  Streets,  turned  the  corner  and 
ran  until  I  got  to  about  Jefferson  Street.  Seeing  there  was  no  pursuit,  I 
dropped  into  a  fast  walk.  I  turned  on  Clinton,  intending  at  that  time  to  go- 
home. 

"  Immediately  after  the  explosion  of  the  bomb  —  I  had  possibly  gone 
three  or  four  steps —  I  was  struck  with  a  ball.  I  didn't  feel  much  pain  at 
the  time,  in  the  excitement,  but  as  I  dropped  into  a  walk  down  on  Randolph 
Street  I  felt  the  pain,  put  my  finger  in  the  hole  of  my  pants  and  felt  my 
knee  was  wet.  Then  I  concluded  I  had  been  shot.  Walking  down  Clinton 
Street  and  intending  to  go  home,  I  began  to  think  about  those  that  had 
been  with  me.  Remembering  about  Mr.  Spies  being  on  the  wagon  at  the 
time  the  police  came  up,  I  thought  surely  that  some  one  of  these  men  must 
have  been  killed  from  all  of  that  shooting.  I  concluded  to  take  a  Van 
Buren  Street  car  and  ride  down  past  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  building  and  see 
if  any  one  was  there.  I  caught  the  car  on  the  corner  of  Canal,  but  found 
that  it  was  a  car  that  runs  directly  east  to  State  Street.  I  left  the  car  on 
Fifth  Avenue  and  walked  down  Fifth  Avenue  to  Monroe  Street.  Of  course, 


FIELDEN  ON  THE  STAND.  501 

I  was  near  the  place  and  could  have  walked  there,  but  I  thought  I  was  so 
well  known  in  Newspaper  Row  by  the  reporters  that  if  I  should  walk  I 
should  be  known.  So  I  jumped  on  the  car  and  stood  in  front  of  it.  I 
intended  to  go  up  to  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  building  if  I  saw  a  light  there ; 
but  there  wasn't  any.  I  alighted  near  the  corner  of  Randolph  Street.  In- 
tending to  go  up  to  Parsons'  house,  I  took  an  Indiana  Street  car.  When 
we  got  to  Clinton  Street  the  driver  said :  '  Why,  there  is  firing  going  on  up 
there  yet,'  and  I  saw  a  couple  of  flashes  up  near  where  I  thought  the  Hay- 
market  was,  and  I  said,  'If  there  is,  I  am  not  going  up  there.'  I  then 
walked  over  on  Jefferson  Street  north  to  Lake  Street,  and  I  saw  a  terrible 
crowd  of  people  around  there,  and  thought  there  might  be  a  good  many 
detectives  there.  So  I  turned  back  again,  caught  a  Canalport  Avenue  car 
and  rode  down  to  the  corner  of  Canal  and  Twelfth  Streets.  There  I  got 
my  knee  dressed  by  a  young  doctor  who  was  on  the  stand  here,  as  it 
was  becoming  very  painful  at  that  time. 

"I  feel  sure  that  Mr.  Spies  was  at  my  side  when  Capt.  Ward  was  talk- 
ing. I  did  not  see  him  after  I  had  spoken  to  Capt.  Ward  ;  I  did  not  see 
him  leave  the  wagon.  I  jumped  off  at  the  south  end  of  the  wagon  into  the 
street.  While  I  was  speaking  I  did  not  pay  any  attention  to  the  people  in 
the  wagon,  but  I  think  I  noticed  four  or  five  there  a  little  previous  to  the 
police  coming  up.  Mr.  Snyder  assisted  me  in  getting  on  the  wagon.  He 
got  on  before  I  did.  When  I  got  down  from  the  wagon  Snyder  was  on  the 
ground.  I  think  I  saw  him  on  the  sidewalk  there.  Of  course  I  don't 
remember  everything  as  distinctly  now  as  I  did  the  next  day.  I  had  no 
revolver  with  me  on  the  night  of  May  4th.  I  never  had  a  revolver  in  my 
life.  I  did  not  fire  at  any  person  at  the  Haymarket  meeting.  I  never  fired 
at  any  person  in  my  life.  I  did  not,  after  leaving  the  wagon,  step  back 
between  the  wheels  of  the  wagon  and  fire  behind  the  cover  of  the  wagon ; 
I  did  not  stay  there.  My  whole  course  was  from  the  wagon  south,  without 
stopping,  except,  perhaps,  for  the  smallest  perceptible  space  of  time,  when 
I  was  startled  by  the  explosion. 

"  I  first  heard  of  the  word  '  Ruhe '  having  been  published  in  the  Arbeit cr- 
Zeitttng,  and  about  any  significance  of  that  word,  when  I  had  been  in  the 
County  Jail  for  some  days.  I  never  had  seen  or  heard  of  the  word  before, 
and  did  not  hear  of  it  on  May  4th  at  any  time,  and,  as  I  understand  it  is  a 
German  word,  I  would  not  have  known  what  it  meant  if  I  had  seen  it.  I  do 
not  read  German.  There  was  no  understanding  or  agreement  to  which  I 
was  a  party,  or  of  which  I  had  knowledge,  that  violence  should  be  used  at 
the  Haymarket  meeting,  or  that  arms  or  dynamite  should  be  used  there. 
I  anticipated  no  trouble  of  that  character.  I  did  not  use,  upon  the  approach 
of  the  police,  and  did  not  hear  from  any  person  that  night  any  such  expres- 
sion as:  'There  come  the  bloodhounds;  you  do  your  duty  and  I'll  do 
mine.' 

"The  first  I  heard  of  the  Haymarket  meeting  was  after  I  got  to  the 
American  group  meeting  on  the  night  of  May  4th.  I  heard,  for  the  first 
time,  about  a  meeting  held  by  certain  persons  on  Monday  night  at  54 
Lake  Street,  after  I  had  been  from  ten  to  fourteen  days  in  the  County  Jail, 
when  I  read  a  paper  that  the  police  had  got  track  of  some  such  a  meeting. 
I  wish  to  say,  however,  that  I  spoke  to  the  wagon-makers  on  the  upper  floor 
of  54  Lake  Street  on  that  Monday  night.  I  was  never  in  the  basement  of 
that  building,  except  to  the  water-closet  under  the  sidewalk.  I  did  not  go 
•down-stairs  there  at  all  on  that  Monday  night,  and  did  not  hear  of  any 


502  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

meeting  being  held  there  until  much  later,  when  I  read  about  it,  as  stated 
before. 

"We  drilled  not  over  six  times  at  54  Lake  Street,  but  nobody  ever  had 
arms  there.  I  think  it  was  proposed  to  call  the  organization  the  Inter- 
national Rifles,  but  I  don't  think  it  was  ever  decided  to  call  it  so,  as  the 
organization  was  never  perfected,  never  became  an  armed  organization. 
We  began  to  meet  in  August,  and  the  last  meetings  must  have  been  very 
near  the  end  of  September,  1885.  There  was  no  drilling  during  the  winter 
and  spring  of  i885-'86.  Once  a  few  men  belonging  to  the  L.  u.  W.  V.  came 
in  with  their  guns  and  shouldered  arms,  but  they  did  not  belong  to  the 
American  group,  and  that  is  the  only  time  that  I  ever  saw  any  arms  at  any 
meeting  of  our  organization. 

"The  shots  that  were  pouring  in  thick  and  fast  after  the  explosion  of 
the  bomb  came  from  the  street  —  I  should  judge  from  the  police.  I  did 
not  hear  the  explosion  of  anything  before  the  explosion  of  the  bomb.  As  I 
was  rushing  down  the  sidewalk,  I  heard  no  explosion  of  any  arms  among 
any  of  the  citizens  who  had  attended  the  meeting. 

"I  remember  the  testimony  of  the  detective  Johnson.  I  did  not  have 
the  conversation  which  he  testified  to  as  having  had  with  me  in  the  pres- 
ence of  the  older  Mr.  Boyd  at  Twelfth  Street  Turner  Hall,  nor  at  any  other 
place,  nor  at  any  other  time.  I  knew  that  he  was  a  detective  long  before 
that,  and  I  would  not  be  fool  enough  to  advocate  anything  of  that  kind,  if 
I  was  a  dynamiter,  to  him.  The  American  group  was  open  to  everybody. 
It  was  not  even  necessary  to  have  ten  cents  admission  fee,  but  the  fee  was 
set  at  ten  cents  per  month  to  cover  the  expense  of  paying  for  hall  rent  and 
advertising.  On  May  4th  I  returned  home  from  my  work  about  half  past 
five.  I  bought  the  Evening  News  on  the  sidewalk  just  before  I  went  into 
the  house. 

"On  May  3d  I  took  several  loads  of  stone  from  Bodenschatz  &  Earn- 
shaw's  stone  dock,  Harrison  Street  and  the  river,  to  different  places  in  the 
city.  I  have  worked  for  that  firm  three  or  four  years.  I  owned  my  team 
and  wagon,  and  they  hired  those  and  my  services,  and  paid  me  by  the  day. 
I  only  worked  three-quarters  of  a  day  on  May  3d.  Business  was  not  brisk 
at  that  time.  I  have  been  a  teamster  for  at  least  six  years.  I  was  arrested 
at  my  home  at  ten  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  May  5th.  I  was  never  before 
arrested  in  my  life.  I  was  taken  to  the  Central  Station  by  four  or  five 
detectives  in  citizens'  clothes,  and  have  been  confined  ever  since. 

"  I  had  no  examination  except  that  I  was  brought  before  the  Coroner's 
jury  on  the  evening  of  May  5th.  I  did  not  state  to  Officer  James  Bonfield 
or  anybody  else,  after  my  arrest  at  the  station,  or  at  any  other  time  or 
place,  that  I  escaped  through  Crane's  alley  on  the  night  of  May  4th." 

On  cross-examination  Fielden  said  : 

"I  worked  in  a  cotton-mill  in  England  at  eight  years  of  age,  and  con- 
tinued to  work  in  the  same  mill  until  I  came  to  the  United  States.  I 
worked  my  way  up  until  I  became  a  weaver,  and  when  I  left  the  mill  I  was 
what  is  called  a  binder  ;  that  is,  binding  the  warps  on  the  beams.  I  joined 
the  International  Working  People's  Association  in  July,  1884,  by  joining 
the  American  group.  I  suppose  I  was  an  Anarchist  soon  after,  as  soon  as 
I  began  to  study  it.  I  suppose  that  I  have  been  a  revolutionist,  in  the 
sense  of  evolutionary  revolution,  for  some  years.  I  don't  know  that  I 
have  ever  been  positively  of  the  belief  that  the  existing  order  of  things 


FIELD  EN'S  CROSS-EXAMINATION.  503 

should  be  overthrown  by  force.  I  have  always  been  of  the  belief,  and  am 
yet,  that  the  existing  order  of  things  will  have  to  be  overthrown,  either 
peaceably  or  by  force.  When  I  had  the  books  of  the  American  group  it 
had  about  175  members — that  was  last  November.  I  don't  know  how 
many  have  been  added  since.  There  were  probably  fifteen  or  twenty 
ladies  among  the  members.  It  was  called  the  American  group  because 
the  English  language  was  used  in  it.  It  was  not  confined  to  born 
Americans. 

"  We  tried  to  found  an  English-speaking  group  a  year  ago  last  winter, 
on  West  Indiana  Street.  I  think  we  had  only  two  meetings  and  then 
abandoned  it.  I  have  been  making  speeches  for  the  last  two  or  three  years. 
They  were  labor  speeches  —  not  always  Socialistic  and  not  always  An- 
archistic ;  that  is,  sometimes  I  have  touched  on  Socialism  and  Anarchy  ; 
sometimes  they  were  delivered  from  an  ordinary  trades-union  standpoint. 
I  have  made  a  great  many  speeches  on  the  lake  front,  some  on  Market 
Square,  some  at  West  Twelfth  Street  Turner  Hall,  some  at  106  Randolph 
Street,  some  at  54  West  Lake.  The  meetings  on  the  lake  front  were  on 
Sunday  afternoons." 

"  Did  you  make  a  speech  on  the  night  of  the  opening  of  the  new  Board 
of  Trade?" 

"  I  did.  I  have  two  dollars'  worth  of  stock  in  the  Alarm.  I  was  part  of 
the  committee  to  see  what  should  be  done  about  the  Alarm  when  it  began 
to  get  in  deep  water,  and  my  name  was  proposed  to  be  put  on  the  paper  as 
the  recipient  of  communications  as  to  its  management. 

"There  were  possibly  twelve  or  fifteen  members  of  the  American  group 
present  at  the  meeting  at  107  Fifth  Avenue  on  May  4th.  There  were  Mr. 
and  Mrs.  Parsons,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Timmons,  Mrs.  Holmes,  Snyder,  Brown 
and  some  others.  I  am  not  positive  whether  Walters  and  Ducy  were  there. 
I  think  we  staid  there  until  nearly  nine  o'clock.  Balthasar  Rau  came  over 
from  the  Haymarket  and  said  Spies  was  there  and  a  large  meeting,  and  no 
one  else  to  speak.  Some  four  or  five  of  us  went  over  together.  I  know  that 
Rau,  Parsons,  myself  and  Snyder  went  about  together.  Schwab  left  the 
Zeitung  office  before  us.  I  had  promised,  on  Sunday  night  at  Greif's  Hall, 
a  man  who  had  been  to  my  house  before,  to  speak  at  a  labor  meeting  at 
either  368  or  378  West  Twelfth  Street  that  Tuesday  night.  Of  those  that 
were  on  the  speakers'  wagon,  I  only  remember  Parsons,  Spies  and  Snyder. 
There  were  some  others  there  who  were  strangers  to  me.  A  boy  about  six- 
teen years  of  age  came  up  on  the  wagon  and  rather  crowded  me  to  one  side, 
and  I  told  him  he  might  as  well  stand  down.  I  spoke  because  Mr.  Spies 
requested  me  to  make  a  short  speech.  Mr.  Parsons  had  spoken  longer  than 
I  thought  he  would,  and  I  thought  it  was  late  enough  to  close.  I  don't  now 
remember  whether  or  not  I  used  this  language  :  '  There  are  premonitions  of 
danger.  All  know  it.  The  press  say  the  Anarchists  will  sneak  away.  We 
are  not  going  to. '  I  have  no  desire  to  deny  that  I  did  use  that  language. 
If  I  used  it  —  and  I  don't  know  whether  I  did  —  if  I  had  any  idea  in  my 
mind  at  any  time  which  would  be  expressed  in  that  language,  I  know  for 
what  reasons  I  would  have  that  idea.  I  used  substantially  all  that  language 
which  Mr.  English,  the  reporter,  who  was  on  the  stand  here,  testified  as 
having  been  used  by  me  in  my  speech  at  the  Haymarket  meeting.  I  did 
not  say  that  John  Brown,  Jefferson,  Washington,  Patrick  Henry  and  Hop- 
kins said  to  the  people  :  '  The  law  is  your  enemy.'  If  I  used  the  language, 
'We  are  rebels  against  it,'  —  and  I  possibly  did, —  I  referred  to  the  present 


504  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

social  system.  I  don't  remember  that  I  said  :  '  It  had  no  mercy;  so  ought 
you.'  There  is  not  much  sense  in  it,  and  I  will  not  father  it.  The  report 
of  my  speech,  as  given  by  Mr.  English,  has  been  garbled,  and  it  does  not 
give  the  connection.  I  don't  accept  that  as  my  speech  at  all.  I  think  I 
used  the  language,  but  you  haven't  got  the  sense  of  it  at  all,  in  quoting  it  in 
that  way. 

"  After  I  left  the  Haymarket  meeting,  my  first  intention  was  to  go  home. 
I  cannot  tell  now  why  I  changed  my  mind  about  that.  Impressions  some- 
times come  on  a  person's  mind  which  he  cannot  explain  why  they  come 
there.  I  rode  on  the  car  in  passing  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  office,  instead  of 
walking,  and  I  avoided  the  crowd  on  Lake  Street,  in  which  I  thought  there 
would  be  lots  of  detectives,  because  I  certainly  didn't  wish  to  be  arrested 
that  night.  Of  course,  I  thought  I  would  be  arrested  after  the  trouble  ; 
it  was  only  natural  to  suppose  I  would.  I  did  not  think  there  was  anything 
inflammatory  or  incendiary  in  my  speech.  I  did  not  incite  anybody  to  do 
any  overt  act  to  anybody  or  anything.  I  spoke  generally,  from  a  general 
standpoint.  I  meant  to  say  they  should  resist  the  present  social  system, 
which  degraded  them  and  turned  them  out  of  employment,  and  gave  them 
no  opportunity  to  get  a  living.  Somebody  threw  a  bomb.  I  did  not  know 
and  do  not  know  now  who  it  was,  or  anything  about  it.  Still  I  know,  from 
reading  of  criminal  proceedings,  that  in  cases  of  that  kind  they  arrest  every- 
body in  order  to  find  out  who  is  responsible.  I  supposed  that  I,  being  one 
of  the  participants  of  the  meeting,  would  be  arrested — for  some  time,  at  least. 
Knowing  my  innocence,  I  made  a  statement  before  the  Coroner's  jury,  ex- 
pecting that  when  they  examined  into  the  truth  of  my  statement  I  should 
be  released." 

On  re-direct  examination  Fielden  said  : 

"If  I  did  make  the  remark  about  premonitions  of  danger  in  my  Hay- 
market  speech,  I  must  have  meant  that  there  were  so  many  men  striking 
just  then  for  the  eight-hour  movement  that  some  trouble  might  possibly 
originate  between  the  strikers  and  their  employers,  as  had  been  the  case  in 
former  strikes,  and,  knowing  that  all  men  are  not  very  cool,  and  some  men 
become  aggravated  —  their  condition  may  have  a  good  deal  to  do  with  it — 
they  sometimes  commit  acts  which  the  officers  of  the  law,  in  their  capacity 
as  such,  are  compelled  to  interfere  with.  I  was  speaking  of  the  general 
labor  question  and  the  issue  that  was  up  for  settlement  during  the  eight- 
hour  movement.  I  had  no  reference  to  the  presence  of  dynamite  at  the 
meeting.  I  did  not  say  that  John  Brown,  Jefferson,  etc.,  said  that  the  law 
was  their  enemy.  What  I  said  in  regard  to  them  was,  that  we  occupied,  in 
relation  to  the  present  social  system,  which  no  longer  provided  security  for 
the  masses,  just  about  the  position  that  John  Brown,  Jefferson,  Hopkins, 
Patrick  Henry  occupied  in  relation  to  the  government  and  dictation  of 
Great  Britain  over  the  Colonies  ;  that  they  repeatedly  appealed  to  Great 
Britain  to  peaceably  settle  the  differences  in  regard  to  the  port  duties,  the 
stamp  act,  etc.,  but  when  it  could  not  be  peaceably  settled,  they  could  not 
submit  to  it  any  longer,  and  were  compelled  to  do  something  else  ;  and  it 
was  always  the  element  of  tyranny  which  incited  strife,  and  as  it  was  in  that 
case,  so  it  would  be  in  this.  As  to  the  use  of  the  expressions  about  killing, 
stabbing,  throttling  the  law,  I  used  them  just  as  a  Republican  orator,  in 
denouncing  the  Democratic  party,  might  say,  'We  will  kill  it,'  or  'We  will 
throttle  it,'  or  'defeat  it,'  or  as  one  might  speak  of  a  candidate  for  office  — 


FIELDEN'S  EXPLANA  TION.  505 

'We  will  knife  him.'  I  used  those  adjectives,  as  any  speaker  would,  in 
rushing  along,  throw  in  adjectives  without  thinking  much  of  what  their  full 
import  might  be.  My  remarks  that  night  were  intended  to  call  upon  the 
people  to  resist  the  present  social  system  —  not  by  force,  I  had  no  such  idea 
in  my  mind  that  night  —  so  that  they  would  be  enabled  to  live  ;  to  call  their 
attention  to  the  fact  that  by  the  introduction  of  labor-saving  machinery  and 
the  subdivision  of  labor  less  men  were  continually  needed,  more  produc- 
tions produced,  and  their  chance  to  work  decreased,  and  that  by  their 
organizing  together  they  might  become  partakers  in  the  benefits  of  civiliza- 
tion, more  advantageous  and  quicker  productions." 

Together  with  the  testimony  given  above,  of  which,  of  course,  the  most 
important  was  that  of  the  prisoner  Samuel  Fielden,  were  the  stories  of  a 
number  of  other  witnesses  whose  names  have  been  here  omitted.  The  rea- 
son for  this  is,  that  while  the  statements  of  these  persons  were  of  much 
importance  in  the  trial  of  the  case,  to  print  them  all  would  stretch  this 
book  of  mine  out  to  unconscionable  length.  It  will  suffice  to  say  that  sev- 
eral witnesses  testified  strongly  in  support  of  the  Anarchist  theory  of  the 
episodes  which  occurred  about  the  famous  wagon  at  the  Haymarket.  Half 
a  dozen  others  declared  that  they  would  not  believe  Harry  W.  Gilmer  on 
oath.  This  statement  of  the  evidence  offered  is  made  necessary  by  the 
space  at  my  disposal.  I  have  tried  throughout  this  work  to  be  wholly  fair 
to  the  defense,  and  the  reader  will  of  course  understand  that  these  witnesses 
corroborated  the  testimony  of  others  which  has  been  previously  given  in 
full  in  these  pages. 


CHAPTER  XXVII. 

The  Close  of  the  Defense  —  Working  on  the  Jury — The  Man  who  Threw 
the  Bomb  —  Conflicting  Testimony  —  Michael  Schwab  on  the  Stand  —  An  Agitator's 
Adventures  —  Spies  in  his  Own  Defense  — The  Fight  at  McCormick's  -  -The  Desplaines 
Street  Wagon  —  Bombs  and  Beer  —  The  Wilkinson  Interview  — The  Weapon  of  the 
Future  —  Spies  the  Reporter's  Friend  —  Bad  Treatment  by  Ebersold  — The  Hocking 
Valley  Letter  —  Albert  R.  Parsons  in  his  Own  Behalf  —  His  Memories  of  the  Hay- 
market  — The  Evidence  in  Rebuttal. 

THROUGHOUT  the  trial  the  defendants  maintained  an  air  of  careless 
indifference.  Occasionally  during  the  presentation  of  particularly  strik- 
ing and  damaging  evidence  —  notably  that  of  Thompson  and  Gilmer  — 
the)'  were  noticed  to  wince,  but  the  flush  was  only  momentary.  It  was 
apparent  that  the  prisoners  expected  in  some  manner  to  extricate  them- 
selves from  their  perilous  position,  and  the  casual  observer  would  have 
supposed  them  involved  simply  in  an  ordinary  trial.  Whatever  may  have 
been  their  real  feelings,  they  did  not  betray  them.  After  they  had  begun  to 
place  evidence  on  their  own  behalf  before  the  jury,  they  even  wore  a 
certain  air  of  cheerfulness  ;  and  whereas  previously  a  sort  of  stolidity  had 
marked  their  demeanor,  their  general  bearing  now  was  that  of  supreme  con- 
fidence. They  evidently  felt  confident  of  having  made  a  favorable  im- 
pression upon  the  jury.  They  possibly  calculated  upon  their  having 
successfully  impeached  the  evidence  of  Gilmer  and  having  proven  to  some 
extent  their  own  disconnection  with  the  Haymarket  explosion.  Fielden's 
plausible  explanations  also,  no  doubt,  added  to  their  confidence. 

Taking  the  evidence  of  the  State  as  a  complete  exposition  of  the  con- 
spiracy, there  seemed  to  be  no  consolation  in  that  direction  ;  but  their  hope 
rested  in  winning  over  the  jury  by  raising  a  reasonable  doubt  through  the 
preponderance  of  offsetting  testimony  on  their  own  side,  and  by  making  the 
jury  believe,  by  the  manner  of  their  conduct  under  the  severe  fire  of  the 
prosecution,  that  they  sincerely  felt  themselves  innocent  of  all  "guilty 
knowledge." 

They  played  their  part  well,  and  their  attitude  is  not  at  all  surprising 
when  their  former  bloodthirsty  propensities  are  taken  into  consideration. 
In  an  ordinary  murder  or  conspiracy  trial  Fielden's  statements  might  have 
had  some  influence  in  mitigation  of  extreme  punishment,  but,  over- 
shadowed as  it  was  by  overwhelming  counter-evidence  of  complicity  in  a 
stupendous  crime,  the  jury  subsequently  determined  that  it  saw  no  way  of 
disconnecting  him  from  the  other  conspirators. 

The  defendants  pretended  they  had  a  host  of  witnesses  beyond  those  that 
they  really  required  to  prove  that  they  had  never  dreamed  there  would  be 
a  bomb  thrown  at  the  Haymarket,  but  that  they  only  needed  to  use  a  few 


JOHN  BERNETTS   TESTIMONY.  507 

of  these  witnesses  to  establish  their  innocence.  Still,  they  put  a  very  large 
number  on  the  stand.  The  testimony  of  all  these  pretended  to  show  what 
a  harmless  set  of  men  the  State  had  arrested  and  put  on  trial  for  their 
lives. 

The  trend  of  much  of  the  evidence  for  the  defense  seemed  directed 
toward  proving  the  police  responsible  for  the  massacre,  by  having  opened 
fire  on  a  "  peaceable  gathering  ;  "  and,  through  a  brother  of  the  defendant 
Spies,  it  was  attempted  to  prove  that  the  enmity  of  the  police  toward 
Anarchists  was  so  great  that  one  of  them  tried  to  shoot  the  defendant  in 
the  back  while  at  the  Haymarket.  This  brother  of  Spies  —  Henry — had 
been  wounded  in  the  abdomen,  and  he  endeavored,  on  the  witness-stand, 
to  show  that  he  had  received  the  injury  while  suddenly  pressing  down  the 
revolver  that  was  aimed  at  his  brother.  The  explanation  was  too  lame  to 
be  serviceable. 

At  this  point  several  witnesses  testified  to  Lingg's  presence  at  Zepf's 
Hall  early  on  the  night  of  May  3d.  Others  strengthened  the  Anarchistic 
theory  of  an  alleged  police  attack  at  the  Haymarket.  Still  others  im- 
peached the  witness  Gilmer's  veracity.  Inasmuch  as  I  have  previously 
given  in  full  all  the  evidence  which  these  people  merely  corroborated,  I 
have  not  thought  it  necessary  to  give  here  their  statements  at  length. 

JOHN  BERNETT,  a  candy-maker,  said  he  saw  the  man  who  threw  the 
bomb.  The  thrower  was  right  in  front  of  him.  The  bomb  "  went  west  and 
a  little  bit  north." 

"The  man  who  threw  it  was  about  my  size,  maybe  a  little  bit  bigger, 
and  I  think  he  had  a  mustache.  I  think  he  had  no  chin  beard,  and  his 
clothes  were  dark." 

"  Did  you  ever  see  that  picture  before?  "  (handing  witness  photograph 
of  Schnaubelt). 

"  Yes,  sir  ;   Mr.  Furthmann  showed  it  to  me  about  two  weeks  ago." 

"  Do  you  recognize  that  as  being  the  man  who  threw  the  bomd  ?  " 

"  I  guess  not." 

"  Did  you  tell  Mr.  Furthmann  so  at  the  time  ?" 

"Yes,  sir." 

On  cross-examination  Bernett  said  : 

"  I  never  could  recognize  anybody.  I  told  Capt.  Schaack  and  Mr. 
Grinnell  that  the  man  who  threw  the  bomb  was  in  front  of  me,  and  I  could 
not  tell  how  he  did  look.  When  the  police  came  up  first  I  stood  right  in 
the  middle  of  the  alley.  When  the  captain  of  the  police  ordered  them  to 
leave  that  place,  I  heard  somebody  say  :  '  Stand  ;  don't  run,'  and  there  were 
about  three  or  four  men,  about  the  middle  of  the  street,  west  of  the  wagon, 
who  halloaed  out  :  '  No  ;  we  won't  do  it.'  That  was  said  in  English.  I 
heard  Fielden  say  something  to  the  officer  who  spoke  to  him,  but  I  could 
not  hear  it.  The  crowd  began  to  rush,  and  rushed  me,  and  I  hurried  out 
as  fast  as  I  could.  I  got  shot  and  fell  on  the  sidewalk.  I  told  Mr.  Furth- 
mann that  I  thought  the  bomb  was  fired  from  about  fifteen  steps  south  of 
the  alley — I  count  my  steps  about  two  feet  and  a  half.  I  don't  think  it 


508  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

came  right  from  behind  the  boxes.  From  the  place  the  bomb  was  thrown 
up  to  the  other  corner  —  the  house  goes  up  a  little  further  on  the  other  side 
—  the  distance  is  forty-five  feet.  The  bomb  was  thrown  forty-five  feet  south 
of  the  corner  of  the  alley.  I  cannot  remember  how  far  the  boxes  were  south 
of  the  alley  that  night  —  there  was  a  lamp-post,  and  then  the  boxes  came. 
I  remember  coming  to  the  Central  Station  on  the  yth  of  May  and  talking 
to  Officer  Bonfield  in  the  presence  of  Mr.  Grinnell.  I  don't  know  that  I 
said  at  that  time  that  the  bomb  was  thrown  from  behind  the  boxes,  but  I 
think  I  am  right  now.  I  don't  think  I  stated  afterwards,  some  weeks  ago, 
that  it  was  thrown  some  twenty  or  twenty-five  feet  south  of  the  alley.  I 
can't  remember  now  how  many  feet  I  stated  the  distance  was,  but  I  think  I 
have  got  it  right  now.  On  the  yth  of  May  I  was  brought  over  here  by 
Officer  Bonfield  and  Officer  Haas,  so  that  I  could  see  the  defendants.  I  was 
asked  if  I  had  ever  seen  them  before,  and  I  said  I  had  seen  them  all  before 
on  the  lake  front  and  the  Haymarket.  I  told  Capt.  Schaack  that  I  could 
not  describe  the  man  and  would  not  know  him  if  I  saw  him,  and  that  the 
man's  back  was  toward  me." 

MICHAEL  SCHWAB  was  then  called  in  his  own  behalf,  and  he  made  the 
following  statement : 

"  Up  to  the  4th  of  May  I  lived  at  51  Florimond  Street.  I  was  co-editor 
of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung.  On  the  evening  of  May  4th  I  left  home  twenty 
minutes  to  eight,  went  to  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  and  reached  there  about  eight 
o'clock.  I  left  about  ten  minutes  later.  While  I  was  there  a  telephone 
message  was  received  asking  Mr.  Spies  to  speak  at  Deering.  After  that  I 
went  over  to  the  Haymarket  to  see  whether  I  could  find  Mr.  Spies.  I  didn't 
stop  long  over  there.  I  just  went  through  the  crowd,  as  the  men  out  at  Deer- 
ing  had  been  waiting  for  an  hour  already.  I  went  over  on  Washington  Street, 
turned  north  down  Desplaines  Street  and  went  across  Randolph  Street,  and 
north  of  Randolph  on  Desplaines  I  met  my  brother-in-law,  Rudolph  Schnau- 
belt,  and  talked  to  him  about  the  matter  ;  then  took  a  car  going  in  an  east- 
erly direction  and  rode  up  to  the  Court-house.  At  the  Court-house  I  took 
a  Clybourn  Avenue  car  and  went  to  Deering's  factory.  Near  the  car  stables 
I  was  met  by  a  man  and  asked  whether  I  was  Mr.  Schwab.  The  man  testi- 
fied here  on  the  witness-stand.  I  think  his  name  is  Preusser,  as  he  told  me 
that  night.  I  should  judge  it  takes  about  ten  minutes  from  the  Haymarket 
to  the  Court-house  and  about  forty  or  forty-five  minutes  from  there  to 
Fullerton  Avenue.  I  stepped  from  the  car  with  that  man  ;  went  up  to  the 
saloon,  888  Clybourn  Avenue,  to  see  the  committee,  but  the  committee  was 
not  there  ;  so  we  went  directly  to  the  prairie,  corner  of  Fullerton  and  Cly- 
bourn Avenues,  and  there  I  met  some  men  who  told  me  that  they  were  the 
committee.  I  talked  with  them  some  minutes,  then  mounted  the  stand  and 
made  a  speech,  twenty  or  twenty-five  minutes  long,  about  the  eight-hour 
movement,  to  the  men  who  had  struck  that  same  day  and  demanded  eight 
hours'  work  and  ten  hours'  pay.  I  returned  home  about  eleven  o'clock  at 
night.  I  didn't  pay  any  attention  to  the  time.  After  the  meeting  was  over 
I  went  with  Preusser  to  a  saloon,  took  a  glass  of  beer  and  had  some  lunch, 
and  then  I  took  the  next  car  going  south.  I  left  the  car  on  Willow  Street, 
which  is  not  far  north  from  North  Avenue,  and  walked  home,  which  is  a 
distance  of  about  twenty  minutes'  walk. 

"  I  did  not  at  any  time  while  I  was  at  the  Haymarket  enter  Crane's  alley 
or  any  alley  with  Mr.    Spies.      I  had  no    conversation    with  him  near  the 


SCHWAB  ON  THE  STAND.  509 

mouth  of  the  alley.  I  did  not  walk  at  any  time  that  night  in  company  with 
Mr.  Spies  on  the  north  side  of  Randolph  Street  from  the  corner  of  Desplaines 
down  past  Union  Street  and  return  to  where  the  wagon  stood.  I  did  not, 
in  company  with  Mr.  Spies,  meet  Schnaubelt  when  Spies  handed  to 
Schnaubelt  any  package  or  anything.  I  did  not  see  Spies  and  did  not  speak 
to  him  at  all  that  night  at  the  Haymarket.  I  did  not  say  anything  to  Spies 
or  anybody  else  in  the  mouth  of  Crane's  alley  about  pistols  or  police,  or 
whether  one  would  be  enough.  Lhad  no  such  conversation  with  anybody 
at  the  Haymarket  or  anywhere.  I  did  not  say  to  Mr.  Spies  or  anybody  else 
at  any  time  before  the  meeting  began  or  at  any  other  time  that  if  the  police 
came  we  were  ready  for  them  or  we  would  give  it  to  them,  or  any  words  to 
thai?  effect. 

"  When  I  left  the  Haymarket  the  meeting  had  not  begun  ;  men  were 
standing  around  on  all  four  corners.  I  had  seen  Mr.  Spies  last  that  day  in 
the  afternoon.  I  did  not  see  him  again  until  the  next  day  in  the  morning, 
when  I  came  to  the  office." 

On  cross-examination  Schwab  said  : 

"  I  was  a  member  of  the  North  Side  group  of  the  International  Working- 
men's  Association  from  the  time  it  started,  some  years  ago,  until  up  to  the 
4th  of  May  last.  I  walked  over  to  the  Haymarket  from  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung 
that  night  through  the  Washington  Street  tunnel  with  Balthasar  Rau.  He 
left  me  on  Desplaines  and  Randolph ;  there  1  lost  him.  Then  I  crossed 
Randolph  Street,  and  about  the  middle  of  Randolph  Street  met  Mr.  Heine- 
man.  I  inquired  of  some  persons  whom  I  knew  by  sight  whether  they  had 
seen  Spies.  I  staid  there  not  more  than  five  minutes,  then  took  a  car  and 
went  east.  I  went  alone.  I  should  judge  it  was  about  half-past  eight  when 
I  took  the  car  on  Randolph  Street  and  about  twenty  minutes  of  nine  when  I 
took  the  Clybourn  Avenue  car  and  went  north.  I  was  alone  on  that  way.  I 
don't  know  what  time  it  was  when  I  got  to  the  saloon  at  888  Clybourn 
Avenue.  From  there  it  is  about  a  block  or  a  little  more  to  the  prairie  where 
the  meeting  was  held.  When  I  got  there  I  spoke  first  to  some  of  the  mem- 
bers of  the  committee  to  find  out  what  they  wanted  me  to  speak  about.  That 
took  about  five  minutes.  After  I  had  spoken  to  the  meeting  I  went  with 
Preusser  to  a  saloon,  corner  of  Clybourn  and  Ashland  Avenues,  not  the 
same  saloon  I  went  into  the  first  time.  I  did  not  see  Balthasar  Rau  again 
that  night." 

"Are  you  an  Anarchist?  " 

"  That  depends  upon  what  you  mean  by  that.  There  are  several  divis- 
ions of  the  Anarchists." 

"  Are  you  an  Anarchist  ?  " 

"Well,  I  can't  answer  that." 

AUGUST  VINCENT  THEODORE  SPIES  was  next  put  on  the  stand  to  testify 
in  his  own  behalf.  He  said  : 

"  May  4th  last  I  was  one  of  the  editors  of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung.  I  occu- 
pied that  position  since  1880.  Prior  to  that  I  was  engaged  in  this  country 
principally  in  the  furniture  business.  I  am  a  member  of  the  Socialistic 
Publishing  Society,  which  is  organized  under  the  laws  of  the  State  of  Illinois, 
and  by  which  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  was  published.  I  was  an  employe  of  that 
society  in  my  position  as  editor,  and  as  such  was  subject  to  their  control  as 
to  the  general  policy  of  the  paper. 


5io  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

"  At  a  meeting  of  the  Central  Labor  Union  in  the  evening  of  Sunday, 
May  2,  at  54  West  Lake  Street,  which  I  attended  in  the  capacity  of  a  re- 
porter, I  was  invited  by  one  or  two  delegates  to  address  a  meeting  of  the 
Lumber-shovers'  Union  on  the  afternoon  of  May  3,  on  the  corner  of  Twenty- 
second  or  Twentieth  and  Blue  Island  Avenue.  As  there  were  no  other 
speakers,  I  went  out.  When  I  came  there  was  a  crowd  of  6,000  to  7,000 
people  assembled  on  the  prairie.  When  I  was  invited,  which  was  the  first 
information  I  received  of  the  meeting,  nothing  was  said  to  me  about  any 
relationship  of  Mr.  McCormick's  employes  to  that  meeting.  I  did  not  know 
that  the  locality  of  the  meeting  was  in  the  immediate  neighborhood  of  Mc- 
Cormick's. I  arrived  there,  as  near  as  I  can  judge,  a  little  after  three 
o'clock.  Several  men  were  speaking  from  a  car  in  the  Bohemian  or  Polish 
language  ;  they  were  very  poor  speakers,  and  small  crowds  of  those 
assembled  detached  themselves  to  the  side  and  talked  together.  Balthasar 
Rau  introduced  me  to  the  chairman  of  the  meeting.  I  don't  remember  his 
name ;  he  testified  here.  I  asked  him  if  I  was  to  speak  there,  and  he  said  yes. 
I  waited  for  about  ten  minutes  while  reports  came  in  from  the  different 
owners  of  the  lumber-yards  as  to  the  demand  made  by  the  union,  which 
was  eight  hours'  work  at  twenty-two  cents  per  hour.  They  then  elected  a 
committee  to  wait  upon  the  bosses  to  find  out  what  concessions  they  would 
make,  if  any.  Thereupon  I  was  introduced  to  address  the  meeting,  and 
spoke  from  fifteen  to  twenty  minutes.  Having  spoken  two  or  three  times 
almost  every  day  for  the  preceding  two  or  three  weeks,  I  was  almost  pros- 
trated, and  spoke  very  calmly,  and  told  the  people,  who  in  my  judgment  were 
not  of  a  very  high  intellectual  grade,  to  stand  together  and  to  enforce  their 
demands  at  all  hazards  ;  otherwise  the  single  bosses  would  one  by  one  defeat 
them.  While  I  was  speaking  I  heard  somebody  in  the  rear,  probably  a  hun- 
dred feet  away  from  me,  cry  out  something  in  a  language  which  I  didn't  under- 
stand —  perhaps  Bohemian  or  Polish.  After  the  meeting  I  was  told  that 
this  man  had  called  upon  them  to  follow  him  up  to  McCormick's.  I  should 
judge  about  two  hundred  persons,  standing  a  little  ways  apart  from  the  main 
body,  detached  themselves  and  went  away.  I  didn't  know  where  they  were 
going  until  probably  five  minutes  later  I  heard  firing,  and  about  that  time  I 
stopped  speaking  and  inquired  where  the  pistol  shots  came  from,  and  was 
told  that  some  men  had  gone  up  there  to  stone  McCormick's  'scabs'  and  that 
the  police  had  fired  upon  them.  I  stopped  there  probably  another  five  or 
six  minutes,  during  which  time  I  was  elected  a  member  of  the  committee 
to  visit  the  bosses,  when  two  patrol  wagons  came  up  in  great  haste  on  the 
Black  Road,  so-called,  driving  towards  McCormick's,  followed  immediately 
by  about  seventy-five  policemen  on  foot,  and  then  other  patrol  wagons 
came.  I  jumped  from  the  car  and  went  up  to  McCormick's.  They  were 
shooting  all  the  while.  I  thought  it  must  be  quite  a  battle.  In  front  of 
McCormick's  factory  there  are  some  railroad  tracks,  on  which  a  number  of 
freight-cars  were  standing.  The  people  were  running  away  and  hiding 
behind  these  freight-cars  as  much  as  they  could,  to  keep  out  of  the  way  of 
the  pistol-firing.  The  fight  was  going  on  behind  the  cars.  When  I  came 
up  there  on  this  prairie,  right  in  front  of  McCormick's,  I  saw  a  policeman 
run  after  and  fire  at  people  who  were  fleeing,  running  away.  My  blood 
was  boiling,  and,  seeing  unarmed  men,  women  and  children,  who  were  run- 
ning away,  fired  upon.  I  think  in  that  moment  I  could  have  done  almost 
anything.  At  that  moment  a  young  Irishman,  who  probably  knew  me  or 
had  seen  me  at  the  meeting,  came  running  from  behind  the  cars  ?nd  said  : 


SPIES  ADDRESSING  THE  STRIKERS  AT  MCCORMICK'S. 


512  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

'What  kind  of  a business  is  this?  What  h — 1  of  a  union  is  that  ? 

What  people  are  tfyese  who  will  let  those  men  be  shot  down  here  like  dogs  ? 
I  just  come  from  there ;  we  have  carried  away  two  men  dead,  and  there  are 
a  number  of  others  lying  on  the  ground  who  will  most  likely  die.  At  least 
twenty  or  twenty-five  must  have  been  shot  who  ran  away  or  were  carried 
away  by  friends. '  Of  course  I  could  not  do  anything  there.  I  went  back 
to  where  the  meeting  had  been,  which  was  about  three  blocks  away.  I 
told  some  of  them  what  was  going  on  at  McCormick's,  but  they  were  un- 
concerned and  went  home.  I  took  a  car  and  went  down  town.  The  same 
evening  I  wrote  the  report  of  the  meeting  which  appeared  in  the  Arbeiter- 
Zeitung  of  the  next  day.  Immediately  after  I  came  to  the  office  I  wrote  the 
so-called  Revenge  circular,  except  the  heading,  'Revenge.'  At  the  time  I 
wrote  it  I  believed  the  statement  that  six  workingmen  had  been  killed  that 
afternoon  at  McCormick's.  I  wrote  at  first  that  two  had  .been  killed,  and 
after  seeing  the  report  in  the  five  o'clock  News  I  changed  the  two  to  six, 
based  upon  the  information  contained  in  the  News.  I  believe  2,500  copies 
of  that  circular  were  printed,  but  not  more  than  half  of  them  distributed, 
for  I  saw  quite  a  lot  of  them  in  the  office  of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  on  the 
morning  I  was  arrested.  At  the  time  I  wrote  it  I  was  still  laboring  under 
the  excitement  of  the  scene  and  the  hour.  I  was  very  indignant. 

"  On  May  4th  I  was  performing  my  regular  duties  at  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung. 
A  little  before  nine  in  the  forenoon  I  was  invited  to  address  a  meeting  on 
the  Haymarket  that  evening.  That  was  the  first  I  heard  of  it.  I  had  no 
part  in  calling  the  meeting.  I  put  the  announcement  of  the  meeting  into 
the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  at  the  request  of  a  man  who  invited  me  to  speak.  The 
Arbeiter-Zeitung^  is  an  afternoon  daily  paper,  and  appears  at  2  p.  M. 
About  eleven  o'clock  a  circular  calling  the  Haymarket  meeting  was  handed 
to  me  to  be  inserted  in  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung,  containing  the  line,  '  Work- 
ingmen, arm  yourselves  and  appear  in  full  force.'  I  said  to  the  man  who 
brought  the  circular  that,  if  that  was  the  meeting  which  I  had  been  invited 
to  address,  I  should  certainly  not  speak  there,  on  account  of  that  line.  He 
stated  that  the  circulars  had  not  been  distributed,  and  I  told  him  if  that 
was  the  case,  and  if  he  would  take  out  that  line,  it  would  be  all  right.  Mr. 
Fischer  was  called  down  at  that  time,  and  he  sent  the  man  back  to  the 
printing-office  to  have  the  line  taken  out.  I  struck  out  the  line  myself 
before  I  handed  it  to  the  compositor  to  put  it  in  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung.  The 
man  who  brought  the  circular  to  me  and  took  it  back  with  the  line  stricken 
out  was  on  the  stand  here  —  Grueneberg  I  believe  is  his  name. 

"  I  left  home  that  evening  about  half-past  seven  o'clock  and  walked  down 
with  my  brother  Henry,  arriving  at  the  Haymarket  about  twenty  or  twenty- 
five  minutes  after  eight.  I  had  understood  from  the  invitation  that  I  should 
address  the  meeting  in  German  ;  and,  knowing  that  the  English  speeches 
would  come  first,  I  did  not  go  there  in  time  to  reach  the  opening  of  the 
meeting.  When  I  got  there,  there  was  no  meeting  in  progress,  however  ; 
simply  crowds  were  standing  around  the  corners  here  and  there,  talking 
together.  I  called  them  together.  After  having  looked  around  for  a  speak- 
ers' stand  —  we  generally  had  very  primitive  platforms  —  I  saw  this  wagon 
on  Desplaines  Street ;  and  being  right  near  the  corner,  I  thought  it  was  a 
good  place  to  choose  and  told  the  people  that  the  meeting  would  take  place 
there.  There  was  no  light  upon  the  wagon.  Early  in  the  meeting  I  think 
the  sky  was  bright.  I  cannot  tell  whether  the  lamp  at  the  alley  was  burn- 
ing or  not ;  my  impression  is  that  it  was.  I  could  not  say  about  any  other 


SPIES  ON  THE  STAND.  513 

light.  I  found  the  wagon  just  where  we  used  it.  It  was  not  an  ordinary 
truck  wagon  ;  it  was  a  half  truck  and  half  express  wagon,  the  truck  with  the 
box  on.  I  don't  know  that  there  were  any  stakes  on  it ;  it  was  a  large,  long 
express  wagon.  I  believe  I  spoke  with  my  brother  Henry  as  to  the  advisa- 
bility of  choosing  that  place.  Henry  was  with  me  during  the  entire  evening. 
After  the  audience  got  together,  somebody  suggested  to  draw  the  wagon 
into  the  Haymarket.  I  replied  that  that  might  interfere  with  the  street 
traffic,  and  that  the  cars  would  make  a  good  deal  of  noise.  Then  I  asked  if 
Mr.  Parsons  was  present.  I  thought  he  had  been  invited  to  address  the 
meeting.  I  was  not  on  the  arrangement  committee  ;  but  seeing  the  crowd 
and  seeing  that  the  meeting  had  been  very  poorly  arranged,  I  took  the 
initiative.  When  I  asked  for  Parsons,  one  of  the  editors  of  the  Arbeiter- 
Zeitung,  one  Schroeder,  stepped  up  and  said  :  '  Parsons  is  speaking  up  on 
the  corner  of  Halsted  and  Randolph  Streets  ;  I  just  saw  him  there.'  I  told 
him  to  go  and  call  him.  He  left,  but  staid  quite  a  while,  and  I  left  the 
wagon  myself,  and,  in  the  company  of  my  brother  Henry,  one  Legner  and 
Schnaubelt,  whom  I  had  just  met,  went  up  the  street  to  find  Parsons. 
Schwab  was  not  with  me  at  that  time  or  at  any  time  that  evening.  Schnau- 
belt told  me  I  had  been  wanted  at  Deering,  but  as  I  had  not  been  at  hand 
Schwab  had  gone  out  there.  After  I  left  the  wagon  I  did  not  go  to  the 
mouth  of  Crane's  alley.  I  did  not  even  know  at  the  time  that  there  was  an 
alley  there  at  all.  I  did  not  enter  the  alley  with  Schwab,  had  no  conversa- 
tion with  him  there  in  which  I  referred  to  pistols  and  police,  and  in  which 
Schwab  asked  whether  one  would  be  enough,  etc.,  nor  anything  of  that  kind. 
Neither  did  I  have  that  conversation  with  anybody  else.  I  left  the  wagon 
and  moved  in  a  southwesterly  direction  obliquely  across  the  street  to  the 
corner  of  the  Haymarket.  From  there  I  went,  in  company  with  those  I 
mentioned,  up  on  Randolph  Street,  beyond  Union  and  pretty  near  Halsted 
Street,  but,  seeing  only  a  few  people,  probably  twenty  or  twenty-five,  stand- 
ing there  scattered,  and  not  seeing  Parsons,  we  returned,  walking  on  the 
north  side  of  Randolph  Street,  as  we  had  in  going  down.  I  went  on  the 
wagon  and  addressed  the  meeting.  I  had  no  conversation  with  Schwab,  at 
or  about  the  crossing  of  Union  Street,  in  which  we  spoke  about  being  ready 
for  them  and  that  they  were  afraid  to  come.  I  had  no  such  conversation 
with  any  one.  I  don't  remember  exactly  of  what  we  were  speaking,  but 
Schnaubelt  and  I,  as  we  walked  along,  were  conversing  in  German.  I  have 
known  Schnaubelt  for  about  two  years.  I  think  he  has  not  been  in  the 
country  more  than  two  years.  He  cannot  speak  English  at  all.  He  wore  a 
light  gray  suit  that  night.  In  returning  to  the  wagon  I  went  from  the  cor- 
ner of  the  Haymarket  right  straight  to  the  wagon,  in  a  northeasterly  direc- 
tion. I  did  not,  on  my  return,  or  at  any  time  that  evening,  walk  with  Schwab 
across  Desplaines  Street  to  the  center  of  the  sidewalk,  some  fifteen  feet 
south  of  Crane's  alley,  and  at  that  point  meet  Schnaubelt,  and  there  take 
anything  out  of  my  pocket,  or  otherwise,  and  give  it  to  Schnaubelt,  or  any- 
body else,  at  that  location. 

"  I  spoke  about  fifteen  or  twenty  minutes.  I  began  by  stating  that  I 
heard  a  large  number  of  patrol  wagons  had  gone  to  Desplaines  Street  Sta- 
tion ;  that  great  preparations  had  been  made  for  a  possible  outbreak  ;  that 
the  militia  had  been  called  under  arms,  and  that  I  would  state  at  the  begin- 
ning that  this  meeting  had  not  been  called  for  the  purpose  of  inciting  a  riot, 
but  simply  to  discuss  the  situation  of  the  eight-hour  movement  and  the 
atrocities  of  the  police  on  the  preceding  day.  Then  I  referred  to  one  of 


5 1 4  ANARCHY  AND  ANAR CHISTS. 

the  morning  papers  of  the  city,  in  which  Mr.  McCormick  said  that  I  was 
responsible  for  the  affair  near  his  factory ;  that  I  had  incited  the  people  to 
commit  violence,  etc.,  and  I  stated  that  such  misrepresentations  were  made 
in  order  to  discredit  the  men  who  took  an  active  part  in  the  movement.  I 
stated  that  such  outbreaks  as  had  occurred  at  McCormick's,  in  East  St. 
Louis,  in  Philadelphia,  Cleveland  and  other  places,  were  not  the  work  of  a 
band  of  conspirators,  of  a  few  Anarchists  or  Socialists,  but  the  unconscious 
struggle  of  a  class  for  emancipation  ;  that  such  outbreaks  might  be  expected 
at  any  minute  and  were  not  the  arbitrary  work  of  individuals.  I  then 
pointed  to  the  fact  that  the  people  who  committed  violence  had  never  been 
Socialists  or  Anarchists,  but  in  most  instances  had  been  up  to  that  time  the 
most  lawful  citizens,  good  Christians,  the  exemplary  so-called  honest  work- 
men, who  were  contrasted  by  the  capitalists  with  the  Anarchists.  I  stated 
that  the  meeting  at  McCormick's  was  composed  mostly  of  humble,  church- 
going  good  Christians,  and  not  by  any  means  atheists,  or  materialists,  or 
Anarchists.  I  then  stated  that  for  the  past  twenty  years  the  wage-workers 
had  asked  their  employers  for  a  reduction  of  the  hours  of  labor  ;  that,  accor- 
ding to  the  statement  of  the  secretary  of  the  National  Bureau  of  Labor  Sta- 
tistics, about  two  millions  of  physically  strong  men  were  out  of  employment ; 
that  the  productive  capacity  had,  by  the  development  of  machines,  so  im- 
mensely increased  that  all  that  any  rationally  organized  society  required 
could  be  produced  in  a  few  hours,  and  that  the  mechanical  working  of  men 
for  ten  hours  a  day  was  simply  another  method  of  murdering  them.  Though 
every  student  of  social  phenomena  admitted  the  fact  that  society  was,  under 
the  present  condition  of  overwork,  almost  retrograding  and  the  masses 
sinking  into  degradation,  still  their  demands  have  been  refused.  I  proceeded 
to  state  that  the  legislators  had  different  interests  at  stake  than  those  in- 
volved in  this  question,  and  did  not  care  so  much  about  the  welfare  of  any 
class  of  society  as  for  their  own  interests,  and  that  at  last  the  workingmen 
had  conceived,  consciously  or  unconsciously,  the  idea  to  take  the  matter 
in  their  own  hands  ;  that  it  was  not  a  political  question,  but  an  economic 
question  ;  that  neither  legislatures  nor  Congress  could  do  anything  in  the 
premises,  but  the  workingmen  could  only  achieve  a  normal  day's  work  of 
eight  hours  or  less  by  their  own  efforts. 

"  I  believe  when  I  had  gone  so  far  somebody  told  me  that  Mr.  Parsons 
had  arrived.  Turning  around,  I  saw  Parsons  ;  and  as  I  was  fatigued,  worn 
out,  I  broke  off  and  introduced  Parsons.  I  spoke  in  English.  After  intro- 
ducing Parsons  I  staid  on  the  wagon.  When  I  stopped  and  Parsons  be- 
gan, I  believe  there  were  pretty  nearly  2,000  people  there  ;  it  was  an 
ordinarily  packed  crowd.  The  people  who  wanted  to  listen  would  crowd  to 
the  wagon,  others  would  stand  on  the  opposite  sidewalk,  but  I  did  not  see 
any  very  packed  crowd,  exactly.  While  I  spoke,  I  was  facing,  I  believe,  in  a 
southwesterly  direction  ;  the  bulk  of  the  audience  stood  around  the  wagon 
south  and  southwesterly  toward  the  Haymarket.  Parsons  spoke  forty-five 
minutes  to  an  hour.  He  stopped  about  ten  o'clock.  I  had  been  requested 
by  several  persons  to  make  a  German  speech,  but  Parsons  had  spoken 
longer  than  I  expected,  it  was  too  late,  and  I  didn't  feel  much  like  speaking; 
so  I  asked  Mr.  Fielden  to  say  a  few  words  in  conclusion  and  then  adjourn. 
I  introduced  Fielden  to  the  audience  and  remained  on  the  wagon  until  the 
command  was  given  by  Capt.  Ward  to  disperse.  I  did  not  see  the  police 
until  they  formed  in  columns  on  the  corner  of  Desplaines  and  Randolph 
Streets.  Somebody  behind  me,  I  think,  said  :  'The  police  are  coming.'  I 


SPIES  ON  THE  STAND. 

could  not  understand  that.  I  did  not  think  even  when  I  saw  them  that 
they  were  marching  toward  the  meeting.  The  meeting  was  almost  as  well 
as  adjourned.  There  were  not  over  two  hundred  on  the  spot.  About  five 
minutes  previous  to  that  a  dark  cloud  came  moving  from  the  north,  and  it 
looked  so  threateningly  that  most  of  the  people  ran  away,  and  some  people 
suggested  an  adjournment  to  Zepf's  Hall ;  more  than  two-thirds  of  the 
attendants  left  at  that  time.  The  police  halted  three  or  four  feet  south  of 
the  wagon.  Capt.  Ward  walked  up  to  the  wagon.  Fielden  was  standing 
in  front  of  me,  in  the  rear  of  the  wagon.  I  was  standing  in  the  middle  of 
the  wagon.  Ward  held  something  in  his  hand,  a  cane  or  a  club,  and  said  : 
'  In  the  name  of  the  people  of  the  State  of  Illinois,  I  command  you  to  dis- 
perse,' and  Fielden  said  :  'Why,  Captain,  this  is  a  peaceable  meeting.' 
And  Ward  repeated,  I  think,  that  command,  and  then  turned  around  to  his 
men,  and  while  I  didn't  understand  what  he  said  to  them,  I  thought  he  sai(J, 
*  Charge  upon  the  crowd,'  or  something  to  that  effect.-  I  did  not  hear  him 
say  :  '  I  call  upon  you  and  you  to  assist ; '  he  may  have  said  that  and  I  may 
have  misunderstood  him.  My  brother  and  one  Legner  and  several  others 
that  I  did  not  know  stood  at  the  side  of  the  wagon  ;  they  reached  out  their 
hands  and  helped  me  off  the  wagon.  I  felt  very  indignant  over  the  coming 
of  the  police,  and  intended  to  ask  them  what  right  they  had  to  break  up  the 
meeting,  but  I  jumped  down  from  the  wagon.  When  I  reached  the  side- 
walk I  heard  a  terrible  detonation  ;  I  thought  the  city  authority  had  brought 
a  cannon  there  to  scare  the  people  from  the  street.  I  did  not  think  they 
would  shoot  upon  the  people,  nor  did  I  think  in  the  least,  at  that  time,  of  a 
bomb.  Then  I  was  pushed  along  ;  there  was  a  throng  of  people  rushing  up, 
and  I  was  just  carried  away  with  them.  I  went  into  Zepf's  Hall.  The  firing 
began  immediately,  simultaneously  with  the  explosion.  I  did  not  see  any 
firing  from  the  crowd  upon  the  police.  I  did  not  hear,  as  I  stood  upon  the 
wagon,  either  by  Fielden  or  anybody  else,  any  such  exclamation  as  '  Here 
come  the  bloodhounds;  men,  do  your  duty  and  I  will  do  mine.'  Fielden 
did  not  draw  a  revolver  and  fire  from  the  wagon  upon  the  police  or  in  their 
direction.  I  did  not,  before  the  explosion  of  the  bomb,  leave  my  position 
upon  the  wagon,  go  into  the  alley,  strike  a  match  and  light  a  bomb  in  the 
hands  of  Rudolph  Schnaubelt.  I  did  not  see  Rudolph  Schnaubelt  in  the 
mouth  of  the  alley  then  or  at  any  time  that  evening  with  a  bomb.  I  did  not 
at  that  time  or  any  other  time  that  evening  go  into  the  mouth  of  the  alley 
and  join  there  Fischer  and  Schnaubelt  and  strike  a  match  for  any  purpose. 
Schnaubelt  is  about  six  feet  three  inches  tall,  I  should  judge,  of  large  frame 
and  large  body. 

"I  remember  the  witness  Wilkinson,  a  reporter  of  the  News.  He  was 
up  at  the  office  several  times,  but  I  only  had  one  conversation  with  him  as 
far  as  I  remember.  He  made  an  interview  out  of  it.  He  was  introduced 
to  me  by  Joe  Gruenhut,  who  told  me  that  the  News  wanted  to  have  an 
article.  Wilkinson  inquired  as  to  the  report  of  some  paper  that  the 
Anarchists  had  placed  an  infernal  machine  at  the  door  of  the  house  of 
Lambert  Tree,  and  I  told  him  that,  in  my  opinion,  the  Pinkertons  were 
doing  such  things  to  force  people  to  engage  them  and  to  advertise  them- 
selves. He  then  asked  whether  I  had  ever  seen  or  possessed  any  bombs  ? 
I  said  yes.  I  had  had  at  the  office  for  probably  three  years  four  bomb- 
shells. Two  of  them  had  been  left  at  the  office  in  my  absence,  by  a  man 
who  wanted  to  find  out  if  it  was  a  good  construction.  The  other  two  were 
left  with  me  one  day  by  some  man  who  came,  I  think,  from  Cleveland  or 


516  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

New  York,  and  was  going  to  New  Zealand  from  here.  I  used  to  show 
those  shells  to  newspaper  reporters,  and  I  showed  one  to  Mr.  Wilkinson 
and  allowed  him  to  take  it  along  and  show  it  to  Mr.  Stone.  I  never  asked 
him  for  it  since.  That  part  of  the  conversation  was  at  noon,  while  I  was  in 
a  hurry.  Wilkinson  came  in  the  evening  again  with  Joe  Gruenhut,  and 
invited  me  to  dine  with  him.  I  had  just  about  half  an  hour  to  spend.  At 
the  table  we  talked  about  an  infernal  machine  which  had  been  placed  a  few 
days  previous  into  an  office  of  the  Burlington  and  Quincy  Railroad,  and 
about  another  placed  in  front  of  Lambert  Tree's  house,  and  I  gave  the 
explanation  which  I  have  already  stated.  Talking  about  the  riot  drill  that 
had  shortly  before  been  held  on  the  lake  front,  and  about  the  sensational 
reports  published  by  the  papers  in  regard  to  the  armed  organizations  of 
Socialists,  I  told  him  that  it  was  an  open  secret  that  some  three  thousand 
Socialists  in  the  city  of  Chicago  were  armed.  I  told  him  that  the  arming 
of  these  people,  meaning  not  only  Socialists  but  workingmen  in  general, 
began  right  after  the  strike  of  1877,  when  the  police  attacked  workingmen 
at  their  meetings,  killed  some  and  wounded  others  ;  that  they  were  of 
the  opinion  that  if  they  would  enjoy  the  rights  of  the  Constitution,  they 
should  prepare  to  defend  them  too,  if  necessary  ;  that  it  was  a  known  fact 
that  these  men  had  paraded  the  streets,  as  many  as  1,500  strong  at  a  time, 
with  their  rifles  ;  that  there  was  nothing  new  in  that,  and  I  could  not  see 
why  they  talked  so  much  about  it.  And  I  said  I  thought  that  they  were 
still  arming  and  I  wished  that  every  workingman  was  well  armed. 

"  Then  we  spoke  generally  on  modern  warfare.  Wilkinson  was  of  the 
opinion  that  the  militia  and  the  police  could  easily  defeat  any  effort  on  the 
part  of  the  populace  by  force,  could  easily  quell  a  riot.  I  differed  from  him. 
I  told  him  that  the  views  which  the  bourgeoise  took  of  their  military  and 
police  was  exactly  the  same  as  the  nobility  took,  some  centuries  ago,  as  to 
their  own  armament,  and  that  gun-powder  had  come  to  the  relief  of  the 
oppressed  masses  and  had  done  away  with  the  aristocracy  very  quickly  ; 
that  the  iron  armor  of  the  nobility  was  penetrated  by  a  leaden  bullet  just  as 
easily  as  the  blouse  of  the  peasant ;  that  dynamite,  like  gunpowder,  had 
an  equalizing,  leveling  tendency ;  that  the  two  were  children  of  the  same 
parent  ;  that  dynamite  would  eventually  break  down  the  aristocracy  of 
this  age  and  make  the  principles  of  democracy  a  reality.  I  stated  that  it 
had  been  attempted  by  such  men  as  General  Sheridan  and  others  to  play 
havoc  with  an  organized  body  of  military  or  police  by  the  use  of  dynamite, 
and  it  would  be  an  easy  thing  to  do  it.  He  asked  me  if  I  anticipated  any 
trouble,  and  I  said  I  did.  He  asked  me  if  the  Anarchists  and  Socialists 
were  going  to  make  a  revolution.  Of  course  I  made  fun  of  that ;  told  him 
that  revolutions  were  not  made  by  individuals  or  conspirators,  but  were 
simply  the  logic  of  events  resting  in  the  conditions  of  things.  On  the  subject 
of  street  warfare  I  illustrated  with  tooth-picks  the  diagram  which  had 
appeared  in  one  of  the  numbers  of  the  Alarm,  introduced  in  evidence  here. 
I  said  to  him  that  I  wasn't  much  of  a  warrior,  but  had  read  a  good  deal  on 
the  subject,  and  I  particularly  referred  to  that  article  in  the  Alarm.  I  said 
that  if,  for  instance,  a  military  body  would  march  up  a  street,  they  would 
have  men  on  the  house-tops  on  both  sides  of  the  street  protecting  and  guard- 
ing the  main  body  from  possible  onslaught,  possibly  by  shooting,  firing  or 
throwing  of  bombs.  Now,  i'fthe  revolutionists  or  civilians,  men  not  belong- 
ing to  the  privileged  military  bodies,  would  form  an  oblique  line  on  each 
side  of  the  street  at  a  crossing,  they  could  then  very  successfully  combat  the 


SPIES  ON  THE  STAND.  517 

on-marching  militia  and  police,  by  attacking  them  with  fire-arms  or  dyna- 
mite. And  I  used  Market  Square  for  illustration.  I  said  there  was  a  system 
of  canalization  in  large  cities.  Now,  supposing  they  expected  an  attack, 
they  could,  by  the  use  of  a  battery  and  dynamite,  blow  up  whole  regiments 
very  easily.  I  don't  think  that  I  said  what  Wilkinson  testified  to  here  in 
regard  to  the  tunnel,  but  I  may  have  given  the  talk  a  little  color.  I  knew 
he  wanted  a  sensational  article  for  publication  in  the  News,  but  there  was 
no  particular  reference  to  Chicago,  or  any  fighting  on  our  part.  The  topic 
of  the  conversation  was  that  a  fight  was  inevitable,  and  that  it  might  take 
place  in  the  near  future,  and  what  might  and  could  be  done  in  such  an  event. 
It  was  a  general  discussion  of  the  possibilities  of  street  warfare  under 
modern  science. 

"I  wrote  the  word  '  Ruhe '  for  insertion  in  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  on  May 
4th.  It  happened  just  the  'same  as  with  any  other  announcement  that 
would  come  in.  I  received  a  batch  of  announcements  from  a  number  of 
labor  organizations  and  societies  a  little  after  eleven  o'clock,  in  my  editorial 
room,  and  went  over  them.  Among  them  was  one  which  read  :  '  Mr. 
Editor,  please  insert  in  the  letter-box  the  word  'Ruhe,'  in  prominent  let- 
ters.' This  was  in  German.  There  is  an  announcement  column  of  meet- 
ings in  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung,  but  a  single  word  or  something  like  that  would 
be  lost  sight  of  under  the  announcements.  In  such  cases  people  generally 
ask  to  have  that  inserted  under  the  head  of  '  Letter-box.'  Upon  reading 
that  request,  I  just  took  a  piece  of  paper  and  marked  on  it  'Briefkasten' 
(Letter-box),  and  the  word  '  Ruhe.'  The  manuscript  which  is  in  evidence 
is  in  my  handwriting.  At  the  time  I  wrote  that  word  and  sent  it  up  to  be 
put  in  the  paper,  I  did  not  know  of  any  import  whatever  attached  to  it. 
My  attention  was  next  called  to  it  a  little  after  three  o'clock  in  the  after- 
noon. Balthasar  Rau,  an  advertising  agent  of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung,  came 
and  asked  me  if  the  word  '  Ruhe'  was  in  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung.  I  had  my- 
self forgotten  about  it,  and  took  a  copy  of  the  paper  and  found  it  there. 
He  asked  me  if  I  knew  what  it  meant,  and  I  said  I  did  not.  He  said  there 
was  a  rumor  that  the  armed  sections  had  held  a  meeting  the  night  before, 
and  had  resolved  to  put  in  that  word  as  a  signal  for  the  armed  sections  to 
keep  themselves  in  readiness  in  case  the  police  should  precipitate  a  riot,  to 
come  to  the  assistance  of  the  attacked.  I  sent  for  Fischer,  who  had  in- 
vited me  to  speak  at  the  meeting  that  evening,  and  asked  him  if  that  word 
had  any  reference  to  that  meeting.  He  said,  '  None  whatever  ; '  that  it  was 
merely  a  signal  for  the  boys  —  for  those  who  were  armed  to  keep  their 
powder  dry,  in  case  they  might  be  called  upon  to  fight  within  the  next 
days.  I  told  Rau  it  was  a  very  silly  thing,  or  at  least  that  there  was  not 
much  rational  sense  in  that,  and  asked  him  if  he  knew  how  it  could  be 
managed  that  this  nonsense  would  be  stopped  ;  how  it  could  be  undone. 
Rau  said  he  knew  some  persons  who  had  something  to  say  in  the  armed 
organizations,  and  I  told  him  to  go  and  tell  them  that  the  word  was  put  in 
by  mistake.  Rau  went  pursuant  to  that  suggestion,  and  returned  to  me  at 
five  o'clock. 

"  I  was  not  a  member  of  any  armed  section.  I  have  not  been  for  six 
years.  I  have  had  in  my  desk  for  two  years  two  giant-powder  cartridges, 
a  roll  of  fuse  and  some  detonating  caps.  Originally  I  bought  them  to 
experiment  with  them,  as  I  had  read  a  good  deal  about  dynamite  and 
wanted  to  get  acquainted  with  it,  but  I  never  had  occasion  to  go  out  for 
that  purpose,  as  I  was  too  much  occupied.  The  reporters  used  to  bother 


5i8  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

me  a  good  deal,  and  when  they  would  come  to  the  office  for  something  sen- 
sational I  would  show  them  these  giant  cartridges.  They  are  the  same 
that  were  referred  to  here  by  certain  witnesses  as  having  been  shown  on 
the  evening  of  the  Board  of  Trade  demonstration.  One  of  them  will  yet 
show  a  little  hole  in  which  I  put  that  evening  one  of  those  caps,  to  explain 
to  the  reporter  how  terrible  a  thing  it  was.  In  fact,  if  that  cartridge,  as  it 
is,  were  exploded  in  a  free  place,  it  would  just  give  a  detonation,  and  the 
concussion  of  the  air  might  throw  one  on  the  floor,  but  it  could  do  no  harm 
to  anybody.  I  know  absolutely  nothing  about  the  package  of  dynamite 
which  was  exhibited  here  in  court,  and  was  claimed  to  have  been  found  on 
a  shelf  in  a  closet  in  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  building.  I  never  saw  it  before 
it  was  produced  here  in  court.  I  don't  know  anything  about  a  revolver 
claimed  to  have  been  found  in  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung.  That  was  not  my 
revolver,  but  I  always  carried  a  revolver.  I  had  a  very  good  revolver.  I 
was  out  late  at  night,  and  I  always  considered  it  a  very  good  thing  to  be 
in  a  position  to  defend  myself.  Strangely,  I  did  not  have  that  pistol  with 
me  on  the  night  of  the  Haymarket.  It  was  too  heavy  for  me,  and,  while 
I  took  it  along  first,  I  left  it  with  ex-Alderman  Stauber  on  my  way.  I 
guess  it  is  there  now. 

"  I  was  arrested  on  Wednesday  morning  after  the  Haymarket  meeting, 
about  half-past  eight  o'clock,  at  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  editorial  room.  I  had 
begun  writing.  I  had  come  to  the  office  a  little  after  seven  o'clock,  as 
usual.  A  man  who  afterwards  told  me  he  was  an  officer,  James  Bonfield, 
asked  Mr.  Schwab  and  myself  to  come  over  to  police  headquarters;  that 
Superintendent  Ebersold  wanted  to  have  a  talk  with  us  on  the  affair  of  the 
previous  night.  I  was  very  busy  and  asked  him  if  it  could  not  be  delayed 
until  after  the  issue  of  the  paper.  He  said  he  would  rather  have  me  come 
along  then,  and  I,  unsuspectingly,  went  along  to  the  station.  The  Superin- 
tendent received  us  by  saying:  'You  dirty  Dutch  — ,  you  dirty 

hounds,  you  rascals,  we  will  choke  you  ;  we  will  kill  you.'  And  then  they 
jumped  upon  us,  tore  us  from  one  end  to  the  other,  went  through  our 
pockets,  took  my  money  and  everything  I  had.  I  never  said  anything. 
They  finally  concluded  to  put  us  in  a  cell,  and  then  Mr.  Ebersold  said  : 
'Well,  boys,  let's  be  cool.'  I  think  Mr.  James  Bonfield  interfered  during 
the  assault  made  upon  us  by  Mr.  Ebersold,  and  suggested  to  him  that  that 
was  not  the  proper  way  nor  the  proper  place.  I  have  been  continuously 
confined  from  then  until  now." 

On  cross-examination  Spies  stated  : 

"  There  was  in  fact  no  editor-in-chief  of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  ;  there  was 
a  kind  of  autonomous  editorial  arrangement,  but  I  was  looked  to  as  the 
editor-in-chief.  I  mean  in  the  editorial  department  every  one  wrote  what 
he  pleased,  and  it  was  published  without  my  looking  at  it.  I  never  assumed 
any  responsibility  for  the  editorials.  I  never  was  made  responsible  by  the 
company  for  the  management  of  the  paper.  Schwab's  salary  was  the  same 
as  mine  ;  our  positions  were  coordinate.  The  management  of  the  paper 
was  left  with  the  board  of  trustees  ;  the  editors  had  very  little  to  say  about 
it.  Nobody  looked  over  the  editorials  before  they  were  inserted.  Contrib- 
uted articles  were  looked  over  sometimes  by  one  of  the  reporters,  some- 
times by  Schwab  or  Schroeder,  or  myself.  Schroeder  was  editor  for  four 
months.  I  usually  glanced  at  the  paper  to  keep  track  of  what  it  contained. 
Fischer  was  merely  a  compositor  of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  ;  he  had  nothing  to 


SPIES'   CROSS-EXAMINATION.  519 

do  with  the  editorials  or  management  of  the  paper.  I  had  nothing  to  do  with 
the  Alarm,  except  for  four  or  five  weeks,  when  I  edited  it  in  the  absence  of 
Mr.  Parsons." 

"Was  money  ever  sent  you  for  the  Alarm  ?  " 

"There  was.      I  also  paid  the  bills  for  the  printing  of  the  Alarm." 

"  Did  you  ever  write  contributions  for  the  Alarm  ?  " 

"I  have  occasionally,  whenever  they  were  in  need  of  manuscript.  Of 
the  bombs  I  had  I  received  the  two  iron  cast  ones  first.  That  was  about 
three  years  ago.  A  man  who  gave  his  name  as  Schwape  or  Schwoep 
brought  them  to  me.  I  only  saw  him  once.  I  think  he  was  a  shoe- 
maker, came  from  Cleveland,  and  left  for  New  Zealand.  He  asked  me 
if  my  name  was  Spies.  I  told  him  yes  ;  and  he  asked  me  if  I  had  seen 
any  of  the  bombs  that  they  were  making,  or  something  like  that.  I  don't 
know  to  whom  he  referred  by  'they.'  He  spoke  of  people  in  Cleveland 
with  whom  he  had  associated  ;  I  didn't  ask  him  and  didn't  know  what 
class  of  people.  I  said  I  hadn't  seen  any  of  them.  I  don't  remember  any- 
thing more  about  the  conversation  I  had  with  him.  I  would  have  twelve  or 
fifteen  conversations  every  day  ;  this  one  was  out  of  the  order  of  my  regular 
conversations  ;  my  recollection  is,  I  got  rid  of  him  as  soon  as  he  would 
leave.  He  left  those  there ;  he  said  he  would  not  take  them  along.  I  didn't 
ask  him  if  he  had  any  more  with  him.  They  were  bombs  exploding  by  per- 
cussion, heavier  on  one  side  than  on  the  other,  so  that  when  they  were 
thrown  the  cap  would  always  come  down.  I  think  they  were  at  the  Arbeiter- 
Zeitung  on  May  4.  I  never  saw  the  man  before  or  after  that.  The  other 
two  bombs  which  Wilkinson  called  'Czar  bombs,'  a  term  which  I  never 
used  to  him,  were  left  one  day,  in  my  absence,  in  the  office.  When  I  came 
from  dinner  I  saw  them  on  my  desk  and  was  told  that  a  man  had  brought 
them  there  to  inquire  whether  they  were  bombs  of  a  good  construction,  and 
the  man  never  called  for  them.  That  was  about  a  year  and  a  half  or  two 
years  ago.  One  I  gave  to  Wilkinson  ;  the  other  one,  I  suppose,  was  at  the 
office  ever  since.  I  don't  know  what  became  of  it  and  of  the  two  iron 
bombs.  I  had  not  seen  them  for  some  time,  but  I  thought  they  were  at  the 
office.  I  got  the  dynamite  about  two  years  ago  from  the  y£tna  Powder 
Company.  I  got  two  of  those  bars.  My  intention  at  first  was  to  experiment 
with  them."  , 

"What  object  did  you  have  in  experimenting  with  the  dynamite?" 

"  I  had  read  a  great  deal  about  dynamite  and  thought  it  would  be  a  good 
thing  to  get  acquainted  with  its  use,  just  the  same  as  I  would  take  a  re- 
volver and  go  out  and  practice  with  it.  I  don't  want  to  say,  however,  that 
it  was  merely  for  curiosity.  I  can  give  no  further  explanation.  I  got  the 
caps  and  the  fuse,  because  I  would  need  them  to  experiment  with.  I  was 
never  present,  to  the  best  of  my  recollection,  when  experiments  were  made 
with  dynamite.  Neither  bombs  nor  dynamite  were  ever  distributed  through 
the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  office.  I  did  not  tell  Mr.  Wilkinson  that  they  were. 
I  never  handled  any  dynamite  outside  of  the  two  cartridges ;  never  had 
anything  to  do  with  the  distribution  of  dynamite.  I  know  Herr  Most :  I 
guess  I  have  known  him  for  three  years.  This  letter  here  is  from  Most. 
I  do  not  know  whether  I  answered  that  letter.  I  cannot  remember." 

"  In  whose  handwriting  is  this  postal  card  ?  " 

"It  is  Most's  handwriting.  I  suppose  I  received  it —  I  see  my  address 
on  it.  I  do  not  remember  having  read  that  postal  or  this  letter  at  this  date. 
I  don't  remember  the  contents  of  that  letter.  I  have  undoubtedly  received 


520  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

and  read  it,  but  don't  recollect  anything  about  it  now.  I  never  carried  on 
any  correspondence  with  Most.  I  don't  remember  whether  I  answered  the 
postal  card,  and  whether  I  said  or  wrote  to  Most  anything  in  regard  to  the 
inquiries  made  of  me  in  this  letter.  I  know  positively  I  did  not  give  him 
the  directions  where  to  ship  the  material  mentioned  in  the  letter.  There 
may  have  been  a  letter  addressed  in  my  care  which  I  may  have  sent  to 
Most,  but  I  know  absolutely  nothing  outside  of  that. 

"As  to  the  phrase,'  The  social  revolution,'  which  occurs  in  my  writings,  I 
mean  by  it  the  evolutionary  process,  or  changes  from  one  system  to  another, 
which  take  place  in  society ;  I  meant  a  change  from  a  wage  system,  from 
the  present  relations  between  labor  and  capital,  to  some  other  system.  By 
the  abolition  of  the  wage  system  I  mean  the  doing  away  with  the  spolia- 
tion of  labor,  making  the  worker  the  owner  of  his  own  product. 

"  I  was  invited  to  go  to  the  Haymarket  meeting  at  nine  o'clock  on  Tuesday, 
by  Mr.  Fischer.  It  was  about  eleven  o'clock  when  I  objected  to  that  last  line 
in  the  circular.  I  objected  to  that  principally  because  I  thought  it  was  ridic- 
ulous to  put  a  phrase  in  which  would  prevent  people  from  attending  the  meet- 
ing. Another  reason  was  that  there  was  some  excitement  at  that  time,  and 
a  call  for  arms  like  that  might  have  caused  trouble  between  the  police  and  the 
attendants  of  that  meeting.  I  did  not  anticipate  anything  of  the  kind,  but  I 
thought  it  was  not  a  proper  thing  to  put  that  line  in.  I  wrote  the  '  Revenge  ' 
circular,  everything  except  the  word  '  Revenge.'  I  wrote  the  words,  '  Work- 
ingmen,  to  arms  ! '  When  I  wrote  it  I  thought  it  was  proper ;  I  don't  think 
so  now.  I  wrote  it  to  arouse  the  working  people,  who  are  stupid  and  igno- 
rant, to  a  consciousness  of  the  condition  that  they  were  in,  not  to  submit  to 
such  brutal  treatment  as  that  by  which  they  had  been  shot  down  at  Mc- 
Cormick's  on  the  previous  day.  I  wanted  them  not  to  attend  meetings  under 
such  circumstances,  unless  they  could  resist.  I  did  not  want  them  to  do 
anything  in  particular —  I  did  not  want  to  do  anything.  That  I  called  them 
to  arms  is  a  phrase,  probably  an  extravagance.  I  did  intend  that  they 
should  arm  themselves.  I  have  called  upon  the  workingmen  for  years  and 
years,  and  others  have  done  the  same  thing  before  me,  to  arm  themselves. 
They  have  a  right,  under  the  Constitution,  to  arm  themselves,  and  it  would 
be  well  for  them  if  they  were  all  armed.  I  called  on  them  to  arm  them- 
selves, not  for  the  purpose  of  resisting  the  lawfully  constituted  authorities 
of  the  city  and  county,  in  case  they  should  meet  with  opposition  from  them, 
but  for  the  purpose  of  resisting  the  unlawful  attacks  of  the  police  or  the 
unconstitutional  and  unlawful  demands  of  any  organization,  whether  police, 
militia  or  any  other.  I  have  not  urged  them  in  my  speeches  and  editorials 
to  arm  themselves  in  order  to  bring  about  a  social  revolution  or  in  order  to 
overthrow  the  lawful  authority  of  the  country." 

The  letter  referred  to  as  that  of  Most,  which  was  in  German,  and  which 
was  dated  1884,  was  then  put  in  evidence  and  read,  as  follows  : 

1 '  Dear  Spies  :  —  Are  you  sure  that  the  letter  from  the  Hocking  Valley  was  not  written  by  a 
detective  ?  In  a  week  I  will  go  to  Pittsburg,  and  I  have  an  inclination  to  go  also  to  the 
Hocking  Valley.  For  the  present  I  send  you  some  printed  matter.  There  Sch.  'H.'also 
existed  but  on  paper.  I  told  you  this  some  months  ago.  On  the  other  hand  I  am  in  a  con- 
dition to  furnish  'medicine,'  and  the  '  genuine  '  article  at  that.  Directions  for  use  are  per- 
haps not  needed  with  these  people.  Moreover  they  were  recently  published  in  the  '  Fr. ' 
The  appliances  I  can  also  send.  Now,  if  you  consider  the  address  of  Buchtell  thoroughly 
reliable,  I  will  ship  twenty  or  twenty-five  pounds  But  how  ?  Is  there  an  express  line  to 
the  place,  or  is  there  another  way  possible  ?  Paulus,  the  Great,  seems  to  delight  in  hopping 
around  in  the  swamps  of  the  N.  Y.  V.  Z.  like  a  blown-up  (bloated)  frog.  His  tirades  excite 


PARSONS  ON  THE  STAND.  521 

general  detestation.  He  has  made  himself  immensely  ridiculous.  The  main  thing  is  only 
that  the  fellow  cannot  smuggle  any  more  rotten  elements  into  the  newspaper  company  than 
are  already  in  it.  Iii  this  regard,  the  caution  is  important  to  be  on  the  minute.  The  organ- 
ization here  is  no  better  nor  worse  than  formerly.  Our  group  has  about  the  strength  of  the 
North  Side  group  in  Chicago  ;  and  then,  besides  this,  we  have  also  the  Soc.  Rev.  §  i,  the 
Austrian  League  and  the  Bohemian  League,  so  to  say  three  more  groups.  Finally,  it  is  easily 
seen  that  our  influence  with  the  trade  organizations  is  steadily  growing.  We  insert  our 
meetings  in  the  Fr.,  and  cannot  notice  that  they  are  worse  attended  than  at  the  time  when 
we  got  through  weekly  $1.50  to  $2.00  into  the  mouth  of  the  N.  Y.  V.  Z.  Don't  forget  to  put 
yourself  into  communication  with  Drury  in  reference  to  the  English  organ.  He  will  surely 
work  with  you  much  and  well.  Such  a  paper  is  more  necessary  as  to  the  truth.  This, 
indeed,  is  getting  more  miserable  and  confused  from  issue  to  issue,  and  in  general  is  whist- 
ling from  the  last  hole.  Enclosed  is  a  fly-leaf  which  recently  appeared  at  Emden,  and  is 
perhaps  adapted  for  reprint.  Greeting  to  Schwab,  Rau  and  to  you.  Yours, 

"JOHANN    MOST. 

"  P.  S. — To  Buchtell  I  will,  of  course,  write  for  the  present  only  in  general  terms. 
"A.  SPIES,  No.  107  Fifth  Avenue,  Chicago,  Illinois." 

The  postal  card  referred  to  was  also  put  in  evidence  and  read,  as 
follows  : 

"  L.  S.  (Dear  Spies  :}  I  had  scarcely  mailed  my  letter  yesterday  when  the  telegraph 
brought  news  from  H.  M.  One  does  not  know  whether  to  rejoice  over  that  or  not.  The 
advance  is  in  itself  elevating.  Sad  is  the  circumstance  that  it  will  remain  local,  and,  there- 
fore, might  not  have  a  result.  At  any  rate,  these  people  make  a  better  impression  than  the 
foolish  voters  on  this  and  the  other  side  of  the  ocean.  Greetings  and  a  shake. 

"Yours,  J.  M." 

ALBERT  R.  PARSONS  made  the  following  statement  in  his  own  behalf : 

"  I  have  resided  in  Chicago  for  thirteen  years.  I  was  born  June  20,  1848. 
On  Sunday,  May  2,  I  was  in  the  city  of  Cincinnati,  Ohio.  Came  back  from 
there  to  Chicago  on  Tuesday  morning,  May  4th,  between  seven  and  eight 
o'clock.  I  caused  a  notice  calling  for  a  meeting  of  the  American  group  at 
107  Fifth  Avenue,  on  the  evening  of  May  4th,  to  be  inserted  in  the  Daily 
Neivs  of  that  evening.  In  the  evening  I  left  my  house  in  company  with 
Mrs.  Holmes,  my  wife  and  two  children,  about  eight  o'clock.  We  walked 
from  home  until  we  got  to  Randolph  and  Halsted  Streets.  There  I  met  two 
reporters  that  I  have  seen  frequently  at  workingmen's  meetings.  One  of 
them  was  a  reporter  whose  name  I  don't  know ;  the  other  was  Mr. 
Heineman  of  the  Tribune.  There  Mrs.  Holmes,  my  wife  and  children  and 
myself  took  a  car  and  rode  directly  to  the  meeting  at  107  Fifth  Avenue. 
We  arrived  there  about  half-past  eight  and  remained  about  half  an  hour. 
After  the  business  for  which  the  meeting  had  been  called  was  about  through, 
some  one,  I  understood  it  was  a  committee,  came  over  from  the  Haymarket 
and  said  that  there  was  a  large  body  of  people  and  no  speakers  there  except 
Mr.  Spies,  and  myself  and  Mr.  Fielden  were  urged  to  come  over  to  address 
the  mass-meeting.  After  finishing  up  the  work,  we  adjourned  and  walked 
over.  Fielden  and  myself  crossed  the  river  through  the  tunnel.  There 
were  three  or  four  others  present,  but  I  don't  remember  their  names.  I 
think  it  was  after  nine  o'clock  when  I  reached  the  meeting  on  Desplaines 
Street  near  the  Haymarket.  Mr.  Spies  was  speaking.  I  managed  to 
squeeze  through  the  crowd,  was  assisted  upon  the  wagon  at  once  by  some 
gentlemen  standing  about,  and  within  a  minute  or  two  Mr.  Spies  concluded, 
stated  that  I  had  arrived  and  would  address  the  meeting,  and  asked  their 
attention  while  I  was  talking.  I  suppose  I  spoke  about  three-quarters  of 
an  hour.  At  the  close  of  my  speech  I  got  down  from  the  wagon.  I  think  I 
was  assisted  by  Henry  Spies,  who  was  standing  by  the  wagon.  Then  I 
went  to  the  wagon  which  stood  about  fifteen  or  twenty  feet  north  of  the 


522  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

speakers'  wagon,  on  which  my  wife  and  Mrs.  Holmes  were  seated,  listening 
to  us.  I  got  into  that  wagon,  asked  them  how  they  were  enjoying  them- 
selves, etc.,  and  while  talking  with  them,  about  ten  minutes  later,  a  coolness 
in  the  atmosphere  attracted  my  attention.  I  looked  up  and  observed  white 
clouds  rolling  over  from  the  north,  and  as  I  didn't  want  the  ladies  to  get 
wet,  I  went  on  to  the  speakers'  wagon  and  said  :  '  Mr.  Fielden,  permit  me 
to  interrupt  you  a  moment.'  'Certainly,'  he  said.  And  I  said:  'Gentle- 
men, it  appears  as  though  it  would  rain.  It  is  getting  late.  We  might  as 
well  adjourn  anyway,  but  if  you  desire  to  continue  the  meeting  longer,  we 
can  adjourn  to  Zepf's  Hall,  on  the  corner  near  by.'  Some  one  in  the  crowd 
said  :  '  No,  we  can't ;  it  is  occupied  by  a  meeting  of  the  furniture  workers.' 
With  that  I  looked  and  saw  the  lights  through  the  windows  of  the  hall,  and 
said  nothing  further.  Mr.  Fielden  remarked  that  it  did  not  matter  ;  he  had 
only  a  few  words  more  to  say.  I  went  over  again  to  where  the  ladies  were, 
helped  them  off  the  wagon  and  told  them  to  go  down  to  this  corner  place, 
and  we  would  all  get  together  and  go  home.  They  walked  off,  and  some 
one  detained  me  for  a  moment ;  then  I  followed  them  and  met  near  the  edge 
of  the  crowd  a  man  whom  I  knew  very  familiarly —  Mr.  Brown.  I  asked 
him  to  have  a  drink  with  me,  as  the  speaking  had  made  me  hoarse,  and  we 
moved  off  a  little  in  the  rear  of  the  ladies,  to  the  saloon.  There  had  been 
no  appearance  of  the  police,  no  explosion  or  any  disturbance  up  to  that 
time.  As  I  entered  the  saloon  I  noticed  some  four  or  five  gentlemen  stand- 
ing at  the  bar.  There  were  possibly  as  many  as  ten  people  sitting  at  tables 
on  the  other  side  next  the  wall,  and  about  five  or  six  men  standing  in  the 
center  of  the  floor  talking  to  each  other,  among  whom  I  noticed  Mr.  Malkoff, 
talking  to  a  gentleman  whom  I  did  not  know,  but  I  supposed  he  was  a 
reporter.  He  was  upon  the  witness-stand  in  this  trial.  I  believe  it  was  Mr. 
Allen.  The  ladies  took  seats  about  ten  feet  from  the  door,  in  the  saloon,  at 
the  end  of  the  first  table,  with  their  backs  to  it,  looking  into  the  street.  I 
said  something  to  them,  and  I  believe  just  then  I  introduced  some  one  to 
Mrs.  Parsons.  Afterwards  I  went  to  the  bar  with  Brown,  and  we  had  a 
glass  of  beer  and  a  cigar.  Then  I  turned  around  and  noticed  Mr.  Fischer 
sitting  at  one  of  the  tables  and  said  a  few  words  to  him  and  sat  down  at  the 
table  for  a  few  moments.  Then  I  think  I  went  around  to  where  the  ladies 
were,  and  I  was  standing  near  them  looking  out  and  wondering  if  the  meet- 
ing would  not  close,  anxious  to  go  home.  All  at  once  I  saw  an  illumination. 
It  lit  up  the  whole  street,  followed  instantly  by  a  deafening  roar,  and  almost 
simultaneously  volleys  of  shots  followed,  every  flash  of  which,  it  seemed  to 
me,  I  could  see.  The  best  comparison  I  can  make  in  my  mind  is  that  it 
was  as  though  a  hundred  men  held  in  their  hands  repeating  revolvers  and 
fired  them  as  rapidly  as  possible  until  they  were  all  gone.  That  was  the 
first  volley.  Then  there  were  occasional  shots,  and  one  or  two  bullets 
whistled  near  the  door  and  struck,  the  sign.  I  was  transfixed.  Mrs.  Par- 
sons did  not  move.  In  a  moment  two  or  three  men  rushed  breathlessly  in 
at  the  door.  That  broke  the  apparent  charm  that  was  on  us  by  the  occur- 
rence in  the  street,  and  with  that  I  called  upon  my  wife  and  Mrs.  Holmes 
to  come  with  me  to  the  rear  of  the  saloon.  We  remained  there,  possibly, 
twenty  minutes  or  so." 

On  cross-examination  Parsons  said  : 

"  I  was  born  in  Montgomery,   Alabama.      Since  I  came    to    Chicago   I 
worked  as  a  type-setter  for  the  first  eight  or  nine  years ;  then  for  a  year  and 


PARSONS'   CROSS-EXAMINATION.  523, 

a  half  myself  and  wife  had  a  suit  business  on  Larrabee  street ;  then  for  about 
a  year  and  a  half  myself  and  wife  made  ladies'  wrappers  and  suits,  and  I 
went  out  soliciting  orders.  For  the  last  two  years,  since  October,  1884, 
I  was  editor  of  the  Alarm.  It  was  a  weekly  paper  for  about  a  year,  and 
then  a  semi-monthly.  I  wrote  down  the  memorandum  of  my  utterances  on 
the  night  of  May  4th,  which  I  used  in  giving  my  testimony  as  to  my  speech, 
from  time  to  time,  as  they  occurred  to  me,  and  in  looking  over  Mr.  English's, 
report.  When  I  referred  to  the  methods  which  the  Chicago  Times  and  the 
Chicago  Tribune  and  Tom  Scott  advised  against  striking  workingmen,  I  told 
them  they  should  defend  themselves  against  such  things  in  any  way  they 
could,  by  arming,  if  necessary.  I  did  not  mention  dynamite  at  that  meeting. 
I  possibly  mentioned  it  at  other  meetings.  I  said  nothing  about  bombs  that 
night,  neither  as  a  defensive  means,  or  something  to  use  against  them.  I 
did  not,  when  I  said  that  the  present  social  system  must  be  changed  in 
the  interest  of  humanity,  explain  to  them  how  the  social  change  should  be 
brought  about,  because  I  did  not  know  myself.  I  think  I  told  the  audience 
that  the  existing  order  of  things  was  founded  upon  and  maintained  by  force, 
and  that  the  actions  of  the  monopolists  and  corporations  would  drive  the 
people  into  the  use  of  force  before  they  could  obtain  redress.  I  might  have 
stated  that  —  I  am  not  sure.  I  did  not  tell  them  that  the  ballot  was  useless 
for  them  because  the  majority  was  against  them.  That  is  not  correct  ;  the 
workingmen  are  vastly  in  the  majority.  I  did  not  tell  them  that  night  that 
the  only  way  they  could  obtain  their  rights  was  by  overturning  the  existing 
order  of  things  by  force.  I  could  not  tell  whether  there  were  any  strikers 
present  that  night.  There  were  very  few  Socialists  present.  I  am  a 
Socialist.  I  am  an  Anarchist,  as  I  understand  it." 

W.  A.  S.  GRAHAM,  a  reporter  with  no  Anarchistic  tendencies,  had  inter- 
viewed Harry  Gilmer  at  the  City  Hall  as  to  what  he  had  seen  at  the  Hay- 
market  and  who  threw  the  bomb. 

HARRY  GILMER  was  then  recalled  by  the  defendants  and  stated  that  he 
had  seen  the  gentleman  (pointing  to  Graham)  at  the  Central  Station,  and 
that  he  (Graham)  asked  him  if  he  could  identify  the  man  who  threw  the 
bomb.  Gilmer  had  answered  that  he  could  if  he  saw  him.  Witness  did  not 
say  during  the  conversation  that  he  saw  the  man  throw  the  bomb,  but  that 
the  man  had  his  back  to  him  and  had  whiskers.  Witness  did  not  say  that 
the  man  was  of  medium  size  with  dark  clothes,  and  that  he  saw  him  light 
the  fuse  and  throw  the  bomb.' 

Mr.  Graham  was  recalled  and  stated  that  the  man  (Gilmer)  just  on  the 
stand  had  told  him  that  he  saw  the  ma/i  light  the  fuse  and  throw  the  bomb, 
and  that  he  could  identify  him  if  he  saw  him.  Gilmer  told  him  that  the 
man  was  of  medium  height,  and  thought  he  had  whiskers  and  wore  a  soft 
black  hat,  but  had  his  back  turned  toward  him.  On  cross-examination  wit- 
ness said  : 

"  I  had  this  conversation  about  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  of  May  5th. 
I  talked  with  him  about  three  or  four  minutes.  He  said  nothing  about  there 
being  more  than  one  man  at  that  location,  a  knot  of  men,  or  anything  of  that 
kind.  He  said  that  one  man  lighted  the  fuse  and  threw  the  bomb  ;  he  did 


•524  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

not  say  anything  about  how  it  was  lighted,  whether  with  a  match  or  a  cigar, 
I  did  not  ask  him  that.  He  said  he  was  standing  in  Crane's  alley  when  it 
was  done. 

This  closed  the  evidence  for  the  defense,  and  by  agreement  several 
newspaper  articles  and  an  address  of  Victor  Hugo  to  the  "  Rich  and  Poor" 
were  introduced.  The  State  then  proceeded  to  put  in  rebutting  testimony. 

DANIEL  SCULLY,  a  justice  of  the  peace,  was  first  examined.  He  stated 
that  at  the  preliminary  examination,  held  on  the  25th  of  May,  Officer  Wess- 
ler  had  not  stated  in  his  testimony  that  Stenner  was  the  man  who  fired 
the  shot  from  the  wagon ;  neither  had  Officer  Foley  so  stated. 

"  Did  he,  at  that  time,  give  a  description  of  the  man  who  fired  the  shot 
over  the  wagon  that  night  as  a  stout  man  with  heavy  whiskers,  saying  at 
the  same  time  that  if  he  ever  saw  him  again  he  thought  he  could  identify 
him  ?  "  "Yes,  sir.  Stenner  was  discharged  upon  that  examination." 

INSPECTOR  JOHN  BONFIELD  met  Mr.  Simonson,  a  witness  in  this  case,  at 
the  police  station  on  the  night  of  the.  Haymarket  riot.  The  man  was  intro- 
duced to  him  by  Capt.  Ward  as  a  member  of  the  firm  of  J.V.  Farwell  &  Co. 

"We  three  stood  together  outside  of  the  railing.  Mr.  Simonson 
opened  the  conversation  by  remarking  to  me  that  he  understood  that  the 
horses  belonging  to  the  Police  Department  were  getting  used  up  with  the 
constant  work  they  had,  and  that  either  Mr.  Farwell  or  the  firm  —  I  under- 
stood him  to  say  Mr.  Farwell  —  that  their  horses  were  at  our  service  in  case 
we  needed  any  horses.  I  told  him  that  our  teams  had  stood  the  work  so 
far  very  well,  but  that  if  the  troubles  continued  for  any  length  of  time  we 
would  likely  need  assistance  and  would  call  upon  him  if  occasion  demanded 
it,  thanking  him  for  his  offer.  He  then  spoke  about  the  trouble  at  McCor- 
mick's  and  on  Centre  Avenue  and  Eighteenth  Street  that  afternoon,  and 
said  the  police  ought  to  have  dispersed  those  crowds  ;  not  to  have  allowed 
them  to  collect.  I  did  not,  in  the  course  of  that  conversation,  tell  him  that 
I  would  like  to  get  a  crowd  of  3,000  without  any  women  and  children,  and 
in  that  case  would  make  short  work  of  them,  or  anything  to  that  effect." 

The  most  important  part  of  the  work  done  by  the  State  at  this  phase  of 
the  proceedings  was  the  strong  indorsement  of  Harry  W.  Gihner's  veracity 
which  was  produced  before  the  jury.  To  the  credibility  of  this  witness,  and 
to  their  acquaintance  with,  and  respect  for  him,  the  following  persons  testi- 
fied :  Judge  Tuthill  of  the  Superior  Court,  Chas.  A.  Dibble,  John  Steele, 
Michael  Smith,  Benjamin  F.  Knowles,  Chester  C.  Cole,  ex- Judge  of  the 
Supreme  Court  of  Iowa,  Edward  R.  Mason,  Clerk  of  the  U.  S.  Circuit  Court  at 
Des  Moines,  Samuel  Merrill,  President  of  the  Citizens'  National  Bank  of 
Des  Moines,  Canute  R.  Matson,  Sheriff  of  Cook  County,  Sylvanus  Edin- 
burn,  W.  P.  Hardy,  John  L.  Manning,  an  attorney,  and  many  others. 
Many  of  these  witnesses  had  known  Gilmer  in  Iowa  for  many  years ;  others 
were  old  acquaintances  of  his  in  Chicago;  all  of  them  swore  that  he  was 
worthy  of  belief. 


CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

Opening  of  the  Argument  —  Mr.  Walker's  Speech  — The  Law  of  the  Case- 

— Was  there  a  Conspiracy? — The  Caliber  of  the  Bullets — Tightening  the  Chain  —  A 
Propaganda  on  the  Witness-stand — The  Eight-hour  Movement —  "  One  Single  Bomb  " 
— The  Cry  of  the  Revolutionist  —  Avoiding  the  Mouse-trap  —  Parsons  and  the  Murder 
—  Studying  "Revolutionary  War" — Lingg  and  his  Bomb  Factory — The  Alibi  Idea. 

THE  evidence  being  now  all  in,  Francis  W.  Walker,  Assistant  State's 
Attorney,  on  the  morning  of  August  nth,  began  his  address  to  the 
jury.  Although  his  argument  was  an  exceedingly  lengthy  one,  he  held  his 
audience  and  the  jury  to  the  closest  attention  from  the  first  word  to  the 
last.  Mr.  Walker  began  by  an  examination  of  the  law,  defining  what  is 
meant  by  the  term  "reasonable  doubt,"  which  he  believed  would  be  one  of 
the  arguments  used  by  the  defense.  Following  this  he  read  the  statutes 
showing  what  murder  is,  and  what  an  accessory,  under  the  laws  of  Illinois. 
Under  the  statute,  as  he  proved,  an  accessory  is  to  be  held  as  a  principal. 
Following  this  he  reviewed  at  some  length  Mr.  Salomon's  statement,  in 
that  gentleman's  opening  speech,  that  the  prisoners  had  been  guilty,  if 
they  were  guilty  at  all,  of  no  crime  more  serious  than  conspiracy.  Mr. 
Walker  held  that  the  fact  that  murder  had  followed  the  conspiracy  proved; 
the  conspirators  murderers.  His  logic  was  clear,  cogent  and  unanswerable.. 
Its  effect  could  be  seen  in  the  gloomy  attention  which  the  doomed  Anar- 
chists paid  to  his  fatal  chain  of  reasoning. 

Leaving  the  authorities  to  one  side,  Mr.  Walker  addressed  himself  to> 
the  facts  made  manifest  by  the  evidence.  He  said  : 

"We  start  out  first  upon  the  analysis  of  the  facts  of  this  case  in  this- 
way  :  Was  there  an  unlawful  combination,  a  conspiracy,  to  overthrow  the 
systems  of  this  Government  upon  the  ist  day  of  May,  1886?  Was  the 
bomb  thrown  on  the  4th  of  May  in  pursuance  of  the  common  design  ?' 
Are  these  defendants  members  of  that  conspiracy?  When  those  questions 
are  answered  in  the  affirmative  the  guilt  of  each  and  every  one  of  these 
defendants  of  murder  is  proven  beyond  a  reasonable  doubt.  But,  if  we  go> 
further  than  that,  the  argument  would  embrace  the  topic  :  Was  there  a  mur- 
der committed  at  the  Haymarket?  Did  the  defendants  aid,  abet  and  assist 
the  commission  of  that  act  ?  Or,  if  they  were  not  present  aiding,  abetting 
and  assisting,  had  they  advised,  encouraged,  aided  and  abetted  the  perpe- 
tration  of  the  crime  ?  Under  either  aspect  of  this  case,  the  defendants  are 
guilty  of  murder  with  malice  aforethought. 

"Was  there  a  conspiracy?  Was  there  a  conspiracy  to  culminate  on  or 
about  the  ist  day  of  May?  Were  the  defendants  members  of  that  con- 
spiracy? Was  the  conspiracy  unlawful?  Was  the  bomb  thrown  in  pursu- 
ance of  the  common  design  ?  Let  us  investigate  the  facts  and  answer  each 
proposition." 

Mr.  Walker  went  into  the  peculiar  fact  that  the  bullets  found  in  the 


526 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 


bodies  of  the  officers  were  22  and  44-caliber  ;  the  officers  carried  38-caliber. 
The  witnesses  who  had  appeared  for  the  defense  in  this  case  were  armed 
with  pistols  of  the  first-named  sizes. 

He  read  to  the  jury  many  remarkable  extracts  from  Host's  writings, 
pointing  out  the  peculiar  and  criminal  teachings  of  that  Anarchist  leader, 
and  showing  how  Spies  and  the  others  had  in  every  detail  of  their  connec- 
tion with  the  police,  after  the  Haymarket  murders,  followed  the  printed 
advice  given. 

Following  is  one  of  the  extracts  from  Host's  book  : 

' '  Shield  your  person  as  long  as  there  is  a  possibility  to  preserve  it  for  future  deeds,  but 
when  you  see  that  you  are  irredeemably  lost,  then  use  the  short  respite  to  make  the  most  of 
it  for  the  propaganda  of  your  principles.  We  have  regarded  it  our  duty  to  give  you  these 

instructions,  the  more  so  as  we  see  from  day  to  day 
even  people  who  are  expert  in  revolutionary  mat- 
ters violating  even  the  plainest  rules.  May  their 
lives  be  the  last  which  are  necessary  in  this  regard. 

"  I  read  you,  gentlemen,  this,  so  that 
we  may  start  out  from  the  proper  stand- 
point and  position,  before  we  argue  as  to 
the  merits  of  the  testimony  of  the  defen- 
dants' witnesses  in  this  case.  Who  are 
they  ?  Who  is  their  advisor  ?  Why,  they 
have  started  out  in  social  life  agreeing  to 
swear  to  perjury.  They  belong  to  the 
Social  Revolution.  There  is  not  one  of 
them,  gentlemen,  that  bears  upon  his  face 
the  stamp  of  sensibility  or  of  heart,  and 
there  can  be  no  argument  made  when 
they  talk  about  the  motive  to  justify  mur- 
der and  the  advice  of  murder,  only  from 
the  malignant  heart.  Here  they  picture 
murder  and  gloat  over  it.  They  feast 
over  the  description  of  how  to  poison 
easiest,  as  the  hyena  does  over  the  corpse  of  the  dead. 

"  Host  laughs  in  his  own  book.  He  tells  to  the  '  mere  compositor ' : 
'  Use  a  dagger  with  grooves  in  it ;  the  poison  will  stay  on  it  the  more 
readily.'  And  a  file  is  adopted  for  the  purpose. 

"  Gentlemen,  we  have  found  without  any  further  analysis  the  reason  why 
the  defendant  Parsons  converted  the  witness-stand  into  a  propaganda.  It 
took  him  an  hour  by  the  clock  here  to  repeat  the  substance  of  the  speech 
that  he  delivered  in  less  than  three-quarters  of  an  hour  upon  the  Harket 
Square.  He  endeavored  to  deny  the  conspiracy  by  an  alibi ;  and  I  mean 
by  that  the  conspiracy  upon  the  night  of  Hay  4th.  He  only  said  he  was  in 
Cincinnati  on  Sunday,  and  did  not  get  back  until  Tuesday  morning.  They 
never  asked  him  if  he  knew  what  'Ruhe'  meant.  They  did  not  ask  Schwab 
if  he  knew  what '  Ruhe  '  meant.  The  only  defendant  that  they  have  asked 
as  to  his  personal  knowledge  of  'Ruhe'  is  the  defendant  Fielden  —  the  only 
one,  the  only  one  from  the  beginning  to  the  close  of  this  case. 

"Was  there  a  conspiracy  ?  There  has  been  a  conspiracy  existing  in  this 
•community  to  overthrow  the  law  of  the  State  of  Illinois  by  force,  for  years 


FRANCIS   W.    WALKER. 
From  a  Photograph. 


SPIES1   GROTESQUE   VANITY.  527 

and  years.  In  1885,  upon  the  anniversary  of  the  birth  of  George  Washing- 
ton, in  the  city  of  Grand  Rapids,  the  arch-conspirator  in  this  case  —  because 
he  is  the  one  that  is  the  most  contemptible  —  said  in  the  city  of  Grand  Rap- 
ids —  I  refer  you  now  to  the  testimony  of  Mr.  Moulton  and  George  Schook  : 
'  There  are  three  thousand  men,  armed,  in  the  city  of  Chicago,  secretly 
drilled.  They  are  known  by  numbers  and  not  by  names.  Whoever  wishes 
to  join  may  join,  but  before  you  have  joined  you  cannot  know  their  secrets, 
Mr.  Moulton.  There  will  be  a  revolution  when  the  eight-hour  movement 
takes  place.  We  will  favor  the  eight-hour  not  because  we  believe  in  it,  but 
because  it  will  assist  us  in  the  social  revolution,  and  the  eight-hour  move- 
ment will  occur  on  or  about  the  ist  of  May,  1886.  If  I  fail,  I  shall  be 
hanged.'  And  then  the  man  that  puts  the  word  'Ruhe'  for  the  purpose 
of  this  case  on  the  shoulder  of  Fischer,  compares  himself  to  George  Wash- 
ington, and  in  his  grotesque  and  horrible  vanity  says  :  '  I  am  a  rebel,  and  if 
I  don't  succeed  I  shall  be  hanged.' 

"  On  October,  17,  1885,  in  the  city  of  Chicago,  at  the  West  Twelfth  Street 
Turner  Hall,  August  Spies  again,  in  a  public  meeting,  admitted  the  great 
conspiracy  and  again  foreshadowed  the  coming  revolution  on  the  first  of 
May  ;  and  this  was  published  by  his  coordinate  editor  in  the  Alarm,  at  the 
same  office,  107  Fifth  Avenue,  Mr.  Parsons. 

"The  defendant  Spies  has  been  upon  the  stand.  He  only  denied  as  to 
a  conspiracy,  and  never  whispered  a  word  of  denial  except  when  he  got  to 
the  word  '  Ruhe.'  Without  explanation  he  could  never  escape  the  effect 
of  that  word,  and  his  explanation  is  the  evidence  of  his  guilt ;  he  tried  to 
put  that  on  Fischer. 

'  'August  Spies  was  introduced  at  this  point  and  offered  the  following  resolutions  :  Whereas, 
a  general  move  has  been  started  among  the  organized  wage-workers  of  this  country  for  the 
establishment  of  an  eight-hour  work-=day,  to  begin  on  May  i,  1886;  whereas,  it  is  to  be 
expected  that  the  class  of  professional  idlers,  the  governing  class  who  prey  upon  the  bone  and 
marrow  of  the  useful  members  of  society,  will  resist  this  attempt  by  calling  to  their  assistance 
the  Pinkertons,  the  police  and  State  militia  :  Therefore,  be  it 

"Resolved,  That  we  urge  upon  all  wage-workers  the  necessity  of  procuring  arms  before  the 
inauguration  of  the  proposed  eight-hour  strike,  in  order  to  be  in  a  position  of  meeting  our  foe 
with  their  own  argument,  force. 

"  Here  is  shown  the  sincerity  of  these  men  in  their  endeavor  to  ameliorate 
the  laborer  —  as  they  call  it,  the  wage-worker. 

' '  Resolved,  That  while  we  are  skeptical  in  regard  to  the  benefits  that  will  accrue  to  the  wage- 
worker  from  the  introduction  of  the  eight-hour  work-day,  we  nevertheless  pledge  ourselves  to 
aid  and  assist  our  brethren  of  this  class  with  all  that  lies  in  our  power  as  long  as  they  show 
an  open  and  defiant  front  to  our  common  enemy,  the  labor-devouring  class  of  aristocratic 
vagabonds,  the  brutal  murderers  of  our  comrades  in  St.  Louis,  Chicago  and  Philadelphia 
and  other  places.  Our  war-cry  is,  '  Death  to  the  enemy  of  the  human  race,  our  despoilers.' 

"What  does  that  mean  ?  It  was  published  in  the  Alarm.  Was  there  a 
conspiracy,  gentlemen,  against  the  police  on  the  first  day  of  May,  1886  ? 
After  the  reading,  these  resolutions  were  received  with  round  after  round 
of  applause,  and  the  chair  was  about  to  put  a  vote,  when  Mr.  J.  K.  Magie 
arose  and  said  that  he  understood  a  discussion  of  them  to  be  in  order.  He 
denounced  the  revolutionary  character  of  the  resolutions.  He  believed 
that  six  hours  of  labor  was  enough  !  This  man  was  a  labor  agitator  and  be- 
lieves in  the  amelioration  of  labor.  'This  is  the  best  form  of  government 
that  ever  existed,'  he  said  of  this  Republic.  He  is  an  American  citizen  and 
believes  in  the  institutions  of  his  country.  '  If  there  are  abuses,  there  is  a 
proper  way  to  correct  them.  Eighty  per  cent,  of  the  voting  population  are 


528  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

working  people  ;  they  should  strike  with  the  ballot  and  not  with  the  bullet.' 
Then  this  ameliorator  of  labor,  August  Spies,  supposed  that  Mr.  Magie  did 
not  like  the  terms  in  which  the  members  of  the  Government  were  referred 
to.  The  reason  of  this  was  that  Mr.  Magie  was  one  of  those  political  vaga- 
bonds himself.  There  were  nine  millions  of  the  best  people  engaged  in  the 
industrial  trades  of  this  country.  There  were  but  one  million  of  them  as 
yet  organized  —  one  million,  and  by  the  way,  that  is  significant  in  the  fact 
that  these  men  fought  to  achieve  this  result  all  over  the  country.  Schnau- 
belt  had  said  at  54  West  Lake  Street  the  night  before,  the  3d  of  May,  'We 
must  telegraph  our  success  to  all  the  other  cities  throughout  the  country.' 

"  To  make  the  movement  in  which  they  were  engaged  —  the  eight-hour 
movement  for  the  ist  of  May  —  a  successful  one,  it  must  be  a  revolutionary 
one.  'Don't  let  us,'  he  exclaimed,  'forget  the  most  forcible  argument,  the 
gun  and  dynamite.' 

"  Was  there  a  conspiracy  ?  Turn  to  the  cross-examination  of  Wilkinson 
by  Capt.  Black,  and  find  that  part  where  Wilkinson  said  he  had  heard  Joe 
Gruenhut  say  that  the  revolution  that  Spies  spoke  of  was  to  occur,  the  con- 
flict was  actually  to  occur  on  the  ist  or  after  the  ist  of  May,  1886.  This 
was  brought  out  by  Capt.  Black  himself  on  cross-examination  of  this  wit- 
ness. In  the  first  place  you  must  remember  that  Lingg  was  in  this  coun- 
try before  the  Christmas  of  1885,  between  the  ist  day  of  January  and  the 
1 4th  day  of  January.  The  Czar  bomb,  but  six  or  eight  weeks  after  Lingg 
came  here,  was  handed  to  Wilkinson  by  Spies —  the  twin,  the  same  bomb 
in  general  construction  and  general  make-up  as  that  used  at  the  Haymarket 
on  that  night,  made  by  Lingg  on  the  afternoon  of  that  day,  or  filled  with 
dynamite  on  the  afternoon  of  that  day." 

Following  this  Mr.  Walker  reviewed  Parsons'  utterances  in  the  Alarm, 
quoting  many  of  them.  He  argued  that  it  was  this  sort  of  language  and 
the  dynamite  bomb  at  the  Haymarket  which  accounted  for  the  failure  of  the 
eight-hour  movement  in  the  United  States. 

Coming  to  August  Spies,  he  read  from  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  the  follow- 
ing characteristic  morceau  : 

" '  Six  months  ago,  May  4th,  when  the  eight-hour  movement  began' — 
this  is  in  Spies' own  handwriting  —  'there  were  speakers  and  journals  of 
the  I.  A.  A.'  —  that  is  the  International  Arbeiter  Association  —  'who  pro- 
claimed and  wrote  :  "  Workingmen,  if  you  want  to  see  the  eight-hour  sys- 
tem introduced,  arm  yourselves.  If  you  don't  do  this  you  will  be  sent  home 
with  bloody  heads,  and  the  birds  will  sing  May  songs  upon  your  graves." 
"That  is  nonsense,"  was  the  reply.  "If  the  workingmen  are  organized 
they  will  gain  the  eight-hour  in  their  Sunday  clothes."  Well,  what  do  you 
say  now?  Were  we  right  or  wrong?  Would  the  occurrence  of  yesterday 
.have  been  possible  if  our  advice  had  been  followed  ?  Wage-workers,  yester- 
day the  police  of  this  city  murdered  at  McCormick's  factory  four  of  your  bro- 
thers, and  wounded  more  or  less,'  etc.  '  If  the  brothers  who  defended  them- 
selves with  stones  (a  few  of  them  had  little  snappers  in  the  shape  of  revolv 
ers)  had  been  provided  with  good  weapons  and  one  single  dynamite  bomb, 
not  one  of  the  murderers  would  have  escaped  their  well-merited  fate.' 

"The  police  went  up  there;  they  were  nearly  being  murdered  with 
stones ;  the  mob  were  throwing  at  them  before  they  ever  fired  a  shot ;  and 
this  man  the  next  day  writes:  'Had  they' — the  mob — 'been  provided 


THE  CALL   TO  ARMS.  529 

with  good  weapons  and  one  single  dynamite  bomb,  not  one  of  the  mur- 
derers would  have  escaped  his  well-deserved  fate. '  Then  see  :  'As  it  was, 
only  four  of  them  were  disfigured.  That  is  too  bad." 

"Here,  here  is  a  man  that  has  no  design  upon  the  police,  don't  believe 
in  force.  '  That  is  too  bad.  The  massacre  of  yesterday  took  place  in  order 
to  fill  the  forty  thousand  workingmen  of  this  city  with  fear  and  terror ; 
took  place  in  order  to  force  back,'  etc.  '  Will  they  succeed  in  this  ?  Will 
they  not  find  at  last  that  they  have  miscalculated  ?  The  near  future  will 
answer  this  question.  We  will  not  anticipate  the  course  of  events  with 
surmises.' 

"That  is  what  he  himself  said.  If  one  single  bomb  had  been  used  it 
would  have  been  different.  He  sees  these  eight  thousand  men  at  his  back, 
returns  immediately  to  the  office  of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  and  writes  out  this, 
(indicating  the  Revenge  circular).  What  did  he  mean  ?  What  did  he 
mean?  'Revenge.'  He  says  he  did  not  write  the  word  'Revenge'  in 
English.  Rache,  Rache,  Revenge,  Revenge  — he  never  denied  that  he  wrote 
it  in  the  German  language,  nor  any  witness  for  him ;  but  it  makes  no 
difference  whether  he  wrote  it,  or  whether  he  did  not  write  it.  He  wrote 
'To  arms;'  he  says,  'To  arms,  workingmen,  to  arms.'  What  does  that 
mean  ?  Did  anybody  say  at  the  Haymarket,  '  Here  come  the  bloodhounds ; 
you  do  your  duty  and  I  will  do  mine  '  ?  Let  us  see.  '  The  bloodhounds  ' 
was  the  common  expression  from  the  lips  of  these  defendants  as  the  desig- 
nation for  the  police.  Spies  says  in  English  —  did  he  mean  this  or 
didn't  he  ?" 

Mr.  Walker  here  read  the  text  of  the  "  Revenge  "  circular,  both  the 
English  and  German  versions,  as  given  in  a  previous  chapter,  and  continued  : 

' '  Is  that  meaningless  ?  '  To  arms,  we  call  you  to  arms. '  Why,  it  is  the 
cry  of  the  revolutionist ;  it  is  the  cry  of  the  Communist ;  it  is  the  cry  of  the 
Anarchist  ;  it  is  the  cry  of  Spies  and  Parsons  —  '  To  arms,  to  arms  !  '  And 
yet  the  English  was  tame  in  comparison  to  the  German  version. 

"  Did  they  have  no  design  upon  individuals  in  this  conspiracy  ?  Why, 
they  had  the  most  awful,  damning  malice  against  the  police.  It  was  the 
motive-hunting  of  a  motiveless  malignity.  Without  reason  and  without  cause 
they  had  individualized  the  police ;  but  Bonfield  for  the  second  time  stood 
in  the  way  of  the  Social  Revolution.  Just  see  how  it  forces  up  the  blood 
of  this  social  revolutionist  :  'The  bloodhounds,  the  police  are  at  you,  in 
order  to  cure  you,  with  bullets,  of  your  dissatisfaction.  Slaves,  we  ask,  we 
conjure  you  by  all  that  is  sacred  and  dear  to  you,  avenge '-— what  does 
that  mean  ?  What  difference  does  it  make  whether  he  wrote  revenge  at 
the  head  of  this  circular  or  not  ?  He  wrote  it  in  it.  What  did  it  mean  ? 
What  did  those  conspirators  mean? 

"  Avenge  the  atrocious  murder  which  has  been  committed  upon  your  brothers  to-day, 
and  which  will  be  likely  to  be  committed  upon  you  to-morrow.  Avenge,  laboring  men. 
Hercules,  you  have  arrived  at  the  crossway.  Which  way  will  you  decide,  for  slavery  and 
hunger,  or  for  freedom  and  bread  ?  If  you  decide  for  the  latter,  then  don't  delay  a  moment. 
Then,  people,  to  arms  !  Annihilation,  annihilation  to  the  beasts  in  human  form  who  call 
themselves  your  rulers.  Uncompromising  annihilation  to  them.  This  must  be  your  motto. 
Think  of  the  heroes  whose  blood  has  fertilized  the  road  to  progress,  liberty  and  humanity, 
and  strive  to  become  worthy  of  them.  Your  brothers. 

"Thousands  of  these  were  circulated  throughout  the  city.  Does  that 
mean  that  there  was  a  conspiracy  and  no  malice  against  individuals  ? 


530  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

"And  then  on  Monday  night  a  meeting  at  54  West  Lake  Street  took 
place,  which  has  not  been  denied,  and  there  were  Lingg  and  Engel  and 
Fischer.  Engel's  plan  was  again  reiterated  ;  Lingg  was  to  make  the  bombs, 
and  Lingg  was  there  to  say  he  could  make  the  bombs.  He  may  have  been 
to  the  Carpenters'  meeting  before  that.  When"  he  left  the  54  West  Lake 
Street  meeting,  he  met  Lehman  upon  the  way  home  —  Gustav  Lehman,  who 
testified  he  got  the  bombs  from  Lingg  —  and  he  said  to  Lehman,  '  If  you 
want  to  know  anything,  you  come  to  58  Clybourn  Avenue  to-morrow  night. ' 
In  response  to  the  question,  '  What  has  been  going  on  in  the  meeting  at  54 
West  Lake  Street,  in  the  basement  ?  ' 

"  At  that  meeting  at  54  West  Lake  Street  were  represented  all  the 
different  Socialistic  and  Anarchistic  organizations.  '  Y,  Come  Monday 
night,'  had  brought  delegates,  according  to  Waller's  testimony,  from  every 
group  in  the  city.  The  West  Side,  the  South  Side,  Southwest  Side,  the 
North  Side,  every  group  was  represented,  and  the  Lehr  und  Wehr  Verein 
also  had  its  delegates.  The  plan  was  arranged  that  on  to-morrow,  if  the 
revolution  took  place  in  the  daytime,  and  the  conflict  had  occurred,  the 
word  '  Ruhe '  should  be  published,  all  the  men  should  be  at  their  outlying 
groups  ready  to  annihilate  the  police,  the  fire  department,  to  cut  the  tele- 
graph wires,  and  to  prevent  communication  with  the  central  meeting  at  the 
Haymarket.  Waller  had  suggested  that  this  meeting  be  at  Market  Square  ; 
Fischer  says :  'No;  that  is  a  mouse  trap;  we  will  make  it  the  Hay- 
market.'  And  then  Spies  takes  it  up  north  of  the  alley,  north  of  the  inter- 
section of  the  street  —  and,  by  the  way,  that  block  has  more  alleys  than  per- 
haps any  other  block  in  the  city  of  Chicago,  and  more  means  of  escape  — 
and  locates  that  meeting  just  where  he  had  located  the  street  battle  in  his 
description  to  Mr.  Wilkinson,  and  as  Parsons  had  explained  street  warfare 
in  the  Alarm. 

"Who  called  the  meeting  at  the  Haymarket  to  order  on  Desplaines 
Street  beyond  the  alley  ?  Spies.  He  had  written  with  his  own  hand  the 
word  '  Ruhe.'  He  was  after  the  social  revolution.  Why  did  he  move  the 
meeting  to  that  place  if  he  knew  what  '  Ruhe  '  meant  ?  Why  was  he  there 
at  all  if  he  knew  what  '  Ruhe  '  meant  ?  He  has  told.  Why  was  he  on  the 
wagon  if  he  knew  what  '  Ruhe  '  meant  ?  Why  didn't  he  notify  the  police, 
if  he  knew  what  '  Ruhe'  meant,  not  to  come  to  that  meeting  ?  Why  had  he 
said  upon  the  wagon,  '  If  you  want  to  do  anything,  why  don't  you  do  it  and 
say  nothing  ? '  if  he  knew  what  '  Ruhe  '  meant  ?  Why  did  he  leave  his 
revolver  before  he  ever  got  to  that  meeting  unless  he  knew  what  '  Ruhe ' 
meant  ?  He  follows  out  his  own  instructions  in  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung,  on  that 
subject,  when  some  one  wrote  : 

"  In  the  action  itself  one  must  be  personally  at  the  place  to  select  personally  that  point 
on  the  place  of  the  action  and  that  part  of  the  action  which  are  the  most  important  and  are 
coupled  with  the  greatest  danger,  upon  which  depend  chiefly  the  success  or  failure  of  the 
whole  affair. 

"And  he  selected  the  place  himself.  Fischer  says  :  'No,  the  Market 
Square  is  a  mouse  trap,'  and  they  named  they  Haymarket,  and  Spies 
designates  the  place  of  meeting  and  publishes  the  word  '  Ruhe ;'  and  then 
it  is  expected  from  twenty-five  to  forty  thousand  people  will  be  at  the  meet- 
ing on  Haymarket  Square.  Eight  thousand  had  rebelled  at  McCormick's  ; 
the  skirmish  lines  had  met,  and  it  was  expected  that  there  would  be  twenty- 
five  thousand  at  the  Haymarket  on  that  night ;  but  there  were  not,  and  for 
that  reason  this  mob  was  not  dispersed.  The  police  could  not  see  at  any 


THERE  A   CONSPIRACY?"  531 

time  a  meeting  so  large  as  to  be  beyond  their  control,  but  when  this  meet- 
ing became  boisterous  it  was  after  ten  o'clock,  two  hours  later  than  the 
meeting  was  called  for.  If  the  police  had  been  but  two  hours  earlier  in 
dispelling  the  meeting  the  flames  would  have  been  lighted  out  at  Wicker 
Park  ;  the  instrument  of  fire  described  in  Herr  Host's  book,  and  found  at 
Wicker  Park,  was  for  that  purpose.  The  Northwestern  group  was  to  meet 
at  Wicker  Park,  and  come  down  past  North  Avenue  Station.  The  North  Side 
group  was  to  annihilate  the  North  Side  Station,  and  Lingg  was  at  his  post 
of  duty  for  that  purpose. 

"Was  there  a  conspiracy?  They  take  the  word  and  Spies  publishes  it. 
He  says  in  explanation  :  'Among  the  announcements  it  came  to  me  by  no 
person  of  whom  I  am  aware,  no  one  about  whom  I  know  anything.'  No 
questions  were  asked.  In  this  way  the  mere  editor,  Spies,  publishes  in 
the  Briefkasten  the  word  '  Ruhe '  prominently.  The  Briefkasten  is 
used  to  answer  private  correspondence,  personal  letters  and  editor- 
ials, or  it  is  used  to  place  the  advertisements  of  secret  meetings  in, 
and  for  no  other  purpose.  'Y — Come  Monday  night,'  is  found  in  the  Let- 
ter-box of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung.  That  is  a  secret  thing,  and  means  that  the 
armed  groups  shall  meet  at  54  West  Lake  Street.  '  Ruhe '  was  an  answer 
to  no  correspondent  ;  the  word  '  Ruhe  '  could  enlighten  no  ignorant  man  on 
the  subject  alone  ;  and  the  editor-in-chief  of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  picked  up 
a  piece  of  paper  and  wrote  '  Ruhe  '  on  it  without  ever  knowing  what  it 
meant  or  where  it  came  from,  and  says  it  was  handed  him  among  the  labor 
announcements  :  '  Mr.  Editor,  please  publish  the  word  "  Ruhe  "  in  the  Let- 
ter box  prominently.'  What  tells  you  that  it  was  a  labor  announcement? 
Who  ever  said  it  was  a  labor  announcement  ?  '  Ruhe,'  peace,  rest,  quiet — 
'Ruhe'  a  labor  announcement  !  Why,  who  said  so?  It  would  be  lost  if 
put  in  the  announcements  of  labor  organizations.  '  Mr.  Editor,  pub- 
lish the  word  "  Ruhe"  in  the  column  where  you  put  "  Y — Come  Monday 
night,"  the  secret  sign  of  the  armed  sections,  and  publish  it  prominently/ 
Without  a  word  he  did  so,  and  he  asks  you  to  believe  it.  Did  he  know 
what  '  Ruhe  '  meant  ?  Why,  he  sent  for  Fischer,  and  Fischer  told  him  it  was 
harmless.  '  Why,'  he  said,  '  that  is  foolish,  Fischer  ;  don't  do  that,  don't 
do  that.'  Rau  had  only  told  him  that  it  meant :  '  Workmen,  be  at  your 
groups,  keep  yourselves  armed  and  in  preparation,  so  that  if  you'  are 
attacked  you  can  defend  yourselves  ;  workingmen,  arm  yourselves  and  be  at 
your  groups.'  That  is  what  Rau  said  'Ruhe'  meant,  and,  when  asked, 
Fischer  says:  'Why,  that  means,  "Keep  your  powder  dry,"  that  is  all.1 
'  Well,'  he  says,  '  Fischer,  that  is  foolish  ;  that  is  crazy  ;  why,  I  cannot  have 
that.'  What  did  he  think  was  foolish  and  crazy?  To  keep  their  powder 
dry,  when  this  man  had  said  the  day  before,  'Workingmen,  arm  yourselves, 
arm  yourselves  !'  This  is  the  explanation  of  the  word  '  Ruhe.' 

"  Did  Parsons  know  of  the  conspiracy  '  Ruhe '  ?  He  was  a  party  to  the 
great  conspiracy,  for  he  had  cried  about  April  24th  for  the  revolution  upon 
the  ist  of  May.  That  he  has  not  denied;  and  to  my  mind  he  cuts  one  of 
the  worst  figures  in  this  case.  He  was  born  at  least  upon  American  soil,  and 
he  stands  here  alone,  alone  amongst  these  vast  hordes  of  witnesses  who  are 
not  citizens  of  our  republic,  and  whose  purpose  is  her  destruction.  Albert 
R.  Parsons  is  the  only  American,  and  he  has  no  right,  no  right  to  belong  to 
that  nationality.  He  never  said  he  did  not  know  of  the  conspiracy,  and  he 
spoke  of  the  4th  of  May;  it  was  said  that  night  he  staid  away  —  by  the  way, 
he  left  this  out — 'I  should  be  accused  of  cowardice;'  but  he  did  say,  'I 


532  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

would  come  if  I  were  to  die  before  morning. '  Did  he  know  of  the  con- 
spiracy? Why,  he  had  been  in  it  for  years.  He  published  the  order  of 
street  fighting  in  his  Alarm,  foreshadowing  the  battle  in  his  description ; 
and  not  only  did  he  do  that,  but  he  made  the  alibi  by  calling  at  the  Ameri- 
can group  on  that  night,  a  group  organized  and  holding  a  meeting  for  the 
sewing  girls  when  not  a  sewing  girl  was  present,  with  no  one  there  but  a 
Nihilist,  a  Communist,  a  Socialist  and  an  Anarchist.  Mrs.  Parsons  was 
there  and  Mrs.  Holmes.  Where  was  any  sewing  girl  ? 

"  And  here  I  want  to  ask  you  if,  after  hearing  all  the  proof  in  this  case  ; 
if,  after  reading  Most's  '  Revolutionary  War,'  the  instructions  to  the  Nihil- 
ists and  Anarchists ;  if  after  reading  the  Alarm  here ;  if,  after  hearing  the 
testimony  of  the  witnesses,  you  will  here  and  to-day  say  that  the  men  lied 
who  on  that  night  stood  when  Captain  Bonfield  said  '  Fall  in  ' —  stood  there 
when  the  concussion  had  riven  to  the  earth  sixty  of  Chicago's  noblest  men 
because  they  had  courage.  When,  out  of  the  hundred  and  eighty,  sixty  lay 
wounded  on  the  ground,  the  other  one  hundred  and  twenty  killed  the  revo- 
lution with  one  blow.  The  men  whose  lives  were  spared  fell  in,  and  not  a 
man  has  lived  to  say  there  was  a  coward  in  the  whole  one  hundred  and 
eighty." 

In  the  same  manner  he  went  through  the  evidence  proving  the  guilt  of 
Schwab,  Fielden  and  Neebe. 

"Was  Engel  in  the  conspiracy?  He  proposed  the  plan  at  both 
meetings.  He  said  to  Captain  Schaack,  at  the  Chicago  Avenue  Station, 
that 'what  was  in  him  had  to  come  oiit,' and  he  called  it  the  dangerous 
power  of  internal  eloquence.  He  planned  the  conspiracy  of  the  Emma  Street 
meeting,  and  has  been  an  Anarchist  for  years,  and  instructor  in  the  use  of 
weapons,  and  adviser  in  the  making  of  bombs.  He  not  only  was  that,  but 
he  absolutely  and  unqualifiedly  advised  the  Socialists  to  buy  weapons  for 
the  express  purpose  of  killing  the  police,  maiming  them,  and  then  with  all 
the  cunning  of  a  conspirator  who  has  placed  his  neck  within  the  noose,  on 
the  morning  of  the  4th  of  May  he  finds  this  infernal  machine  and  takes  it 
to  the  Chief  of  Police,  and  then  comes  the  exhibition  between  Captain  Bon- 
field  and  the  leading  counsel  for  the  defense  on  that  proposition.  The 
counsel  says  :  '  He  brought  it  to  you  freely/  and  he  emphasized  it,  and 
then  the  tinner  came,  and  the  counsel  says  :  '  What  is  there  about  this 
piece  of  iron  that  makes  you  identify  it  ?  You  only  made  that  sheet ;  is 
that  all  ?  You  just  cut  a  piece  of  iron  off  for  Mr.  Engel.'  The  witness  says  : 
'  Please  look  at  the  mark  on  the  inside  ;  that  is  my  mark.'  Was  Engel  in 
the  conspiracy  ? 

"  Was  Fischer,  the  lieutenant  of  Spies,  in  the  conspiracy  ?  Was  Fischer, 
the  messenger  of  Spies  to  the  meeting  at  54  West  Lake  Street,  in  the  con- 
spiracy? He  was  at  the  office  on  Monday  afternoon  between  five  and-  six 
o'clock,  when  the  '  Revenge '  circular  was  printed,  and  from  there  he  went 
to  54  West  Lake  Street.  Was  he  in  the  conspiracy  —  the  man  with  the 
revolver  nearly  two  feet  long,  and  with  the  file  dagger  with  grooves  ?  What 
does  that  mean  ?  Why,  prussic  acid  evaporates  ;  it  dries  off  the  instrument. 
'Use  something  with  grooves.'  And  the  revolutionists  must  use  files  that 
are  ground  down,  in  order  to  have  an  instrument  that  is  capable  of  holding 
poison.  If  you  remember,  there  was  another  file  dagger  found  in  the  office 
of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  besides  this  one.  Verdigris,  which  any  one  can 
easily  produce  by  dipping  copper  or  brass  into  vinegar,  and  exposing  it  to 


BOMBS  AND  POISONED  DAGGERS.  533 

the  atmosphere,  may  also  be  mixed  with  gum  arabic  and  applied  to  weap- 
ons, but  the  weapons  ought  to  be  grooved,  so  that  the  poison  will  remain  on 
easier  and  in  larger  quantities.  That  is  the  explanation  of  the  file  dagger 
and  the  revolver.  Was  Fischer  in  the  conspiracy,  with  the  Lehr  und  Wehr 
Verein  belt  strapped  upon  his  person,  and  traveling  in  the  streets  of  the  city 
of  Chicago  with  an  armament  worse  than  any  Western  outlaw  —  because  no 
outlaw  ever  carried  on  his  person  a  dagger  grooved,  the  slightest  scratch  of 
which  meant  death.  It  was  conceived  by  nobody  except  the  mind  of  the 
revolutionist  and  lieutenant  of  Spies. 

"  Was  Lingg  in  the  conspiracy?  He  made  the  very  bomb  that  was  used 
on  that  night,  and  it  was  used  on  that  night  in  furtherance  of  the  common 
design.  Do  you  remember  the  analysis  of  that  bomb  ?  Do  you  remember 
the  nuts  used  to  fasten  the  half-globes  together,  identical  with  the  one  found 
in  the  wounded  man  upon  the  night  of  May  4  ?  Do  you  remember  Neff's 
testimony  and  Seliger's  testimony  —  that  after  the  bomb  had  been  thrown,  and 
Lingg  was  at  58  Clybourn  Avenue,  some  one  accused  him  and  said  :  '  You 
are  responsible  for  all  this  —  see  what  you  have  done'?  Hubner  said: 
'You  are  responsible  for  all  this.'  This  does  not  come  from  the  lips  of  any 
indicted  man,  but  from  the  lips  of  Mr.  Neff,  the  proprietor  at  the  place  58 
Clybourn  Avenue.  Then  Louis  Lingg  goes  home  and  complains  because  he 
has  been  upbraided  for  his  good  work  in  this  case,  and  then  he  flees, 
changes  his  appearance  —  and  he  is  the  only  living  man  that  changes  his 
appearance  in  this  case  except  the  bomb-thrower.  They  are  the  two  who 
shaved  and  cut  their  hair  —  Louis  Lingg  and  Rudolph  Schnaubelt.  Was 
Lingg  in  the  conspiracy  ?  He  was  not  only  in  the  conspiracy,  but  he  did 
everything  in  the  world  to  carry  out  his  part  of  it  that  night.  '  Lehman, 
you  come  to  58  Clybourn  Avenue  to-night,  and  you  will  find  out  what  the 
meeting  in  the  basement  at  54  meant.'  And  Lehman  came,  and  on  the  next 
day  he  was  at  Lingg's  house,  and  bomb  after  bomb  was  distributed  from 
that  place  before  night.  Where  was  Lingg  in  the  morning,  between  eight 
and  one  ?  Looking  after  the  revolution  in  the  central  part  of  the  city.  Men 
coming  and  going  all  day  after  bombs  and  with  bombs  —  as  Mrs.  Seliger 
says  —  all  day  long,  taking  them  away  from  that  place. 

"'Seliger,  make  haste!'  'Hubner,  make  haste!'  '  Muntzenberg, 
make  haste  ! '  '  Put  the  cloth  over  your  heads  so  that  you  can't  get  head- 
ache. Make  haste.  These  bombs  must  be  done  so  as  to  be  used  to-night  ! ' 
What  a  nice  thing  it  would  be,  as  he  and  Seliger  stood  at  the  corner  of 
North  Avenue  and  Larrabee  Street,  to  throw  a  bomb  in  that  station,  Lingg 
says.  .Then  it  is  10:30,  and  the  telephone  has  called  for  assistance  from 
the  North  Avenue  Station,  and  the  patrol  wagon  goes  out,  and  there  stand 
Lingg  and  Seliger  with  bombs,  and  Lingg  says,  '  Seliger,  give  me  a  light ; 
they  are  going  to  the  assistance  of  the  others.  It  has  happened  ;  the 
revolution  has  come.  Give  me  a  light ' — and  here  I  am  reminded  that 
when  a  man  throws  a  bomb  in  furtherance  of  the  social  revolution  they  do 
it  by  twos ;  one  furnishes  the  light  and  the  other  throws  the  bomb.  And  this 
shows  that  it  was  not  a  solitary  and  single  instance  that  occurred  in  the 
alley  south  of  Crane's  when  a  match  was  lighted  and  Schnaubelt  threw  the 
bomb.  The  same  thing  was  duplicated  by  Lingg  and  Seliger  when  Seliger 
was  to  furnish  the  light  and  Lingg  throw  the  bomb.  It  was  only  because 
Seliger  hesitated  that  those  men  were  not  killed  by  Lingg  at  North  Avenue. 
Was  Lingg  in  this  conspiracy  then  ?  Why,  he  fled  the  next  day,  and  he  is 
the  man  who  had  the  courage  to  give  up  all  hope.  You  see,  Lingg  is  a 


534  ANARCHY  AND   ANARCHISTS. 

practical  annihilator.  He  don't  believe  in  preaching  ;  he  believes  in  acting, 
and  not  only  believes  in  it,  but  he  will  do  it  at  any  time.  He  saw  Schuettler 
come  into  the  room  and  jumped  upon  him  the  moment  he  passed  the  door, 
with  one  of  those  large  revolvers.  And  then  you  will  remember  the  fight 
and  struggle  there.  Host's  book  says  when  there  is  a  possibility  to  annihi- 
late an  opposing  party,  or  where  it  becomes  a  question  of  life  and  death, 
that  death  or  resistance,  or  both,  are  advisable. 

"  That  is  the  advice  that  Lingg  acted  on  and  that  Spies  acted  on,  but : 
•'  If  you  are  sure  that  the  arrest  is  made  only  on  vague  suspicion,  then  submit 
to  the  inevitable.  It  is  easier  in  such  case  to  extract  yourself  again.  Prove 
an  alibi.'  Was  Lingg  in  this  conspiracy?  Was  it  a  Lingg  bomb  ?  Hub- 
ner,  Neff  and  Seliger  swear  that  Hubner  said  to  Lingg,  '  You  are  responsible 
for  this,  Louis  Lingg,'  and  they  had  a  dispute  and  a  violent  discussion 
when  it  was  discovered  there.  After  he  tries  to  throw  the  bomb  at  the 
station  he  goes  home  and  he  sees  '  Ruhe,'  and  he  is  almost  crazy,  and  he 
wants  to  go  to  the  Haymarket,  and  he  goes  back  to  58  Clybourn  Avenue 
and  finds  that  it  is  over  and  that  the  revolution  is  not  accomplished  ;  and 
then  he  gets  angry  because  he  is  upraided  as  the  one  to  blame  for  the  whole 
thing.  '  You  have  done  this,'  Hubner  tells  him.  Hubner  was  there  all 
day  and  helped  to  make  bombs,  and  Muntzenberg  and  the  Lehmans  were 
in  and  out  all  day.  Was  it  Louis  Lingg's  bomb  ?  " 

Mr.  Walker  then  made  a  close  examination  of  the  evidence  in  rebuttal, 
and  closed  his  magnificent  address  with  a  high  tribute  to  the  valor  of  the 
police  and  their  services  to  law  and  order. 


CHAPTER    XXIX. 

The  Argument  for  the  Defendants  —  "  Newspaper  Evidence  " — Bringing 
about  the  Social  Revolution  —  Arson  and  Murder  — The  Right  to  Property  —  Evolution 
or  Revolution  —  Dynamite  as  an  Argument  — The  Arsenal  at  107  Fifth  Avenue  — Was  it  all 
Braggadocio? — An  Open  Conspiracy — -Secrets  that  were  not  Secrets — The  Case 
Against  the  State's  Attorney  —  A  Good  Word  for  Lingg  —  More  About  ' '  Ruhe  " — The 
"  Alleged  "  Conspiracy  —  Ingham's  Answer  — The  Freiheil  Articles  —  Lord  Coleridge  on 
Anarchy  —  Did  Fielden  Shoot  at  the  Police? — The  Bombs  in  the  Seliger  Family  — 
Circumstantial  Evidence  in  Metal  —  Chemical  Analysis  of  the  Czar  Bomb  — The  Crane's 
Alley  Enigma. 

ON  the  morning  of  August  12,  Mr.  Sigismund  Zeisler  opened  his  argu- 
ment on  behalf  of  the  defendants.      In  view  of  the  desperate  condition 
of  his  case  Mr.  Zeisler  made  an  able  and  ingenious  plea.     His  argument 
occupied  a  whole  day. 

During  the  morning  hour,  he  elaborated  at  some  length  upon  his  theory 
of  the  law,  and  claimed  that  it  was  not  only  necessary  to  establish  that  the 
defendants  were  parties  to  a  conspiracy,  but  it  was  also  necessary  to  show 
that  somebody  who  was  a  party  to  that  conspiracy  had  committed  an  act  in 
pursuance  of  that  conspiracy.  Besides  that  it  was  essential  that  the  State 
should  identify  the  principal.  This,  he  held,  was  the  law  of  the  State  and  of 
the  land  and  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  If  the  principal  is 
not  identified,  then  no  one  could  be  held  as  accessory.  Upon  this  theory 
the  case  should  stand  or  fall,  and  it  was  for  this  reason  that  the  defense 
endeavored  to  impeach  the  testimony  of  Harry  L.  Gilmer,  as  that  testi- 
mony, he  maintained,  was  vital  for  the  case.  Mr.  Walker,  he  said,  had 
stated  that  there  was  a  conspiracy  to  inaugurate  the  social  revolution  on 
the  ist  of  May,  citing  in  support  of  the  claim  the  conversation  between 
Spies  and  Moulton  at  Grand  Rapids,  a  resolution  adopted  at  the  West 
Twelfth  Street  Turner  Hall  in  October,  1885,  and  a  conversation  between 
Spies  and  Reporter  Wilkinson  ;  but  after  showing  the  general  drift  of  those 
conversations  and  the  tenor  of  the  resolutions,  Mr.  Zeisler  contended  that 
the  reports  of  these  matters  in  the  newspapers  at  the  time  could  not  be 
accepted  as  evidence,  as  newspapers  are  frequently  given  to  misstatements. 
Then,  referring  to  the  testimony  given  by  the  parties  named,  he  said : 

"Now,  what  does  that  testimony  amount  to?  —  the  testimony  of  Mr. 
Moulton,  the  testimony  of  Mr.  Wilkinson  and  the  testimony  in  regard  to 
the  resolutions  adopted  at  the  West  Twelfth  Street  Turner  Hall?  Nothing 
but  the  fact  which  is  known  to  all  Chicago,  that  the  laboring  classes  had 
combined  to  fight  for  an  eight-hours'  work-day  on  and  after  the  ist  of  May. 
That  is  one  thing.  And  another  thing,  as  far  as  these  resolutions  are  con- 
cerned, that  it  was  resolved  that,  inasmuch  as  the  workingmen  had  to  anti- 
cipate that  the  employers  would  call  out  the  police  and  militia  against  them, 


536 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS, 


that  they  should  arm  themselves  to  meet  the  employers  by  the  same  means 
that  they,  the  employers,  used. 

"  Now,  further  than  that,  Mr.  Spies  has  spoken  with  Mr.  Moulton  and 
with  Mr.  Wilkinson  about  the  coming  social  revolution ;  and  when  asked 
by  Mr.  Moulton,  '  How  can  you  ever  accomplish  such  a  result?  How  can 
you  ever  bring  about  the  social  revolution  ?  Under  what  circumstances 
can  it  be  done  ? '  he  says  it  can  be  done  at  a  time  when  the  workingmen 
will  be  unemployed.  Substantially  the  same  thing  was  said  to  Mr.  Wilkin- 
son at  the  time  of  that  interview  last  January.  Now,  the  State's  Attorney 
and  his  associates  argue  to  you  that  Spies  said  himself  the  social  revolu- 
tion is  coming.  When  is  it  coming?  On  the  ist  of  May.  Can  that  be 
taken  literally  ?" 

Mr.  Zeisler  held  that  in  the  progress  of  the  civilized  world  a  social  revo- 
lution was  inevitable,  not  by  the  use  of  dy- 
namite or  force,  but  by  the  peaceable  forces 
at  work  among  the  people. 

"  Now,  the  attorneys  for  the  State  talk 
to  you  about  the  social  revolution,  and  try 
to  make  you  believe  that  the  social  revolu- 
tion means  bombs  and  dynamite,  and  killing 
and  arson  and  murder  and  all  crimes  that 
we  know  of.  Mr.  Fielden  on  the  stand  gave 
the  proper  expression.  Asked  whether  he 
believed  in  the  revolution,  he  said :  '  Yes, 
in  the  evolutionary  revolution. '  And  I  tell 
you,  gentlemen  of  the  jury,  this  social  revo- 
lution is  corning  —  this  social  revolution  in 
the  sense  in  which  Webster  defines  the  word 
Socialism." 

Mr.  Zeisler  next  said  that  they  had  not 
denied  that  the  defendants  had  declared 
that  they  would  head  a  procession  to  go  and 
sack  Marshall  Field's  or  Kellogg's  store,  because  it  was  a  fact,  but  asked  if 
after  such  advice  any  one  of  them  had  taken  the  lead  in  any  such  proces- 
sion. "  No,  sir,"  he  said.  "  They  went  and  armed  themselves  with  beer. 
That  is  what  they  did."  On  the  night  of  the  Board  of  Trade  opening, 
Parsons  and  Fielden  proposed  to  lead  the  crowd  to  attack  the  groceries  and 
clothing  houses,  but  what  did  they  do  ?  They  gracefully  retired  into  the 
room  of  the  Arbeitcr-Zeitung  office  and  were  interviewed  by  a  reporter  about 
the  terrible  effects  of  a  fulminating  cap.  Did  any  one  come  up  and  inquire 
why  they  had  not  led  the  procession  to  those  places  ?  They  did  not,  as 
ever)-body  understood  what  was  meant.  Mr.  Zeisler  continued  : 

"The  listeners  of  these  people  are  not  very  highly  educated  men.  They 
are  laboring  men  who,  raised  in  poor  families,  did  not  have  the  benefits  of 
a  collegiate  education  ;  men  who  since  that  time  worked  at  manual  labor 
from  the  early  morning  until  the  late  evening.  They  could  not  in  the  nature 
of  things  be  very  intelligent  and  highly  cultivated  and  educated.  Now, 


SIGISMUND     ZEISLER. 
From  a  Photograph. 


THE  RIGHT  TO  PROPERTY.  537 

Fielden  and  Parsons  and  Spies  could  not  talk  to  those  men  by  stating  to> 
them  abstract  principles  of  social  science ;  but  they  told  them  :  '  Here, 
look  at  this  state  of  things.  There  is  a  man  who  owns  three  hundred  mill- 
ion dollars  ;  there  is  another  man  who  owns  one  hundred  million.  Yoa 
starve,  you  get  starvation  wages.  Is  that  a  just  condition  of  things  ? 
Now,  I  tell  you,  Mr.  Marshall  Field,  who  owns  twenty-five  millions  of  dollars, 
has  no  right  to  own  them.  I  tell  you,  you  have  a  right  to  take  from  the 
property  which  he  has  accumulated  ;  part  of  it  belongs  to  you.  By  nat- 
ural, by  equitable  laws  this  man  is  not  entitled  to  live  in  a  palace  while  you 
starve.  I  am  going  to  lead  you  down,  if  you  want  me,  at  once,  and  we 
will  supply  our  wants  from  there.'  What  is  that  ?  Is  that  an  offer  to  go 
there  ?  Is  that  an  advice  to  go  there  ?  It  is  an  illustration,  as  you  give  it 
in  school  to  a  child  which  cannot  understand  abstract  principles  of  science. 
When  they  say  to  them  :  '  You  have  a  right  to  take  from  Marshall  Field 
and  Kellogg,'  that  means  simply  in  the  present  state  of  society  that  is. 
allowed,  but  this  is  not  a  just  and  equitable  condition  of  affairs,  and  if  it 
were  as  it  ought  to  be  you  would  have  a  right  to  share  with  Marshall  Field 
what  he  owns.  Take  it  in  this  common-sense  view  and  don't  allow  your- 
selves to  be  deceived  by  declamations  on  the  part  of  the  attorneys  for  the 
State. 

"Can  a  revolution  be  made?  A  revolution  is  a  thing  which  develops, 
itself,  but  no  single  man  nor  a  dozen  of  men  can  control  the  inauguration  of 
a  revolution.  The  social  revolution  was  fixed  for  the  ist  of  May  !  Just 
think  of  it  !  The  social  revolution,  the  revolution  by  which  the  present  state 
of  proprietary  conditions  should  be  changed  all  over  the  world,  was  to  be 
inaugurated  by  Mr.  Spies  and  by  Mr.  Parsons  and  Mr.  Fielden  on  the 
first  day  of  May  !  Has  ever  a  ridiculous  statement  like  that  been  made  to 
an  intelligent  jury?  But  all  that  is  told  you  not  because  they  believe  it,  but 
because  they  want  to  make  you  blind  to  the  real  issues  in  this  case,  by  tell- 
ing you  that  the  social  revolution  was  coming  on  the  ist  of  May,  and  that. 
Inspector  Bonfield  by  his  cry,  '  Fall  in,  fall  in,'  on  the  night  of  May  4th, 
saved  the  country  from  the  social  revolution  ;  by  that  they  want  to  deceive 
you,  they  want  to  scare  you,  they  want  to  show  you  the  monstrosity  of  these- 
defendants.  The  social  revolution  to  be  brought  about  or  inaugurated  by 
the  throwing  of  a  bomb  on  the  night  of  May  4th  !  What  do  you  take  these 
men  for  ?  Are  they  fools  ?  Are  they  children  ?  Don't  you  see  what  their 
ideal  is,  and  the  last  aim  and  end  of  theirs  ?  It  is  the  social  revolution,  yes, 
but  not  the  social  revolution  brought  about  by 'the  throwing  of  dynamite*. 
It  is  the  social  revolution  which  will  give  the  poor  man  more  rights  and 
which  will  do  away  with  pauperism.  And  the  means  are  left  to  the  future ; 
but  for  the  present,  in  order  that  you  may  be  strong  and  respected  and  be 
a  power  in  the  land,  arm  yourselves,  organize.  That  is  the  meaning  of  it." 

Mr.  Zeisler  then  touched  on  the  preparation  of  bombs  and  dynamite 
for  that  social  revolution,  referring  to  the  evidence  showing  the  finding  of 
dynamite  and  bombs  in  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  office.  He  held  that  Linne- 
meyer,  who  calcimined  the  closet  in  which  the  bag  of  dynamite  was  found,, 
had  proven  that  there  was  nothing  of  the  kind  there  when  he  went  in  to 
search  for  a  brush  just  immediately  preceding  the  arrival  of  the  police.  He 
also  pointed  to  a  contradiction  in  the  testimony  of  one  of  the  officers  that 
the  dynamite  was  found  on  a  floor  below  that  of  the  closet,  in  a  room  not 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

used  by  Spies  and  not  occupied  by  him  at  the  time  of  the  police  search, 
but  in  the  counting-room,  and  then  the  subsequent  correction  by  the  officer, 
•on  being  recalled  by  the  State,  that  the  package  was  found  in  Spies'  edi- 
torial room.  In  reference  to  the  bombs  there  was  no  secrecy,  and  Spies 
.admitted  that  he  had  one  more  bomb  than  the  police  had  discovered.  That 
information  was  volunteered  on  the  witness-stand,  and  the  possession  of 
those  bombs  explained. 

"That  is  the  testimony  in  regard  to  the  arsenal  of  dynamite  and  bombs 
and  weapons  of  destruction  at  107  Fifth  Avenue,  and  Mr.  Spies  bragged 
about  three  thousand  revolutionists  ready  to  throw  bombs  and  to  annihilate 
the  police.  What  was  it  ?  Braggadocio  ;  the  same  object  which  all  these 
people  had  in  advocating  the  use  of  force,  in  calling  upon  workingmen  to 
.arm  themselves,  to  organize,  to  buy  weapons  and  all  that  sort  of  thing  ;  and 
the  purpose  for  which  they  did  it  openly  and  publicly  was  the  same  purpose 
Mr.  Spies  had  in  bragging  that  there  were  three  thousand  revolutionists  —  to 
;scare  the  capitalists,  to  scare  them  into  yielding  to  the  demands  of  the 
workingmen,  to  try  to  induce  them  to  make  concessions  to  the  laboring 
classes,  as  Mr.  Fielden  said  in  his  speech  on  the  night  of  May  the  4th.  And 
remember,  gentlemen  of  the  jury,  that  it  has  been  testified  to  by  all  the 
witnesses  who  spoke  in  regard  to  the  speeches  and  articles  of  these  men, 
that  they  always  made  the  same  argument.  Now,  Mr.  Fielden  made  the 
:same  argument  a  hundred  times  before.  'The  employers  will  not  like  to 
see  dissatisfied  workingmen  in  the  community,  and  the  laborer  can  get  some 
relief  if  the  employers  find  that  there  are  dissatisfied  workingmen  in  the 
city.'  That  was  the  reason  why  they  told  them,  'Arm  yourselves  and 
•organize.'  That  was  the  reason  why  Mr.  Spies  bragged  about  the  three 
thousand  revolutionists  and  about  the  bombs  ready  to  be  thrown  ;  that  was 
the  reason  why  he  told  Mr.  Wilkinson  all  about  their  plans." 

Mr.  Zeisler  ridiculed  the  idea  that  a  social  revolution  was  to  have  been 
inaugurated  with  the  dozens  of  bombs  made  by  Lingg,  and  held  there  had 
been  no  preparation  for  it.  Coming  to  the  question  of  conspiracy,  he  said  : 

"What  is  a  conspiracy?  What  were  you  used  to  understand  by  the 
word  conspiracy  all  your  lifetime  ?  Isn't  in  the  first  place  secrecy  the  test 
•of  a  conspiracy  ?  Was  there  anything  secret  about  the  doings  of  these 
men,  or  about  their  teachings  and  writings  ?  When  they  vented  their  feel- 
ings at  54  West  Lake  Street  at  the  meeting  of  the  American  group  and  told 
the  people  to  go  to  Marshall  Field's  and  Kellogg's,  and  offered  to  head  the 
procession,  told  them  about  their  rights,  told  them  to  use  force,  told  them 
to  arm  themselves  and  to  organize,  the  next  morning  the  daily  press  of  the 
city  of  Chicago,  which  reaches  five  hundred  thousand  people,  and  the  State's 
Attorney's  office,  and  the  Mayor's  office,  and  the  office  of  every  authority  in 
the  city  of  Chicago,  were  informed  of  it." 

The  speaker  then  proceeded  to  define  conspiracy,  and  said  that  to  con- 
stitute a  conspiracy  "  they  must  agree  with  one  another  to  do  an  unlawful 
act ;  one  must  have  communicated  the  purpose  to  another,  and  the  others 
must  have  consented  to  it."  Nothing  of  this  kind  had  been  done.  They 
had  simply  propounded  principles  and  expressed  truths  from  their  stand- 
point." 


WAS  IT  A   CONSPIRACY?  539 

"  You  remember  the  testimony  of  Officer  Trehorn,  who  saw  the  dynamite 
and  the  caps  and  the  fuse  on  the  night  of  the  inauguration  of  the  Board  of 
Trade  building,  and  who  the  next  morning  says  he  went  to  Lieutenant 
Bedell  of  the  Cottage  Grove  Avenue  Station  and  told  him  all  about  it.  If 
that  was  a  conspiracy,  and  that  conspiracy  has  existed  for  three  years,  why 
has  the  State's  Attorney,  or  his  predecessor  in  office,  yet  not  prosecuted 
those  who  are  parties  to  that  conspiracy?  The  law  of  the  State  of  Illinois 
makes  it  his  duty  to  prosecute  every  crime  which  comes  to  his  knowledge. 
He  may  plead  that  he  has  not  known  of  it.  If  he  did  not,  then  it  was  culp- 
able negligence  that  he  did  not  know  it.  If  he  will  answer  to  you  that  as 
long  as  those  people  did  not  do  any  overt  act  there  was  no  reason  for  him 
to  interfere,  then  I  say  as  long  as  these  people  have  not  done  any  overt  act 
there  was  no  conspiracy.  There  is  no  way  of  escaping  this  consequence, 
gentlemen  of  the  jury;  to  .every  logical  mind  it  is  clear.  Either  the  State's 
Attorney  himself  must  plead  guilty  to  the  charge  of  the  murder  of  Mathias  J. 
Degan,  or*every  one  of  these  defendants  who  cannot  be  shown  to  have 
actually  thrown  or  lighted  the  bomb  must  be  acquitted.  If  it  was  not  con- 
spiracy then,  if  they  had  committed  a  crime  up  to  the  4th  of  May  for  which 
it  was  the  duty  of  the  State's  Attorney  to  prosecute  them,  then  what  have 
they  added  to  make  their  doings  murder  —  to  make  them  amenable  to  the 
law  on  a  charge  for  the  highest  and  gravest  offense,  the  most  heinous  crime 
known  to  law?" 

Mr.  Zeisler  next  turned  his  attention  to  the  special  conspiracy  entered 
into  by  a  number  of  persons  at  No.  54  West  Lake  Street  and  held  that  of 
all  the  defendants  it  had  only  been  shown  that  Engel  and  Fischer  were 
present.  He  denied  that  Lingg  was  there  or  that  any  evidence  had  been 
introduced  to  prove  it.  He  scored  Waller  and  reviewed  some  of  his  testi- 
mony, taking  occasion  to  call  the  attention  of  the  jury  to  the  fact  that  the 
man  testified  that  the  signal  word  "  Ruhe"  was  not  mentioned  in  connection 
with  the  Haymarket  meeting.  Next  he  alluded  to  the  places  where  some 
of  the  witnesses  for  the  State  and  some  of  those  present  at  54  West  Lake 
Street  had  been  on  the  night  of  May  4,  and  spoke  of  Engel  being  at  home 
enjoying  a  social  glass  of  beer,  and  the  others  widely  scattered.  "  The  only 
evidence  of  a  conspiracy  was  that  of  Seliger,  who  testified  that  Lingg  had 
asked  him  if  he  should  throw  a  bomb.  Fischer  and  others  who  saw  the 
word  '  Ruhe'  in  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  did  not  go  to  Wicker  Park,  but  went 
elsewhere.  What  does  Waller's  testimony  say?  It  says  that  on  the  ap- 
pearance of  the  word  '  Ruhe'  all  should  go  to  their  meeting-places  in  the 
outskirts  of  the  city,  and  that  none  of  them  were  to  be  at  the  Haymarket 
except  the  observation  committee." 

"Has  '  Ruhe'  any  reference  to  the  Haymarket  meeting  ?  Does  it  not 
rather  show  that  the  parties  who  conspired  there  were  not  to  take  part  in 
the  Haymarket  meeting  at  all  ?  What,  then,  has  the  evidence  in  regard  to 
that  meeting  got  to  do  with  the  case  ?  That  much  (illustrating  by  snap- 
ping the  fingers). 

"  Now,  to  return  for  a  moment  to  Lingg's  alleged  attempt  to  throw  a 
bomb.  Has  there  ever  been  heard  such  a  ridiculous  story  as  that  ?  It  is 


540  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

an  absolute  falsehood  upon  its  face.  A  revolutionist,  a  true  disciple  of 
Herr  Most,  goes  out  with  bombs  in  his  pocket,  next  to  his  friends,  and  takes 
a  walk,  and  when  he  goes  to  the  station  and  wants  to  throw  a  bomb  into 
the  station  he  isn't  even  provided  with  a  light  to  ignite  the  fuse;  he  has  to 
ask  his  friend,  '  Have  you  got  a  light?'  And  the  other  one  says  he  hasn't 
got  it  or  makes  some  kind  of  excuse.  Don't  you  see  that  all  that  testi- 
mony is  given  in  order  to  show  you,  or  in  order  that  Mr.  Seliger  may  show 
himself  to  you  as  a  highly  moral  person  who  has  been  the  dupe  of  Lingg  ? 
He,  the  man  who  has  been  an  Anarchist  for  years  and  years  —  and  his  wife 
herself  says  so  —  he  has  been  persuaded  by  Lingg  to  make  bombs,  he  has 
been  misled  by  Lingg,  has  been  the  dupe  of  Lingg.  Seliger,  the  man  with 
a  full  beard,*  a  man  of  over  thirty  years,  has  been  the  dupe  of  this  innocent- 
looking  fellow,  Lingg  !  If  one  was  the  dupe  of  the  other,  then  Lingg  surely 
was  the  dupe  of  Seliger.  Seliger  is  the  one  who  was  arrested  first.  In 
order  to  save  his  own  worthless  neck,  he  betrays  his  friend  and  companion 
and  swears  against  him,  and  upon  the  testimony  of  these  treacherous  lips 
you  are  asked  to  convict  Lingg." 

Mr.  Zeisler  maintained  that  he  had  shown  that  there  was  no  conspiracy, 
no  general  conspiracy,  and  insisted  that  the  alleged  conspiracy  of  May  3 
had  no  reference  whatever  to  the  Haymarket  meeting  ;  that  the  throwing  of 
the  bomb  at  the  Haymarket  meeting  was  in  direct  contradiction  of  the 
agreement  by  the  conspirators  of  May  3,  and  if  one  of  them  had  done  it, 
he  would  have  done  contrary  to  the  conspiracy.  He  then  spoke  of  the  object 
of  the  Haymarket  gathering  and  said  : 

"It  was  called  for  the  purpose  of  denouncing  the  atrocious  act  of  the 
police  in  shooting  down  their  brethren  at  the  McCormick  factory.  That 
was  the  only  purpose  of  the  meeting,  as  Mr.  Waller  testified.  Of  course 
his  testimony  is  the  one  that  the  State  relies  upon  mostly.  Now,  what  was 
the  occasion  of  calling  such  a  meeting  to  denounce  the  act  of  the  police  ? 
It  was  the  meeting  at  McCormick's  factory." 

The  counsel  then  reviewed  the  testimony  with  reference  to  the  meeting 
near  McCormick's  factory,  pointing  to  the  fact  that  no  one  had  testified  to 
what  Spies  had  actually  said  on  that  occasion,  and  maintained  that  not  a 
single  witness  had  been  produced  to  prove  that  Spies  had  then  and  there 
incited  men  to  riot.  Witnesses  for  the  State,  he  said,  had  shown  that  Spies 
continued  talking  after  many  of  the  men  had  started  toward  McCormick's 
factory.  Did  any  one  suppose  he  would  thus  quietly  continue  speaking 
there  if  he  had  precipitated  that  riot  ?  Mr.  Zeisler  did  not  excuse  the  men 
for  stoning  the  factory —  it  was  wrong — but  he  did  not  believe  that  gave 
the  right  to  the  police  to  shoot  at  those  excited  people.  Coming  back  to 
the  Haymarket,  he  read  some  of  the  testimony  on  the  side  of  the  State  to 
show  that  it  was  an  ordinary,  peaceable  meeting,  and  then  said  that  on  the 
day  Spies  wrote  the  "  Revenge  "  circular  Parsons  was  on  his  way  back  from 
Cincinnati  and  Fielden  in  a  suburban  town  in  a  quarry.  He  next  proceeded 
to  show  that  there  was  no  connection  with  the  printing  of  the  "  Revenge  " 

*  Seliger  had  a  full  beard  at  the  time  of  the  trial. 


MR.  INCH  AM' S  ARGUMENT.  541 

circular  and  the  Monday  night  meeting,  and  said  Spies  knew  nothing 
about  the  call  for  that  meeting.  He  closed  by  saying  that  the  circular 
meant  simply  the  same  thing  that  Fielden  and  Parsons  meant  in  their 
speeches  on  the  evening  of  May  4,  and  that  meaning,  he  said,  he  had  made 
plain  in  the  earlier  part  of  his  address. 

MR.  GEORGE  C.  INGHAM,  special  counsel  for  the  State,  followed  next. 
His  argument  was  clear,  concise  and  to  the  point.  He  opened  by  citing  the 
law  in  the  case,  reading  numerous  authorities  with  reference  to  conspiracies 
and  commenting  thereon  at  some  length.  One  authority  he  read  was  "  Rus- 
sell on  Crimes,"  to  show  that  it  was  simply  putting  in  the  shape  of  a 
statute  that  which  the  common  law  already  declares  to  be  an  offense,  and 
then  cited  a  case  which  arose  not  many  years  ago  upon  that  very  statute  : 

"  Johann  Most,  in  the  city  of  London,  was  indicted,  because  while  there 
he  published  a  paper  advocating  the  assassination  of  the  crowned  heads  of 
other  countries.  He  was  indicted  under  that  statute,  and  he  was  convicted 
by  a  jury.  The  case  went  to  their  highest  court,  and  I  wish  now  to  read 
you  what  the  Justice  of  that  court  says  as  to  what  is  meant  by  a  solicitation 
to  murder." 

The  opinion  of  Lord  Coleridge  was  read,  and  Mr.  Ingham  continued  : 

"You,  gentlemen,  will  remember  that  that  paper  (Die  Frciheif)  is  now 
published  in  the  city  of  New  York.  The  sentence  is  not  given  in  the  report 
I  read.  The  custom  is  in  England  that  before  a  sentence  is  pronounced, 
in  case  an  appeal  is  taken,  that  is  first  passed  upon,  and  after  that  the 
sentence  is  pronounced.  That  case  was  decided  in  1881.  Shortly  after 
that  John  Most  came  to  America.  They  probably  thought  the  best  thing 
they  could  do  with  him  was  to  pass  upon  him  a  light  sentence  and  ship 
him.  At  any  rate  they  landed  him  here,  and  he  started  his  Freiheit  paper 
in  New  York." 

Mr.  Ingham  next  read  the  case  of  Cox  vs.  The  People,  from  the  Illinois 
Reports,  and  continued  : 

"  Now,  apply  the  law  which  I  have  read  to  the  facts  of  this  case.  It 
appears  in  evidence  in  this  case  from  the  documents  which  I  have  read  to 
you  that  these  men  —  Schwab,  Fischer  and  Parsons  —  were  from  time  to 
time  in  this  city  publishing  articles  printed  in  papers  which  they  owned,  for 
the  publishing  of  which  Spies  paid,  and  which  they  declared  to  be  their  own, 
in  which  they  advised  the  destruction  of  the  police  of  this  city  by  force,  in 
which  they  advised  workingmen  from  time  to  time  to  arm  themselves  with 
dynamite  and  be  ready  whenever  a  conflict  came  to  destroy  the  police  of 
this  city  by  force.  For  the  publication  of  any  one  of  those  articles,  if  the 
law  had  been  correctly  understood,  those  men  could  have  been  convicted 
and  punished  for  a  misdemeanor ;  and  when  on  that  night  Fielden,  in  the 
presence  of  the  crowd,  told  the  people  before  him  assembled  that  the  war 
had  come,  that  war  had  been  declared,  that  they  must  arm  themselves  to 
resist  what  he  knew  never  had  taken  place,  he  was  making  a  seditious  ad- 
dress, and  for  that  reason,  if  for  no  other,  the  police  force  of  this  city  had  a 
right  to  appear  and  disperse  the  meeting. 


542 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 


"  Fielden  took  the  stand  at  the  Haymarket,  and  until  he  concluded  every 
sentence  he  uttered  was  a  sentence  seditious  in  its  character,  and  which, 
under  the  decisions  of  the  Supreme  Court,  would  alone  subject  him  to  pun- 
ishment for  misdemeanor.  A  trap  had  been  laid  —  Spies  laid  it ;  Schwab 
laid  it ;  Fischer  laid  it ;  Engel  laid  it.  A  trap  had  been  laid  to  bring  out 
the  police  force  of  this  city,  and  that  trap  was  baited  by  the  speeches  of 
Parsons  and  Fielden.  When  the  bait  grew  strong  enough,  the  police  did 
come.  The  moment  they  got  there  —  the  moment  they  stood  opposite  that 
alley,  the  moment  their  marching  motion  was  stopped  and  they  stood  in 
that  position  where  the  bomb  could  be  thrown  with  unerring  certainty,  the 
bomb  came. 

"Now,  who  made  that  bomb  ?  You, gentlemen,  have  heard  the  evidence 
in  this  case,  which  is  not  disputed.  I  ask  you,  gentlemen,  to  remember  that 
so  far  I  have  not  alluded  to  a  single  fact  about  which  there  is  or  can  be  any 
dispute.  It  is  uncontradicted  in  this  case  that  Louis  Lingg  for  months  had 

_  —   __ „    , ,    been  making  bombs  of  a  certain  construc- 

|  tion.  It  is  uncontradicted  that  on  the 
morning  of  Tuesday  Louis  Lingg  said  to 
Seliger  that  he  must  work  hard  all  day ; 
that  the  bombs  would  be  needed  and  could 
be  disposed  of  before  night.  It  is  in  evi- 
dence in  this  case  that  on  that  morning 
Louis  Lingg  left  that  house  and  was  gone 
all  the  morning,  and  nothing  has  been 
shown  as  to  where  he  was.  It  is  in  evi- 
dence that  he  came  back  at  noon,  and 
because  Seliger  had  filled  only  one  bomb 
and  had  then  laid  down  on  the  bed  and 
gone  to  sleep,  that  Lingg  upbraided  him 
and  told  him  that  this  matter  must  be 
hurried  ;  and  it  is  in  evidence  in  this  case 
that  all  that  afternoon  after  that  time  men 
were  coming  and  going  to  and  from  that 
house  and  working  at  that  house  on  those 
bombs.  Men  came  there  whom  Seliger 
knew  ;  men  came  there  whom  Seliger  did 
not  know ;  men  came  there  whom  Mrs.  Seliger  knew  ;  men  came  there 
whom  Mrs.  Seliger  did  not  know.  She  tells  you  that  during  the  whole 
of  that  day  —  Tuesday  —  men  were  coming  and  going  to  and  from  that 
house.  What  for?  We  put  one  man  on  the  stand  who  went  to  that  house 
in  the  afternoon  ^the  witness  Lehman.  Lehman  tells  you  that  on  Tuesday 
he  was  working  at  his  trade  ;  that  he  quit  his  work  at  three  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon,  instead  of  working  until  the  afternoon  was  over  ;  that  he  took 
a  fellow-countryman  of  his,  whose  name  I  have  forgotten,  and  with  him 
went  to  Lingg's  house  to  buy  a  revolver ;  that  they  went  to  the  house  and 
dickered  first  about  the  revolver,  and  then  went  back  again,  and  when  he 
went  back  the  second  time  Louis  Lingg  gave  him  dynamite  —  loaded 
bombs,  fuse  and  detonating  caps  ;  that  during  the  day  Louis  Lingg  was  dis- 
tributing these  bombs  to  different  persons  in  the  city. 

"I  want  to  call  your  attention  to  those  bombs  of  Lingg's — admitted  to 
be  his  —  bombs  which  he  admitted  to  the  officers  that  he  himself  made,  and 
which  were  found  where  he  had  sent  them.  Every  one  of  those  bombs  is 


GEORGE    C.    INGHAM. 
From  a  Photograph. 


SILENT  WITNESSES.  543 

about  three  inches  in  diameter,  as  nearly  as  they  could  be  made  with  the 
rough  material  which  he  had.  I  want  to  call  your  attention  to  this  bomb, 
called  the  '  Czar  '  bomb,  obtained  from  Spies.  That  bomb  in  its  appearance 
is  composed  of  the  same  sort  of  material  that  Lingg's  bombs  were.  You 
can  see  that  the  only  difference  is  in  the  bolts ;  that  the  bolt  in  the  '  Czar ' 
bomb  was  smaller  than  the  bolt  in  the  Lingg  bomb.  This  bolt  (exhibiting 
same)  would  not  be  large  enough  to  fasten  together  the  three-inch  bombs  ; 
it  would  not  quite  reach  through.  Now,  suppose  that  Louis  Lingg  had  this 
bolt  in  his  possession  and  wanted  to  make  a  bomb  for  it,  what  would  he  do  ? 
He  would  file  off  the  edges  here  so  as  to  make  its  diameter  smaller.  If  you 
will  look  at  this  bomb  called  the  'Czar'  bomb,  you  will  see  that  that  is  just 
what  has  been  done  —  the  edges  of  it  filed  off,  and  it  is  just  in  the  condition 
it  was,  with  the  exception  of  this  scraping  here,  when  the  reporter  Wilkin- 
son got  it.  The  result  of  that  is  that  its  diameter  through  here  would  be 
shorter  (indicating)  than  the  diameter  across  there  (indicating).  What 
else  does  that  show  ?  Of  course,  as  this  was  filed  off,  it  would  lessen  the 
diameter  of  the  bomb,  and  when  you  measure  this  you  will  find  that  that 
only  lacks  the  eighth  of  an  inch  of  being  the  same  size  as  the  bombs  found 
in  Lingg's  possession.  In  other  words,  if  that  had  not  been  filed  off  as  it 
has  been  in  order  that  this  shorter  bolt  could  be  used,  these  bombs  would 
be  identical  in  size. 

"  What  else  is  there  in  evidence  in  this  case  in  regard  to  bolts  ?  Seliger 
tells  you  that  he  was  sent  after  bolts  that  day,  that  he  bought  a  lot  of  bolts. 
They  have  been  introduced  in  evidence.  You,  gentlemen,  noticed  it  as. 
soon  as  they  were  introduced  in  evidence,  that  the  nut  found  in  the  body 
of  the  Socialist,  and  which  came  out  of  the  bomb  exploded  at  the  Hay- 
market  Square,  is  identically  the  same  sort  of  a  nut  as  those  found  on  the 
bombs  in  Lingg's  possession  on  that  day. 

"We  have  placed  on  the  stand  the  two  most  eminent  chemists  in  the 
city  of  Chicago.  Those  gentlemen  told  you  that  they  made  examinations 
of  pieces  of  this  '  Czar  '  bomb  which  they  took  from  it  themselves  ;  that  they 
made  examinations  of  pieces  of  the  four  bombs  which  came  from  Lingg, 
and  that  they  examined  certain  articles  found  in  Lingg's  possession.  And 
what  is  the  result  ?  They  told  you  that  these  bombs  were  not  made  of  lead 
alone  ;  that  they  were  not  lead  and  solder  alone  ;  that  there  is  not  in  the 
city  of  Chicago  or  known  to  commerce  any  one  article  of  which  those 
bombs  could  be  made,  but  that  they  are  made  of  a  mixture  —  not  only  the 
Lingg  bombs,  but  the  'Czar'  bomb.  They  tell  you  that  three  of  the  Lingg 
bombs  and  the  '  Czar '  bomb  contained  identically  the  same  constituents, 
without  any  difference  whatever  so  far  as  the  constituents  themselves  are 
concerned,  and  the  only  difference  is  that  between  those  bombs  there  was  a 
slight  difference  in  the  amount  of  the  tin  and  the  amount  of  the  lead.  They 
told  you  that  in  the  '  Czar '  bomb  one  per  cent,  or  one  and  one-tenth  per 
cent,  is  tin  ;  that  in  one  of  the  Lingg  bombs  one  and  five-tenths  per  cent, 
was  tin  ;  that  in  another  of  them  two  per  cent,  was  tin.  The  point  of  it  is- 
this  :  that  every  bomb  was  composed  of  a  mixture  and  not  of  any  one 
metal ;  that  the  mixture  in  the  bombs  was  as  nearly  identical  as  it  could 
be  made  by  any  man  using  the  materials  which  Louis  Lingg  used,  in  the 
way  in  which  he  used  them.  You  will  remember  that  he  told  Capt.  Schaack 
that  he  made  these  bombs  with  a  mold  made  of  clay  ;  that  he  could  only 
mold  one  or  two  bombs,  when  he  had  to  make  a  new  mold.  If  you  will 
look  on  the  inside  of  these  bombs  you  will  find  that  they  were  all  made  by  a 


344  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

rough  mold,  just  as  you  would  expect  from  one  made  with  a  mold  of  clay  ; 
the  only  difference  being  that  in  the  case  of  the 'Czar'  bomb  it  had  been 
filed  off,  as  you  can  see,  with  a  file,  in  order  to  smooth  it." 

Mr.  Ingham  then  read  the  testimony  of  Walter  S.  Haines,  one  of  the 
•chemists,  and  proceeded  : 

"  One  of  these  bombs  which  Louis  Lingg  admitted  that  he  made  dif- 
fered from  the  others  in  that  it  contained  a  trace  of  copper.  In  the  trunk 
•of  Louis  Lingg  was  found  this  piece  of  metal,  which  he  had  undoubtedly 
used  in  making  that  particular  bomb,  and  which  accounts  for  the  trace  of 
•copper  in  it,  the  point  being  that  everything  found  in  any  one  of  those 
bombs  was  found  in  some  shape  in  Louis  Lingg's  trunk  and  possession. 

"  The  answer  to  all  this  is  that  the  bomb,  instead  of  being  thrown 
from  the  alley,  was  thrown  thirty-five  feet  south  of  the  alley.  What  of  it  ? 
What  if  they  have  proven  that  ?  What  if  they  have  satisfied  your  minds 
•clearly  that  the  bomb  came  from  thirty-five  feet  south  of  the  alley  ?  Can 
there  be  any  question  in  the  minds  of  any  reasonable  man  that  he  who  threw 
that  bomb,  whether  he  stood  in  the  alley  or  thirty-five  feet  south  of  the 
•alley,  was  one  of  the  Anarchists  associated  with  these  men  ? 

"  When  that  question  is  settled  in  your  minds,  that  ends  this  case.  We 
ihave  proven  the  conspiracy.  It  has  not  been  denied.  We  have  proven 
that  Degan  died  from  the  effects  of  that  bomb  ;  it  has  not  been  denied. 
We  have  proven  it  by  circumstances  making  it  as  clear  as  the  daylight  that 
that  bomb  was  thrown  by  one  of  the  Anarchists,  and  when  we  have  done 
that  we  have  proven  this  case  —  when  we  have  done  that  we  have  sealed 
the  fate  of  these  men,  if  jurors  do  their  duty  under  the  law  as  it  is  written 
•and  declared. 

"  There  was  a  conspiracy.  These  men  know  it  and  have  not  denied  it. 
That  bomb  came  from  that  conspiracy,  and  the  moment  it  resulted  in  the 
death  of  Degan  the  crime  of  conspiracy  was  merged  in  the  crime  of  mur- 
•der,  and  every  one  of  these  men  made  amenable  under  the  law. 

"  The  meeting  came  ;  the  crowd  did  not.  The  Haymarket  was  covered 
with  little  groups  of  people  scattered  around.  Spies  goes  around  and  picks 
•out  the  place  for  the  meeting,  and,  although  he  knew  that  the 
word  '  Ruhe  '  had  been  published,  although  he  knew  that  these  armed 
groups  were  scattered  all  over  this  city,  although  he  knew  that  Balthasar 
Rau  in  an  hour  could  not  notify  every  man  who  knew  of  that  plan,  he  him- 
self called  it  to  order  in  the  very  place  where  the  police  force  could  be 
massed  together  and  the  most  enormous  destruction  done.  He  told  Wil- 
kinson that  it  was  discovered  that  bombs  of  composite  metals  were  best,  and 
when  on  that  fatal  night  the  bomb  was  thrown  seven  men  were  killed  and 
sixty  wounded,  and  to-day  in  a  public  hospital  of  this  county,  while  these 
men  sit  here  decked  with  flowers,  there  is  one  man  with  eighteen  drainage 
tubes  in  his  body.  Was  Spies  right  when  he  said  that  bombs  of  composite 
-metal  were  best  ?  " 


CHAPTER  XXX. 

Foster  and  Black  before  the  Jury —  Making  Anarchist  History  —  The  Eight 
Leaders  —  A  Skillful  Defense — Alibis  All  Around  —  The  Whereabouts  of  the  Conspira- 
tors—  The  "Peaceable  Dispersion"  —  A  Miscarriage  of  Revolutionary  War  —  Average 
Anarchist  Credibility  —  "A  Man  will  Lie  to  Save  his  Life"  — The  Attack  on  Seliger  — 
The  Candy-man  and  the  Bomb-thrower  —  Conflicting  Testimony  —  A  Philippic  against 
Gilmer  —  The  Liars  of  History  —  The  Search  for  a  Witness  —  The  Man  with  the  Miss- 
ing Link  —  The  Last  Word  for  the  Prisoners  —  Captain  Black's  Theory — High  Explo- 
sives and  Civilization — The  West  Lake  Street  Meeting  — Defensive  Armament  —  Engel 
and  his  Beer  —  Hiding  the  Bombs  —  The  Right  of  Revolution  —  Bonfield  and  Harrison  — 
The  Socialist  of  Judea. 

MR.  W.  A.  FOSTER  was  the  next  speaker,  and  he  made  a  very  strong 
case  for  his  clients  —  the  strongest  that  could  be  made  in  face  of 
the  many  disadvantages  under  which  he  labored  in  view  of  the  evidence 
against  the  Anarchists.  He  is  a  fluent,  easy  and  graceful  talker  and  held 
his  facts  well  in  hand.  He  began  in  a  deliberate  manner,  and  grew  at 
times,  as  he  proceeded,  quite  eloquent  in  his  exposition  of  the  virtues  of  the 
defendants.  He  was  pointed  and  caustic  sometimes,  but  he  never  seemed 
to  lose  the  purpose  of  making  a  strong  impression  on  the  jury.  The  open- 
ing of  his  argument  was  largely  devoted  to  showing  that  the  Haymarket 
meeting  was  not  riotous  or  boisterous,  but  that  it  had  been  called  for  a 
peaceable  purpose.  Then  he  said  : 

"  Take  the  theory  just  suggested  by  the  prosecution  in  this  case,  that 
the  time  had  come  now  that  was  conceived  of  years  and  years  ago ;  the 
time  had  come  now  which  was  suggested  by  August  Spies  at  Grand  Rapids, 
Michigan ,  the  time  had  come  now  which  was  foreseen  in  conversation  had 
with  the  various  defendants  to  various  newspaper  reporters  at  various  times 
and  various  places  ;  the  time  had  come  now  when  the  attack  could  be  made 
that  was  to  be  incited  by  the  McCormick  meeting  and  the  McCormick  riot; 
the  time  had  come  now  when  by  reason  of  the  gathering  of  the  laboring 
people  at  the  Haymarket  Square  the  attempt  was  to  be  made  and  the 
response  was  to  be  made  effectual ;  now  history  was  to  be  written,  now  the 
point  had  come  when  bowie  knives,  when  sharpened  files  poisoned  with 
acids,  when  all  of  these  implements  of  modern  warfare,  as  we  are  told,  were 
to  be  turned  loose  upon  the  world ;  when  property  rights  were  to  be 
destroyed,  when  the  police  were  to  be  killed,  when  anyone  aiding,  assisting, 
abetting,  standing  up  for  or  protecting  the  law  was  to  be  ruthlessly  slain. 
The  time  had  come.  The  men  were  there,  the  arrangements  had  been  per- 
fected, the  police  were  in  line,  halt  was  made,  and  they  were  commanded  to 
disperse.  The  time,  the  grand  culmination  of  all  the  arrangements  and 
conspiracies  and  confederations  for  years  back  had  arrived — the  time  when 
the  blow  was  to  be  struck  which  was  to  overturn  civilization,  which  was  to 
overturn  the  country. 

"  These  eight  men  are  the  leaders,  they  tell  us.     They  tell  us  that  there 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 


are  hundreds  more  that  ought  to  have  been  indicted,  and  should  be  indicted 
—  should  be  prosecuted,  and  should  be  convicted,  and  should  be  destroyed. 
But  the  time  had  come,  and  the  leaders  and  their  friends,  having  been  pre- 
paring for  years,  were  ready.  They  courted  the  attack — they  hailed  the 
day.  They  had  pleaded  for  the  opportunity,  and  the  opportunity  had  now 
arrived.  Where  are  these  men  ?  Where  are  the  men  that  were  to  take 
charge  and  carry  on  the  warfare  that  had  been  agreed  upon  for  the  last  five 
or  six  years,  or  longer,  in  the  city  of  Chicago  ?  Where  were  they  ?  In  the 
first  place,  Mr.  Parsons  and  Mr.  Fischer  are  at  Zepf's  Hall.  Think  of  it ! 
For  six  long  years  they  had  been  making  their  preparations  for  the  attack ; 
for  days  and  weeks  and  months  they  had  sown  and  preached  revolution  ; 
the  skirmish  lines  had  met,  and  they  were  prepared  ;  and  still  Parsons  and 
Fischer  were  quietly  discussing  matters  between  themselves  over  a  glass  of 
beer  at  Zepf's  Hall.  They  were  principals  in  this  matter,  leaders  in  the 
overthrowing  of  the  Government  arid  the  establishment  of  this  idea.  They 

were  at  Zepf's  Hall,  away  from  any  scene 
of  action.  Where  is  Engel  ?  Engel,  the 
great  conspirator  —  Engel,  who  made  the 
inflammatory  speeches  at  Clybourn  Ave- 
nue ?  Quietly  at  home,  engaged  in  a  game 
of  cards  with  his  friend — not  there  at  all. 
There  is  no  man  that  pretends  or  claims 
that  Mr.  Engel,  at  the  time  the  bomb  was 
thrown,  was  at  the  Haymarket  meeting  or 
near  it. 

"  Where  was  Schwab,  one  of  the  brainy 
men  of  this  conspiracy,  a  man  whose  pen 
had  added  to  its  formation,  whose  genius 
and  whose  brain  had  been  instrumental  in 
bringing  it  about  ?  An  hour's  ride  away, 
at  Deering,  addressing  a  quiet  meeting  of 
laboring  men. 

"Where  was  Neebe  ?  Neebe,  one  of 
the  leading  conspirators,  they  tell  us.  He 
is  one  of  the  eight  heads,  one  of  the  chiefs 
in  the  overthrow  of  the  Government  and 
of  property  rights,  and  he  was  quietly  at  home.  Lingg,  the  man  who  has 
prepared  the  implements  of  warfare,  the  man  who  has  taken  the  dynamite, 
who  has  prepared  the  shells  and  loaded  them,  has  inserted  the  caps  and 
the  fuse  and  made  all  the  preparations  for  the  destruction  of  the  police,  for 
the  destruction  of  the  militia  and  for  the  destruction  of  property  every- 
where—  where  is  Lingg?  Wandering  about  upon  Larrabee  Street,  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Clybourn  Avenue. 

"  Where  is  Spies  and  where  is  Fielden  ?  Spies  and  Fielden,  the  only 
remaining  ones  of  the  eight,  are  upon  the  wagon,  in  the  presence  of  line 
after  line  of  the  police,  armed  to  the  teeth,  having  not  only  the  regulation 
revolvers  in  their  coat-pockets,  but  those  of  larger  caliber,  in  some  instances,  ' 
so  far  as  some  of  the  companies  were  concerned,  in  their  belts.  Those  men 
were  quietly  standing  upon  the  wagon,  right  in  sight  and  within  the  aim  of 
all  of  these  murderous  weapons,  with  the  idea  that  an  attack  was  to  be  made, 
with  the  idea  and  knowledge  that  an  assault  was  to  take  place,  with  the 
idea  and  the  knowledge  that  now  the  final  blow  was  to  strike  which  should 


WILLIAM    A.    FOSTER. 

From  a  Photograph. 


CREDIBILITY  OF  WITNESSES,  547 

carry  terror  to  the  hearts  of  the  capitalists  and  overturn  society  and  gov- 
ernment. They  were  there,  quietly  arguing,  arguing  with  the  police  in  com- 
mand there,  that  the  meeting  was  peaceable. 

"  But  they  say,  gentlemen,  '  Ruhe  '  is  a  German  word  and  means  peace, 
quiet,  rest  ;  that  because  it  means  quiet,  therefore  —  this  is  what  they  intend 
to  have  you  believe —  that  because  Fielden  said,  'This  is  a  quiet  meeting,' 
or  that  it  was  peaceable,  or,  '  We  are  peaceable,'  that  that  was  the  watch- 
word which  was  to  be  an  order  in  cipher  to  commence  immediately  an  attack. 
Now,  gentlemen,  I  say  that  this  is,  in  my  opinion,  an  unfair  deduction  ;  it  is 
an  unfair  conclusion.  The  testimony  all  agrees  that  Captain  Ward  appeared 
there  and  said  :  '  In  the  name  of  the  people  of  the  State  of  Illinois,  I  com- 
mand you  to  quietly  and  peaceably  disperse.'  That  was  the  expression —  '  I 
command  you  to  peaceably  disperse  '  —  to  which  Mr.  Fielden  replied  :  '  We 
are  peaceable,'  or  'This  is  a  peaceable  meeting,  Captain.'  Could  anything 
be  more  natural  than  that  that  reply  should  be  made  ?  Suppose,  gentle- 
men, now,  that  the  theory  of  the  prosecution  is  right ;  suppose  that  it  was 
the  grand  beginning  of  an  uncertain  end  ;  suppose  that  it  was  the  culmina- 
tion of  the  idea  that  had  existed  for  years.  Do  you  believe  that  bombs 
would  not  have  hailed  from  the  top  of  every  building  ?  Do  you  believe  they 
would  not  have  been  thrown  from  every  sidewalk  ?  Do  you  suppose  they 
would  not  have  been  thrown  from  the  rear  and  from  the  front  ?  In  the 
nature  of  things,  can  you,  in  the  light  of  this  testimony,  say  that  because 
some  man  somewhere,  on  account  of  some  reason,  which  is  not  explained 
here,  which  never  can  be  explained,  acting  upon  his  own  individual  respon- 
sibility, lighted  a  bomb  and  threw  it,  that  therefore  you  must  say  that  the 
grand  conspiracy,  the  arrangement  for  years  and  years  had  this  result,  or 
rather  that  the  throwing  of  that  bomb  was  the  result  of  that  conspiracy  ? 

"But  there  is  one  thing  the  gentlemen  have  lost  sight  of  in  this  case,  it 
seems  tome.  Of  course  they  haven't,  but  in  their  argument  they  have  care- 
fully avoided  it.  A  Socialist  is  not  to  be  believed,  a  Communist  is  a  liar,  and 
an  Anarchist  is  capable  of  committing  any  crime.  That  is  what  they  tell 
us  in  plain  language  —  that  we  have  produced  some  witnesses  here  who  are 
Socialists,  Communists  and  Anarchists,  and  because  we  have  done  so,  their 
testimony,  for  that  reason  alone,  is  to  be  discarded.  Mr.  Walker  and  Mr. 
Ingham  both  made  reference  to  the  character  of  some  of  our  witnesses  upon 
the  theory  and  upon  the  ground  that  the  evidence  showed  that  they  were 
Anarchists  or  Communists.  Well,  they  were  Anarchists,  Socialists  and 
Communists,  some  of  them. 

"  Although  the  gentlemen  claim  that  a  conviction  might  exist,  leaving 
out  the  testimony  of  Gilmer  and  of  Thompson,  they  would  never  concede 
that  under  any  circumstances  a  conviction  could  be  had  were  it  not  for  the 
testimony  of  Seliger  and  the  testimony  of  Waller  ;  they  never  would  con- 
cede that,  and  did  the  gentlemen  ever  think,  while  they  were  presenting  to 
you  the  case  upon  which  they  demanded  a  conviction,  that  the  very  wit- 
nesses that  they  proved  the  facts  by  upon  which  they  ask  you  to  hang 
these  men  are  Socialists  and  Communists  and  Anarchists  ? 

"  Not  only,  then,  are  Waller  and  Seliger  Communists,  Socialists  and 
Anarchists,  but  they  are  State's  witnesses,  co-confederates  and  conspirators, 
men  whose  testimony  is  regarded  with  disfavor  and  with  suspicion  by 
the  law. 

"  They  tell  us  that  a  man  will  lie  to  save  his  life.  Said  Mr.  WTalker, 
'  Do  you  believe  Mr.  Spies  ?  Will  he  not  lie  to  save  his  life  ? '  Then  I 


548  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

retort  the  argument  of  the  gentleman  upon  his  own  head  and  say,  '  Would 
not  Seliger  lie  to  save  his  own  neck  ?' 

"They  take  Mr.  Seliger  down  and  they  examine  him  and  they  get  his 
statement  and  they  reduce  it  to  writing.  The  detective  force  is  turned 
loose  upon  him.  His  statement  is  not  strong  enough;  that  won't  do;  it  is 
not  enough ;  still  there  are  missing  links.  '  Mr.  Seliger,  this  statement 
won't  do;  we  want  something  stronger  than  that.'  I  can  imagine  —  I  am 
not  giving  the  testimony  now,  but  I  can  imagine  how  those  detectives 
would  go  to  Seliger,  carried  away  from  his  family  as  he  was,  shut  up  in  a 
dark  dungeon,  kept  there  day  after  day  — '  Now,  Seliger,  here  are  two  pro- 
positions:  here  is  a  rope  and  here  is  a  statement;  choose  between  them.' 
He  chose  the  lesser  of  the  two  evils  —  the  statement,  as  any  man  would, 
Mr.  Walker  says,  to  save  his  own  life.  He  makes  the  statement.  He 
goes  away.  I  can  imagine,  I  say,  the  conduct  and  the  actions  of  the  detec- 
tive force  as  they  ply  him  with  questions  from  day  to  day.  '  It  won't  do, 
Mr.  Seliger,  it  won't  do.  There  are  too  many  missing  links.  We  want 
something  more.  Isn't  this  so,  isn't  that  so?  Didn't  this  happen,  didn't 
that  happen?'  And  poor  Seliger,  frightened,  weak-minded  and  timid, 
ignorant  of  the  laws  of  this  country,  ignorant  of  the  rights  which  American 
citizens  have  under  the  laws,  sits  down  and  makes  the  second  statement. 
And  still  the  thing  goes  on,  still  he  is  kept  in  confinement,  still  he  is  plied 
with  questions,  still  he  is  examined  and  cross-examined  :  '  Mr.  Seliger,  the 
first  statement  won't  do,  and  the  second  statement  won't  do.  Mr.  Seliger, 
we  want  more  from  you  than  this.'  And,  says  Mr.  Walker,  'Won't  a  man 
lie  to  save  his  life?'  And  Mr.  Seliger  makes  the  third  statement,  and 
again  he  goes  back  to  his  dungeon,  and  after  a  while  again  they  go  to  Seli- 
ger and  they  say  to  Seliger,  'This  won't  do.  You  have  made  a  statement, 
you  have  made  a  second  statement,  you  have  made  a  third  statement,  but 
still  there  are  missing  links.  Isn't  this  so,  isn't  that  so?'  And,  as  Mr. 
Walker  says,  '  Won't  any  man  lie  to  save  his  life  ? '  And  the  fourth  state- 
ment is  made  by  Seliger.  And  these  statements  are  unrolled  as  he  sits 
here  quivering  and  trembling,  knowing  perhaps  that  he  is  destroying  the 
lives  of  these  eight  men,  his  former  friends  and  associates,  and  questions 
are  pronounced  after  questions,  and  the  testimony  is  introduced  before  you, 
gentlemen,  from  a  Socialist,  from  a  Communist,  from  an  Anarchist,  from  a 
conspirator,  and  from  a  man  that  will  lie  to  save  his  own  life ;  and  upon 
that  testimony  you  are  to  act,  and  you  are  not  to  act  upon  any  testimony 
introduced  by  the  defendants  in  this  case. 

"You  remember  the  candy-maker  that  was  brought  upon  the  stand  by 
the  merest  accident.  You  remember  the  circumstance  that  when  his 
name  was  called  he  responded  from  that  corner  of  the  room  (indicating) 
— none  of  us  had  ever  seen  him  ;  we  didn't  know  it,  and  I  don't  to-day 
hardly  know  how  we  got  any  information  in  regard  to  the  man  at  all.  And 
when  he  came  forward  here  you  will  remember  that  this  case  was  delayed 
until  Mr.  Zeisler  and  myself  took  him  into  the  other  room  to  ascertain  if 
possible  why  he  was  here  and  to  what  facts  he  was  going  to  testify.  He 
came  upon  the  stand,  and  what  does  he  tell  you  ?  He  tells  you  that  on  the 
night  of  the  4th  of  May  he  was  at  the  Haymarket.  He  tells  you  that  he  was 
south  of  the  alley,  and  when  it  was  rumored  there  that  the  police  were  com- 
ing he  started  with  others  down.  He  tells  you  that  at  the  time  he  did  not 
know  how  far  it  was  south  of  the  alley,  but  he  knows  from  the  location  and 
from  the  surroundings,  and  that  since  then  he  has  gone  there  with  his 


THE  CANDY-MAN  AND  GILMER.  549 

tape-line  and  he  has  measured  it,  and  that  it  is  thirty-eight  feet  south  of  the 
south  line  of  Crane's  alley.  He  tells  you  that  as  they  were  going  down, 
when  the  police  had  come  up  he  saw  a  man  with  this  motion,  indicating  a 
backward  and  upward  motion  with  the  right  hand  —  not  with  this  motion  that 
Frank  Walker  tells  about  —  cast  a  burning  fuse,  as  it  went  hissing  through 
the  air  ;  that  he  followed  it  until  it  struck,  that  he  looked  at  it  until  the 
whole  country  around  about  was  illuminated  by  the  explosion  and  police- 
men bit  the  dust. 

"  Is  he  a  reliable  man,  gentlemen  ?  Is  there  anything  wrong  in  his 
character  ?  If  there  was,  why,  as  late  as  two  weeks  before  the  time  that  he 
testified,  was  Mr.  Furthmann  placing  before  him  the  picture  of  Rudolph 
Schnaubelt  ?  If  he  was  an  unreliable  man  and  they  knew  it,  if  they  did  not 
believe  his  statement  because  of  his  unreliability,  why,  I  say,  was  Mr.  Furth- 
mann two  weeks  before  —  according  to  the  testimony  of  the  witness 
which  Mr.  Furthmann  has  not  undertaken  to  gainsay  or  deny  —  present- 
ing the  photograph  of  Rudolph  Schnaubelt  to  see  whether  he  could  identify 
that  man  as  being  the  man  who  threw  the  bomb  ?  If  he  was  an  unreliable 
man,  he  tells  us  where  he  has  worked  ;  he  tells  us  where  he  has  lived  ;  he 
tells  us  who  his  associates  are  ;  he  tells  us  all  about  it.  If  there  is  anything 
wrong,  then  Captain  Schaack  would  turn  loose  his  detectives  and  his  police 
and  in  less  than  an  hour's  time  the  character,  the  true  character,  the  villain- 
ous character  of  the  man  would  have  been  exhibited  before  you.  But 
nothing  of  that  kind  is  done.  They  ascertain  the  fact  that  he  saw  the 
bomb-thrower  —  they  know  that  he  saw  the  bomb-thrower  —  at  least,  they 
believe  that  he  saw  the  bomb-thrower,  and  the  question  is,  Who  shall  be 
used?  Shall  the  candy-maker  be  used,  or  shall  Gilmer  be  used?  Which 
shall  it  be  —  the  candy-man  or  Gilmer? 

"  Now,  you  will  remember  that  the  State  was  two  weeks  putting  in  their 
testimony,  and  you  will  remember  that  the  defense  was  one  week  —  a  week 
and  one  day  more.  You  will  remember  the  testimony  of  this  witness  was  that 
two  weeks  before  that  time,  which  was  one  week  after  the  State  began  to  in- 
troduce their  testimony,  Mr.  Furthmann  presented  before  his  face  the 
picture  of  Rudolph  Schnaubelt  and  demanded  to  know  whether  he  could 
recognize  the  picture  as  being  the  man  who  threw  the  tjomb.  I  say  then  it 
seems,  Mr.  Gilmer  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding,  that  a  week  after  they 
had  commenced  the  introduction  of  their  testimony  it  was  still  a  doubtful, 
uncertain  and  mooted  question  as  to  where  took  place  the  throwing  of  that 
bomb,  and  into  whose  hands  to  place  it. 

" What  does  the  candy-maker  say?  He  says  honestly  to  Mr.  Furth- 
mann :  '  I  cannot  recognize  that  man  as  being  the  man  ;  I  don't  believe  that 
that  man  had  whiskers  ;  all  I  know  is  that  I  think  he  had  a  light  mustache 
and  I  think  he  was  an  ordinary-sized  man  ;  that  is  all  I  know  about  him.'. 

"And,  gentlemen,  that  is  a  reasonable  story.  Hurrying  away  as  he  was 
in  that  crowd,  supposing  that  the  police  had  come  there  for  a  purpose,  see- 
ing this  thing  take  place  and  the  disaster  that  resulted  from  it  and  the 
excitement  incident  to  it,  would  we  expect  that  he  would  know  or  would  be 
able  to  see  any  more  than  that  ?  He  did  not  recognize  Schnaubelt  as  being 
the  man ;  he  did  not  recognize  Fischer  as  being  present  at  the  time  the 
bomb  was  thrown  ;  he  did  not  recognize  Spies  as  being  the  man  who  lighted 
the  fuse,  and  the  prosecution  did  not  want  him,  and  so  they  sent  him  back 
to  the  candy-shop  in  obscurity,  and  there  intended  that  he  should  remain. 
They  did  not  want  him.  Why  didn't  they  ?  They  had  found  a  conspiracy, 


5  50  ANAR CHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

they  say,  to  use  violence  for  certain  illegal  purposes.  They  had  established 
the  fact  of  murder  ;  there  was  a  missing  link  ;  that  was  what  was  troubling 
them,  and  that  is  what  has  troubled  them  from  the  beginning  of  this  trial 
down  to  the  present  time  —  the  missing  link.  Where  is  the  man  in  all  the 
face  of  God's  green  earth,  where  is  the  man  that  can  identify  one  of  these 
men  that  we  will  show  was  in  any  conspiracy  to  do  anything  which  we 
might  criticise  or  object  to,  that  is  in  any  way  responsible  for  what  was  done 
at  the  Haymarket  that  night  ?  They  must  have  the  missing  link,  or  else 
they  must  fail  in  this  prosecution.  The  candy-man  won't  furnish  it.  He 
tells  his  story,  a  consistent  and  reasonable  story.  They  believe  his  story 
because  they  take  him  up  and  they  exhibit  to  him  the  picture  —  '  Is  that 
the  man  ?  '  Oh,  if  he  had  only  said,  '  Yes,  that  is  the  man,  that  is  the  man. 
that  was  in  company  with  him,'  how  quickly  the  candy-maker  would  have 
come  before  us  as  a  witness.  But  no  ;  the  man  said  honestly,  '  I  cannot  do 
that  ;  I  was  in  a  crowd  in  the  darkness  ;  I  was  in  the  bustle  and  the  excite- 
ment ;  I  cannot  do  that.'  They  didn't  want  him  ;  they  sent  him  home. 
And  still  there  is  a  missing  link.  Who  is  going  to  furnish  it  ? 

"  Gilmer  comes  proudly  to  the  front.  He  says,  'Rather  than  have  the 
play  stopped  I  will  furnish  the  missing  link.'  Gilmer  —  Harry  L.  Gilmer 
—  the  old  soldier  that  they  tell  us  about.  I  don't  believe  it.  I  don't  be- 
lieve he  was  ever  in  the  army  a  day  of  his  life,  because  I  believe  if  he  had 
been  that  my  brother  Grinnell,  of  all  witnesses  that  had  been  called,  would 
have  asked  him  that  very  first  question.  Some  of  you  gentlemen  bear  upon 
your  breasts  the  emblem  of  the  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic ;  some  of  you 
were  in  the  war  and  marched  at  the  peril  of  your  lives  under  the  stars  and 
stripes,  and  you  would  delight  in  meeting  a  man,  and  delight  in  believing 
in  his  honor  and  integrity,  if  you  believed  that  he  was  engaged  in  the  com- 
mon cause  with  you  in  those  trying  days ;  and  still  the  shrewd  counsel  never 
asked  the  question.  A  veteran  !  Yes,  a  veteran  of  Battery  D,  a  veteran 
of  Chicago,  of  the  Home  Rangers,  a  man  that  never  smelt  burnt  powder  in 
his  life  perhaps  —  he  is  the  veteran  soldier  that  is  lauded  before  you  gentle- 
men in  the  argument  of  counsel  who  have  addressed  you  on  the  part  of  the 
prosecution  in  this  case. 

"I  undertake  to  say,  gentlemen,  that  all  history,  ancient  and  modern, 
has  given  to  the  world  three  of  the  grandest,  the  most  consummate  and 
infernal  liars  that  ever  existed  since  Adam  first  was  set  in  the  Garden  of 
Eden  —  three  names  prominently  that  we  find  in  the  history  that  we  are 
making  now,  in  modern  history  and  in  ancient,  and  in  importance  they 
stand  in  the  order  in  which  I  name  them.  First  of  all,  greater  than  all, 
above  them  all  in  infamy  and  falsehood,  is  Harry  L.  Gilmer  ;  next  to  him 
comes  M.  M.  Thompson,  and  third  is  Ananias  of  old,  whose  Christian  name 
I  never  heard,  if,  in  fact,  he  ever  had  one.  All  history,  ransacked,  will  fur- 
nish no  three  such  men  as  the  three  names  that  I  have  suggested." 

Mr.  Foster  then  adverted  to  some  points  in  the  management  of  the  case, 
and  touched  at  some  length  on  the  fact  that  Gilmer  had  not  testified  before 
the  grand  jury.  He  proceeded  as  follows  : 

"Of  all  the  testimony  that  has  been  introduced  here,  the  testimony  of 
Harry  Gilmer  is  paramount.  Bind  the  rest  of  it  together  in  a  sheaf,  set  it 
alongside  of  the  testimony  of  Harry  Gilmer,  and  it  is  as  a  molehill  compared 
to  a  mountain,  if  the  testimony  of  Harry  Gilmer  is  true.  If  the  testimony 


WITNESS  GILMER  ARRAIGNED.  551 

of  Harry  Gilmer  is  true,  August  Spies  and  Mr.  Fischer  must  die.  If  you 
believe  him,  they  must  be  swept  from  the  face  of  the  earth  ;  and  yet  Mr. 
Grinnell,  saying,  '  We  have  nothing  to  conceal  and  nothing  to  hide;'  forgets 
to  tell  you  that  he  has  the  man  who  saw  Mr.  Spies,  in  the  presence  of  Mr. 
Fischer,  light  the  fuse  which  was  thrown  by  Mr.  Schnaubelt,  and  which 
destroyed  Officer  Degan.  He  never  expected  to  prove  it.  If  he  did  —  if  it 
is  true  that  he  expected  to,  and  if  it  is  true  that  he  had  nothing  to  conceal 
and  nothing  to  hide,  why,  then,  didn't  he  say  it  ?  Why  had  it  not  been 
published  broadcast  to  the  land  by  these  newspaper  gentlemen  ?  Why  was 
it  that  Harry  Gilmer's  face  was  not  published  and  sent  forth  in  every  paper 
that  is  published  in  the  land  ?  Why  was  it  that  it  was  not  said  :  '  This  is 
the  man  —  this  is  the  man  who  has  the  testimony  within  his  knowledge 
which  will  show  the  connection  and  establish  the  link  which  fastens  some  of 
the  defendants,  at  least,  to  the  murder  of  Mathias  J.  Degan  ?  '  Not  a  word 
—  not  a  word  upon  the  subject  of  Harry  L.  Gilmer,  the  veteran  of  the  war, 
the  old  soldier,  so  eloquently  discoursed  upon  by  my  brother  Walker. 
Where  was  Gilmer  then  ? 

"  I  can  imagine  brother  Grinnell,  in  his  anxiety  and  his  quandary  in 
determining  what  course  to  pursue  here,  discussing  with  himself  and  his 
associates  as  to  whether  or  not  this  case  should  be  determined  upon  the 
testimony  of  Thompson  alone,  or  Thompson  and  Gilmer  mixed.  It  has 
been  a  serious  consideration  on  the  part  of  the  gentlemen.  There  can't  be 
any  doubt  about  that.  But  the  honest  man  who  says,  '  No,  I  can't  identify 
them,'  is  sent  home,  and  Harry  Gilmer  is  brought  to  the  front.  He  will 
identify  Schnaubelt  —  oh,  yes  ;  no  question  about  that.  He  will  do  more 
than  that ;  he  will  identify  Fischer  —  oh,  yes  ;  he  will  do  more  than  that. 
Fischer  may  prove  an  alibi  ;  they  do  not  know  whether  Fischer  was  there, 
but  there  is  one  man  that  they  do  know  was  there,  and  that  he  was  there 
all  that  time  upon  that  wagon,  and  that  was  August  Spies,  and,  if  necessary, 
Harry  Gilmer  will  identify  Spies.  Now,  do  you  believe  that,  gentlemen  ? 
Do  you  believe  that?  And  I  do  not  charge  my  brother  Grinnell  with  put- 
ting Harry  Gilmer  upon  the  stand  knowing  that  he  was  swearing  to  a  pack 
of  lies.  Not  at  all ;  I  do  not  charge  him  with  that.  I  charge  him  with 
placing  no  reliance  upon  the  man  at  all.  I  say  that,  if  Mr.  Grinnell  knew 
at  the  time  he  made  his  opening  statement  that  Harry  Gilmer  was  to  come 
upon  the  stand  and  swear  to  that  fact,  he  did  not  do  his  duty  as  a  lawyer 
and  he  did  not  keep  his  pledge  to  the  jury,  and  if  he  did  not  know  it,  it 
shows  the  absolute  unreliability  of  the  testimony  of  Mr.  Gilmer. 

"  Now,  I  say  to  you,  gentlemen,  from  all  the  surrounding  circumstances 
in  this  case  —  I  say  that  Harry  L.  Gilmer  — and  I  stated  to  you  the  other 
day  that  I  was  not  in  the  habit  of  calling  witnesses  liars ;  I  preferred  to  pre- 
sent their  testimony  under  the  suspicion  of  mistake  rather  than  the  sus- 
picion of  falsehood  —  but  I  say  as  to  Harry  L.  Gilmer  that  he  is  a  stupen- 
dous, colossal,  a  monumental  liar,  and  there  is  no  escape  from  it.  Now, 
just  think  of  it  for  a  moment.  The  world  was  excited;  every  daily  paper  in 
the  universe  published  accounts  —  in  Paris  and  in  London,  in  Petersburg 
and  Vienna,  on  the  morning  following  the  4th  of  May,  citizens  read  of 
the  disaster  of  the  Haymarket;  the  civilized  world  was  shocked  with  the 
outrage  that  was  perpetrated  there.  Where  was  Harry  Gilmer,  the  man 
who  could  identify  the  man  who  threw  the  bomb,  the  man  who  could 
identify  his  companion,  and  the  man  who  could  identify  the  person  who  lit 
the  fuse  ?  Where  was  Harry  Gilmer  on  the  5th  day  of  May  ?  He  tells  us 


552  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

he  was  in  Crane's  alley  the  night  of  the  4th  ;  he  was  there  in  the  alley ;  he 
saw  Spies ;  he  says,  '  That  is  the  man  right  over  there ;  that  is  the  man 
that  threw  it ; '  he  saw  that  man  right  over  there  —  Spies  —  strike  a  match  and 
light  the  fuse,  and  saw  Fischer  in  his  company.  Schnaubelt  threw  it  in  the 
ranks  of  the  policemen. 

"  There  is  the  missing  link,  and  if  you  believe  that  testimony  as  to  two 
of  these  defendants,  the  chain  is  complete.  Darwin  is  dead,  but  the  missing 
link  has  been  found.  The  man  who  furnished  the  missing  link  went  home. 
The  man  that  has  seen  this  meandered  through  Crane's  alley  and  went 
quietly  home  to  his  roost,  and  he  went  to  bed  undisturbed.  It  is  true  he 
had  seen  the  man  who  threw  the  bomb  ;'  he  would  know  him  anywhere. 
He  would  know  him  by  his  picture  ;  he  knows  how  many  buttons  of  his  coat 
were  buttoned.  He  saw  the  man  that  stood  by.  He  would  know  him  any- 
where. He  knows  what  kind  of  clothing  he  had  on  and  how  many  buttons 
he  had  buttoned  of  his-  clothes.  He  knew  the  kind  of  hat,  the  kind  of 
clothes.  He  knew  the  man  who  lit  the  match,  who  touched  the  fuse  that 
exploded  the  bomb  that  Schnaubelt  threw.  He  knew  him.  He  knew 
whether  his  coat  was  buttoned  and  how  many  buttons.  He  knew  all  about 
it  —  everything  that  every  man  in  the  universe  demanded  should  be  known 
by  the  officers  of  the  law.  And  he  went  home  and  went  to  bed  and  never 
said  a  word  to  any  living  soul  about  it.  And  he  got  up  in  the  morning, 
fresh  upon  his  mind  the  fact  of  this  great  outrage  that  was  perpetrated  and 
that  everybody  was  talking  about  everywhere  —  in  restaurants,  on  the  street 
and  in  street-cars  —  knowing  that  he  was  the  man  that  could  recognize 
them  all  —  he  goes  and  buys  a  paper  on  the  street  and  sits  down  to  read 
how  terrible  it  was,  goes  into  a  restaurant  and  there  sits,  where  men  were 
conversing  of  the  horror  and  of  the  outrage,  and  never  opens  his  head  in 
regard  to  knowing  anything  about  it  —  not  a  word.  Then  he  goes,  after  he 
has  had  his  'meal,'  and  gets  upon  the  car  —  goes  to  the  corner  of  Twenty- 
second  Street  and  Wabash  Avenue,  and  there  he  meets  a  friend,  a  brother 
painter,  and  they  work  all  day,  and  from  a  third  to  half  the  time,  as  he  states, 
they  were  painting  together  and  lapping  each  other's  brushes  as  they 
painted  upon  the  side  of  the  building,  and  when  noon  came  they  sat  down 
to  discuss  matters  and  talk,  over  their  lunch.  They  speak,  at  times,  about 
the  Haymarket  meeting  and  the  great  disaster,  and  he  never  tells  his  friend 
that  he  had  seen  the  bomb  thrown,  or  knew  anything  about  it  —  not  a  word. 
The  world  was  in  flames,  but  Harry  Gilmer  was  cool." 

Mr.  Foster  continued  his  attention  to  Gilmer  at  considerable  length, 
making,  however,  no  new  points  against  him,  and  then  proceeded  : 

"Now,  Mr.  Graham  is  not  a  Socialist.  He  is  not  a  Communist  nor  an 
Anarchist.  He  is  a  reporter,  and  I  say  that  he  is  an  honorable  man.  His 
bearing  showed  it ;  his  countenance  indicated  it ;  and  the  fact  that  he  is 
not  attacked  nor  impeached,  nor  one  word  said  against  him,  either  in  argu- 
ment or  in  testimony,  in  my  mind  establishes  it. 

"  Well,  that  didn't  amount  to  very  much.  There  are  always  knowing 
ones  around,  and  Gilmer  was  one  of  them.  He  liked  to  loaf  about  police 
stations.  He  remembered  the  time  when  he  was  collecting  the  dog  tax  in 
Des  Moines.  He  associated  with  men  that  wore  uniforms,  and  he  liked  it. 
He  wanted  to  ingratiate  himself  into  their  good  opinions,  and  he  says  :  '  1 
believe  I  would  know  the  fellow.  I  was  there.  I  was  right  in  plain  sight, 
and  I  saw  him  light  the  fuse  and  I  saw  him  toss  the  bomb.  His  back  was 


CAPT.  BLACK'S  ARGUMENT. 


553 


to  me,  it  is  true,  but  I  do  believe  I  would  know  him.'  Ah  !  where  was 
Fischer  then  ?  Where  was  '  that  man  sitting  over  there,'  as  Gilmer  expresses 
it  ?  Where  was  Spies  and  where  was  Fischer  then  ?  Well,  they  hadn't 
developed  at  that  stage  of  the  proceeding,  that  is  all.  They  were  the  after- 
birth in  his  testimony." 

Mr.  Foster  went  into  a  long  and  searching  examination  of  the  evidence, 
arguing  out  the  more  important  facts  developed,  and  closing  with  an  elo- 
quent appeal  to  the  sympathies  of  the  jury.  His  speech  was  effective  and 
impressive. 

On  the  next  morning-— Tuesday —  Capt.  Black  began  his  argument  for 
the  defense,  and  was  listened  to  by  the  jury  with  marked  attention.  He  is 
a  forcible  speaker  and  dwelt  upon  the  testimony  favorable  to  his  side  with 
earnestness  and  emphasis.  He  traversed  necessarily  a  good  deal  of  the 
ground  covered  by  his  colleagues,  but  he  clothed  his  argument  in  captivat- 
ing language,  and  made  a  striking  and  effective  appeal  for  his  clients. 
The  following  will  show  the  points  he  made  : 

"On  the  morning  of  the  5th  of  May,  1886,  the  good  people  of  the  city 
of  Chicago  were  startled  and  shocked  at  the  event  of  the  previous  night, 
frightened,  many  of  them,  not  knowing  whereunto  this  thing  might  lead. 
Fear  is  the  father  of  cruelty.  It  was  no  ordinary  case.  Immediately  after 
that  first  emotion  came  a  feeling  which  has  found  expression  from  many 
lips  in  the  hearing  of  many,  if  not  all  of  you :  '  A  great  wrong  has  been 
done  ;  somebody  must  be  punished,  somebody  ought  to  suffer  for  the  suffer- 
ing which  has  been  wrought.'  Perhaps  it  was  that  feeling  —  I  know  not  — 
which  led  to  the  unusual  and  extraordinary  proceedings  which  were  taken  in 
connection  with  this  matter  immediately  following  the  4th  of  May.  Per- 
haps it  was  that  feeling,  in  a  large  measure,  which  led  to  the  arrest  and 
presentment  of  these  eight  defendants.  Perhaps  it  was  something  of  that 
feeling  which  will  explain  the  conduct  of  the  prosecution  in  this  case.  I 
am  not  disposed  to  say  that  there  has  been  any  willful  or  deliberate  intent 
on  the  part  of  the  representatives  of  the  State  to  act  unfairly.  I  am  not 
disposed  to  charge  that  there  has  been  upon  their  part  any  disposition  to 
do  an  injustice  to  any  man.  But  in  their  case,  as  in  the  case  of  all,  passion 
perverts  the  heart,  prejudice  corrupts  the  judgment. 

"  On  the  night  of  the  4th  of  May  a  dynamite  bomb  was  thrown  in  the 
city  of  Chicago  and  exploded.  It  was  the  first  time  that  in  our  immediate 
civilization,  and  immediately  about  us,  this  great  destructive  agency  was 
used  in  modern  contests.  I  beg  you  to  remember,  in  the  consideration  of 
this  case,  that  dynamite  is  not  the  invention  of  Socialists ;  it  is  not  their 
discovery.  Science  has  turned  it  loose  upon  the  world  —  an  agency  of 
destruction,  whether  for  defense  or  offense,  whether  for  attack  or  to  build 
the  bulwarks  round  the  beleaguered  city.  It  has  entered  into  modern  war- 
fare. We  know  from  what  has  already  transpired  in  this  case  that  dyna- 
mite is  being  experimented  with  as  a  weapon  of  warfare  by  the  great  nations 
of  the  world.  What  has  been  read  in  your  hearing  has  given  you  the 
results  of  experiments  made  under  the  direction  of  the  Government  of  Aus- 
tria, and  while  you  have  sat  in  this  jury-box  considering  the  things  which 
have  been  deposed  before  you,  with  reference  to  reaching  a  final  and  cor- 
rect result,  the  Government  of  the  United  States  has  voted  $350,000  for  the 


554 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 


building  of  a  dynamite  cruiser.  It  is  in  the  world  by  no  procurement  of 
Socialism,  with  no  necessary  relationship  thereto.  It  is  in  the  world  to 
stay.  It  is  manufactured  freely ;  it  is  sold  without  let,  hindrance  or  restric- 
tion. You  may  go  from  this  jury-box  to  the  leading  powder  companies  of 
the  country,  or  their  depots,  and  buy  all  the  dynamite  that  you  wish  with- 
out question  as  to  your  purpose,  without  interrogation  as  to  your  motive. 
It  is  here.  Is  it  necessarily  a  thing  of  evil?  It  has  entered  into  the  great 
industries,  and  we  know  its  results.  It  has  cleared  the  path  of  commerce 
where  the  great  North  River  rolls  on  its  way  to  the  sea.  It  is  here  and 
there  blasting  out  rocks,  digging  out  mines,  and  used  for  helpfulness  in  the 
great  industries  of  life.  But  there  never  came  an  explosive  into  the  world, 
cheap,  simple  of  construction,  easy  of  manufacture,  that  it  did  not  enter 

also  into  the  world's  combats.  I  beg 
you  to  remember  also  that  hand-bombs 
are  not  things  of  Socialistic  devising. 
It  may  be  that  one  or  another,  here  and 
there,  professing  Socialistic  tenets,  has 
devised  some  improvements  in  their 
construction,  or  has  made  some  ad- 
vances with  reference  to  their  composi- 
tion ;  they  have  not  invented  them.  The 
hand-grenade  has  been  known  in  war- 
fare long  ere  you  and  I  saw  the  light. 
The  two  things  have  come  together  — 
the  hand-grenade,  charged  no  longer 
with  the  powder  of  old  days,  but  charged 
with  the  dynamite  of  modern  science. 
It  is  a  union  which  Socialists  are  not 
responsible  for.  It  is  a  union  led  up 
to  by  the  logic  of  events  and  the  neces- 
sities of  situations,  and  it  is  a  union  that 
will  never  be  divorced.  We  stand  amaz- 
ed at  the  dread  results  that  are  possible 
to  this  union  ;  but  as  we  look  back  over 
history  we  know  this  fact,  contradictory 
as  it  may  seem,  strange  as  it  may  first 
strike  us,  that  in  the  exact  proportion 
in  which  the  implements  of  warfare  have  been  made  effective  or  destruct- 
ive, in  that  precise  proportion  have  wars  lost  the  utmost  measure  of 
their  horror,  and  in  that  precise  proportion  has  death  by  war  diminished. 
When  gunpowder  came  into  European  warfare  there  was  an  outcry  against 
it.  All  the  chivalry  which  had  arrogated  to  itself  the  power  and  glory  of 
battle  in  martial  times  sprang  up  against  the  introduction  of  gunpowder,  an 
agency  that  made  the  iron  casque  and  shield  and  cuirass  of  the  plumed 
knight  no  better  a  defense  than  the  hemp  doublet  of  the  peasant.  But  now, 
instead  of  wars  that  last  through  thirty  years,  that  are  determined  by  the 
personal  collision  of  individuals,  that  desolate  nations,  the  great  civilized 
nations  of  the  world  hesitate  at  war  because  of  its  possibilities  of  evil,  and 
diplomacy  sits  where  once  force  alone  was  intrenched.  The  moral  respon- 
sibility for  dynamite  is  not  upon  Socialism." 

Captain  Black  insisted  that  the  sole  question  before  the  jury  was  who 
threw  the  bomb,  for  the  doctrine  of  accessory  before  the  fact,  under  which 


CAPT.    WILLIAM     P.     BLACK 
From  a  Photograph. 


THE  CONSPIRACY  MEETING.  555 

it  was  sought  to  hold  the  defendants,  was  nothing  but  the  application  to  the 
criminal  law  of  the  civil  or  common  law  doctrine  that  what  a  man  does  by 
another  he  does  himself.  When  the  prosecution  charged  that  the  defend- 
ants threw  it,  their  charge  involved  that  the  bomb  was  thrown  by  the  pro- 
curement of  these  men,  by  their  advice,  direction,  aid,  counsel  or  encour- 
agement, and  that  the  man  who  threw  it  acted  not  alone  for  himself,  or  upon 
his  own  responsibility,  but  as  a  result  of  the  encouragement  or  procurement 
of  these  men.  He  held  that  the  State  must  show  that  the  agent  of  the 
defendants  did  the  deed,  and  that  it  is  not  sufficient  to  show  that  the 
defendants  favored  such  deeds.  Upon  this  point  counsel  spoke  at  some 
length.  Next  he  took  up  the  case  of  one  of  the  talesmen  examined  with 
reference  to  his  taking  a  place  on  the  jury,  who  swore  that,  having  been  for 
three  years  connected  with  the  office  of  the  Prosecuting  Attorney  in  the 
State  of  New  York,  he  found  in  himself  that  the  habit  of  thought  and  life 
to  which  he  had  there  devoted  himself  had  created  in  him  a  predisposition 
to  believe  every  accused  man  guilty,  which,  in  his  own  deliberate  judgment 
before  God,  disqualified  him  from  sitting  as  an  impartial  juror  in  a  criminal 
case.  The  application  of  this  case  to  the  attaches  of  the  State's  Attorney's 
office  who  had  appeared  before  the  jury' was  made  the  most  of. 

After  going  over  the  evidence  as  to  the  other  conspirators  Capt.  Black 
came  to  the  case  against  Fischer  and  Engel.  He  said  : 

"It  is  perhaps  proper  that,  in  view  of  the  circumstance  that  Fischer  and 
Engel  were  the  only  two  defendants  at  the  West  Lake  Street  meeting  on 
Monday  night,  I  should  present  briefly  my  opinions  touching  that  meeting 
as  relating  to  this  case.  Two  witnesses,  Waller  and  Schrade,  testified  as 
to  what  occurred  at  that  meeting.  Waller  said  there  were  seventy  or 
eighty  people  present ;  the  other  placed  the  attendance  at  thirty-five  to 
forty.  Let  us  suppose  thirty-five  or  forty  met  together  in  that  basement. 
In  the  progress  of  the  meeting  it  transpired  that  there  had  been  a  meeting 
of  the  North  Side  group,  of  which  Mr.  Engel  was  a  member,  on  the  previ- 
ous morning  (Sunday).  At  that  meeting  a  resolution  was  adopted,  which 
was  brought  before  the  Monday  night  meeting  for  consideration,  and  it  was 
adopted  in  the  manner  indicated  by  Waller.  I  think  I  state  it  fairly  to  the 
State  and  fairly  to  the  defendants  themselves,  when  I  say  that  the  action 
then  and  there  resolved  upon  was  this,  no  more,  no  less  :  That  if  in  the 
event  of  a  struggle  the  police  should  attempt  by  brute  force  to  overpower 
the  strikers  unlawfully  and  unjustly,  those  men  would  lend  their  help  to 
their  fellow-wageworkers  as  against  the  police.  A  plan  of  action  was  sug- 
gested by  one  of  the  group  which  contemplated  the  blowing  up  of  police 
stations,  cutting  telegraph  wires  and  disabling  the  Fire  Department.  Every 
particle  of  that  resolution,  gentlemen,  was  expressly  dependent  upon  the 
unlawful  invasion  of  the  rights  of  the  working  people  by  the  police.  Noth- 
ing was  to  be  inaugurated  by  the  so-called  conspirators,  there  was  to  be  no 
resort  to  force  by  them  in  the  first  instance.  It  was  solely  defensive,  and 
had  reference  alone  to  meeting  force  by  force ;  it  had  reference  alone  to  a 
possible  attack  in  the  future,  dependent  upon  the  action  that  the  police 
themselves  might  take.  I  am  not  here  to  defend  the  action  of  that  meet- 


556  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

ing.  The  question  here  is  :  Had  that  action  anything  whatever  to  do  with 
the  result  of  the  Haymarket  meeting  ?  The  action  of  the  North  Side  group 
had  nothing  to  do  with  that,  since  the  Haymarket  meeting  had  never  been 
dreamed  of  or  suggested  at  that  time.  By  whom  was  the  Tuesday  meeting 
suggested  ?  What  was  its  scope,  purpose  and  object  ?  As  then  and  there 
declared,  it  was  simply  to  be  a  mass-meeting  of  workingmen  with  reference 
to  police  outrages  that  had  already  taken  place.  Were  the  armed  men, 
those  conspirators  who  met  at  West  Lake  Street,  present  ?  '  No ;  they 
were  not  there.'  That  is  the  testimony  of  Waller  and  Schrade.  I  am  not 
here  even  to  say  that  the  proposition  to  call  that  meeting  was  a  wise  one. 
The  event  has  proven  how  sadly  unwise  it  was.  But  I  am  here  to  say  that 
the  men  who  in  that  Monday  night  meeting  proposed  the  calling  of  the 
Tuesday  night  meeting,  if  we  take  the  testimony  of  the  State  itself,  had  no 
dream  or  expectation  of  violence,  difficulty  or  contest  on  that  eventful  night. 
But  before  the  Tuesday  night  meeting  was  proposed,  a  suggestion  was  made 
that  they  ought  to  have  some  sort  of  signal  for  action,  and  the  word  '  Ruhe' 
was  suggested  by  somebody.  Waller  could  not  tell  who  suggested  it ; 
Schrade  did  not  know  it  had  been  agreed  upon.  Evidently  there  was  no 
very  clear  idea  that  night  what  '  Ruhe  '  did  mean,  because  Lingg  saw  it  in 
the  paper  at  eleven  o'clock,  and  said  :  '  That  is  a  signal  that  we  ought  to 
be  over  at  54  West  Lake  Street.'  Waller  finally,  under  close  examination 
by  the  State,  said  the  word  '  Ruhe  '  was  to  be  inserted  in  the  '  Letter-box ' 
of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  in  the  event  of  the  time  arriving  for  a  downright 
revolution.  Had  that  revolution  come  ;  had  it  commenced  when  the  word 
was  put  in  the  '  Letter-box '  ?  No.  When  the  members  saw  this  in  the 
'  Letter-box  '  what  were  they  to  do  ?  Go  to  the  Haymarket  and  attack  any- 
body ?  No.  They  were  to  go  to  their  respective  places  of  meeting,  and 
then,  according  to  advices  brought  to  them,  were  to  determine  upon  a 
course  of  action.  It  had  no  reference  to  the  throwing  of  the  bomb  at  the 
Haymarket.  Did  that  Monday  night  meeting  pick  out  the  man  who  was  to 
throw  the  bomb  ?  Did  it  provide  that  a  collision  between  the  police  and 
the  people  was  to  be  brought  about  at  the  Haymarket  ?  Did  it  contem- 
plate murder  ?  Not  at  all.  When  Fischer  told  Spies  that  the  word  '  Ruhe  ' 
had  no  connection  with  the  Haymarket  meeting,  he  spoke  the  truth.  It 
was  a  signal  that  the  armed  men  should  meet  at  the  piaces  designated  by 
themselves  to  determine  what  action  should  be  taken  with  reference  to 
whatever  might  have  transpired. 

"  But  it  is  to  be  borne  in  mind  fhat  the  meeting  of  the  armed  section 
never  took  place.  There  was  no  meeting  of  the  Northwest  Side  groups  ; 
there  was  no  meeting  of  any  group  pursuant  to  the  word  '  Ruhe.'  Were 
any  bombs  to  be  thrown,  any  violence  to  be  resorted  to  ?  No.  If  the  police 
made  an  attack,  a  committee  was  to  take  word  to  the  groups,  and  the 
groups  were  then,  and  not  till  then,  to  determine  what  action  they  should 
take  in  the  line  of  offense.  Does  that  make  every  man  who  was  present  at 
the  Monday  night  meeting  responsible  for  the  throwing  of  the  bomb?  Not 
at  all.  Unless  they  are  all  responsible,  it  does  not  make  Fischer  and  Engel 
responsible.  Engel  was  not  at  the  Tuesday  night  meeting.  Fischer  was 
there  and  went  quietly  away  before  the  bomb  was  thrown.  There  was 
absolutely  nothing  in  connection  with  the  Monday  night  meeting  which 
contemplated  violence  at  the  Haymarket  or  provided  for  the  throwing  of 
the  bomb. 

"  Let  me  call  your  attention,  in  passing,  to  another  thing.     When  Waller, 


A  PLEA  FOR  "THIS  BOY  LINGG."  557 

having  from  some  source  heard  of  the  lamentable  occurrence  at  the  Hay- 
market,  went  to  Engel's  house,  he  found  him  drinking  beer  with  two  or  three 
friends.  After  listening  to  the  details  of  the  affair  Engel  said,  while  Waller 
was  saying,  '  Let's  do  something,'  '  You  had  better  go  home.  I  have  no 
sympathy  with  a  movement  of  this  kind.  The  police  are  of  the  common 
people,  and  when  the  general  revolution  does  occur,  they  should  be  with  us. 
I  am  utterly  opposed  to  this  slaughtering  of  them.'  That  is  the  full  extent 
of  the  case  against  these  two  defendants,  except  the  further  fact  that  Fischer 
had  a  pistol  and  a  dagger.  It  is  not  right  to  hang  any  man  for  the  Hay- 
market  murder  simply  because  he  had  a  dagger  or  a  pistol  in  his  possession. 
"  As  to  Lingg,  he  came  from  that  republic  sitting  in  the  center  of  Europe 
preaching  the  everlasting  lesson  of  liberty.  He  came  here  in  the  fall  of 
1885,  and  became  a  member  of  the  Seliger  household.  Whatever  he  knows 
of  social  and  labor  conditions  in  this  country  he  learned  from  those  about 
him.  He  joined  a  carpenters'  union,  being  himself  a  carpenter  by  trade. 
He  attended  the  meetings  of  that  union.  Young,  active,  bright,  capable, 
he  enters  the  band  of  which  they  speak,  and  manufactures  bombs.  There 
is  no  law  against  that,  gentlemen  ;  but  they  claim  that  is  a  circumstance 
from  which  you  must  draw  the  conclusion  of  his  guilt,  when  taken  with 
other  circumstances,  for  the  Haymarket  tragedy.  The  State  put  on  the 
stand  one  man,  Lehman,  to  whom  he  gave  bombs.  Did  he  tell  Lehman  to 
go  to  the  Haymarket  and  use  the  bombs  there  ?  No.  Lehman  swears  that 
he  said  :  '  You  take  these  and  put  them  in  a  safe  place.'  And  Lehman  hid 
them  where  the  officer,  piloted  by  him,  found  them.  Does  that  prove  that 
Lingg  sent  a  bomb  to  the  Haymarket  for  the  purpose  of  having  somebody 
killed?  How  did  he  come  to  make  bombs?  Was  it  a  matter  to  engage  in 
on  his  own  volition  or  responsibility  ?  No.  The  Carpenters'  Union  at  one 
of  its  meetings  resolved  to  devote  a  certain  amount  of  money  for  the  pur- 
pose of  experimenting  with  dynamite.  You  may  say  that  was  not  right, 
but  he  was  not  responsible  for  it.  There  is  no  more  reason  in  holding  him 
responsible  for  the  Haymarket  affair  on  account  of  his  experiments  than 
there  is  to  hold  every  other  member  of  the  Carpenters'  Union  for  the  same 
thing.  That  is  how  Lingg  came  to  make  bombs.  Without  dynamite  a 
bomb-shell  is  a  toy.  The  Lingg  bombs  would  kill  nobody  unless  some  hu- 
man independent  agency  took  hold  of  them.  Did  Lingg  know  on  Monday 
night  that  one  of  his  bombs  was  to  be  used  ?  He  could  not  have  known  it, 
because  the  testimony  is  incontrovertible  that  it  was  understood  by  the  men 
who  met  at  54  West  Lake  Street  there  should  be  no  violence  at  the  Hay- 
market  meeting.  And  yet  the  State  asks  you  to  say  that  Lingg  shall  be 
hanged  because  he  manufactured  bombs.  The  man  who  threw  the  bomb 
did  the  independent  act  necessary  for  its  explosion.  Who  was  that  man  ? 
Was  he  connected  with  the  defendants  ?  The  evidence  does  not  show  it. 

"And  a  word  more  about  that.  This  boy  Lingg  was  dependent  upon 
others  as  to  his  impressions  of  our  institutions.  He  went  to  Seliger's  house. 
Seliger  is  a  Socialist ;  he  has  been  in  this  country  for  years.  He  is  thirty- 
one  years  of  age  ;  Lingg  is  twenty-one.  And  yet  the  great  State  of  Illinois, 
through  its  legal  representatives,  bargains  with  William  Seliger,  the  man  of 
mature  years,  and  with  his  wife,  older  even  than  himself,  that  if  they  will 
do  what  they  can  to  put  the  noose  around  the  neck  of  this  boy  they  shall  go 
scatheless  !  Ah  !  gentlemen,  what  a  mockery  of  justice  is  this." 

Proceeding  to  discuss  the  Haymarket  meeting,  he  held  that  there  was 


558  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

no  law  that  could  take  away  the  right  of  the  people  to  meet  and  consider 
grievances.  When  it  was  proposed  to  adopt  the  Constitution,  in  1787,  the 
States  were  so  careful  to  preserve  the  rights  of  the  people  that  several 
amendments  were  put  in.  Capt.  Black  spoke  of  our  forefathers,  who 
had  made  the  name  of  the  revolutionist  immortal,  and  referred  to  the 
meetings  that  had  to  be  held  as  a  preliminary  to  the  great  struggle. 
It  had  been  charged  against  these  men  that  they  were  guilty  of  misde- 
meanors for  holding  meetings,  and  they  had  been  prosecuted  for  crimes. 
Before  the  Constitution  could  receive  the  approbation  of  the  States,  it  had 
been  necessary  that  the  amendment  providing  that  no  laws  should  be 
passed  by  Congress  abridging  free  speech  should  be  inserted.  Such  a  pro- 
vision had  been  incorporated  in  the  first  Constitution  of  Illinois  in 
1818,  and  renewed  in  the  subsequent  Constitutions  of  1848  and  1870.  The 
Haymarket  meeting  had  been  called  for  the  common  good.  Those  men  be- 
lieved that  a  great  wrong  had  been  done,  a  great  outrage  committed,  and  the 
rights  of  the  citizens  in  that  assemblage  had  been  invaded  by  an  unlawful, 
unwarrantable  and  outrageous  act. 

"  Bonfield,  in  his  police  office,  surrounded  by  his  minions,  one  hundred 
and  eighty  strong,  armed  to  the  teeth,  knew  that  the  meeting  was  quietly 
and  peacefully  coming  to  its  close.  Nay,  he  had  said  so  to  Carter  Harrison. 
When  Parsons  had  concluded,  Mayor  Harrison  went  to  the  station  and  told 
Bonfield  that  it  was  a  quiet  meeting,  and  Bonfield  replied,  'My  detectives 
make  me  the  same  report.'  Yet  Carter  Harrison  did  not  get  out  of  hearing 
before  Inspector  Bonfield  ordered  his  men  to  fall  in  for  that  death  march. 
Who  is  responsible  for  it  ?  Who  precipitated  that  conflict  ?  Who  made 
that  battle  in  that  street  that  night  ?  The  law  looks  at  the  approximate 
cause,  not  the  remote.  The  law  looks  at  the  man  immediately  in  fault  ;  not 
at  some  man  who  may  have  manufactured  the  pistol  that  does  the  shooting, 
the  dynamite  that  kills,  the  bomb  that  explodes.  I  ask  you,  upon  your 
oath  before  God,  in  a  full  and  honest  consideration  of  this  entire  testimony, 
who  made  the  Haymarket  massacre  ?  Who  is  responsible  for  that  collision  ? 
If  Bonfield  had  not  marched  there,  would  there  have  been  any  death  ? 
Would  not  that  meeting  have  dissolved  precisely  as  it  proposed  to  do  ? 
Did  the  bomb-thrower  go  down  to  the  station  where  the  police  were  and 
attack  them  ?  A  bomb  could  have  been  thrown  into  that  station  with  even 
more  deadly  effect  than  at  the  Haymarket  itself.  There  they  were,  massed 
together  in  close  quarters,  in  hiding,  like  a  wild  beast  in  its  lair  ready  to 
spring.  Did  the  bomb-thrower  move  upon  them  ?  Was  there  here  a  design 
to  destroy  ?  God  sent  that  warning  cloud  into  the  heavens ;  these  men 
were  still  there,  speaking  their  last  words  ;  but  a  deadlier  cloud  was  coming 
up  behind  this  armed  force.  In  disregard  of  our  constitutional  rights  as 
citizens,  it  was  proposed  to  order  the  dispersal  of  a  peaceable  meeting. 
Has  it  come  to  pass  that  under  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  and 
of  this  State,  our  meetings  for  the  discussion  of  grievances  are  subject  to 
be  scattered  to  the  winds  at  the  breath  of  a  petty  police  officer?  Can  they 
take  into  their  hands  the  law  ?  If  so,  that  is  Anarchy  ;  nay,  the  chaos  of 
constitutional  right  and  legally  guaranteed  liberty.  I  ask  you  again, 
charging  no  legal  responsibility  here,  but  looking  at  the  man  who  is  morally 


THE  "MODERN  APOSTLES."  559 

at  fault  for  the  death  harvest  of  that  night,  who  brought  it  on  ?     Would  it 
have  been  but  for  the  act  of  Bonfield  ?  " 

Captain  Black  went  on  to  say  that  as  long  as  the  Mayor  was  there  Bon- 
field  could  not  act,  but  as  soon  as  Harrison  had  gone  the  officer  could  not 
get  to  the  Haymarket  quick  enough.  The  police,  the  speaker  urged,  had 
been  searching  the  files  of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  and  the  Alarm  for  years  to 
put  before  the  jury  the  most  inflammatory  articles.  After  alluding  to  Christ 
as  the  great  Socialist  of  Judea,  who  first  preached  the  Socialism  taught 
by  Spies  and  his  other  modern  apostles,  he  compared  John  Brown  and  his 
attack  on  Harper's  Ferry  to  the  Socialists'  attack  on  modern  evils,  conclud- 
ing : 

"  Gentlemen,  the  last  words  for  these  eight  lives.  They  are  in  your 
hands,  with  no  power  to  whom  you  are  answerable  but  God  and  history, 
and  I  say  to  you  in  closing  only  the  words  of  that  Divine  Socialist  :  'As  ye 
would  that  others  should  do  to  you,  do  you  even  so  to  them.' " 


CHAPTER  XXXI. 

Grinnell's  Closing  Argument  — -  One  Step  from  Republicanism  to  Anarchy 
—  A  Fair  Trial  — The  Law  in  the  Case  —  The  Detective  Work — Gilmer  and  his  Evi- 
dence —  ' '  We  Knew  all  the  Facts  "  —  Treason  and  Murder  —  Arming  the  Anarchists  — 
The  Toy-shop  Purchases  —  The  Pinkerton  Reports —  "A  Lot  of  Snakes"  —  The  Mean- 
ing of  the  Black  Flag  — -  Symbols  of  the  Social  Revolution  —  The  Daily  News  Inter- 
views—  Spies  the  "Second  Washington"  —  The  Rights  of  "Scabs"  —  The  Chase  into 
the  River  —  Inflaming  the  Workingmen — The  "Revenge"  Lie  —  The  Meeting  at  the 
Arbeiter-Zeitung  Office — A  Curious  Fact  about  the  Speakers  at  the  Haymarket — The 
Invitation  to  Spies  — -  Balthasar  Rau  and  the  Prisoners  —  Harrison  at  the  Haymarket  — 
The  Significance  of  Fielden's  Wound — Witnesses'  Inconsistencies  —  The  Omnipresent 
Parsons  —  The  Meaning  of  the  Manuscript  Find  —  Standing  between  the  Living  and 
the  Dead. 

STATE'S  ATTORNEY  GRINNELL  took  Wednesday  and  a  part  of 
Thursday  in  which  to  deliver  his  argument.      He  indulged  in  no  flights 
of  oratory,  but  presented  a  review  of  the  case  at  once  able,  convincing  and 
unassailable.      He  began  as  follows  : 

"I  said  to  you  in  the  opening,  gentlemen,  that  in  this  country,  above  all 
countries  in  the  world,  is  Anarchy  possible.  In  my  investigations  of  this 
case,  in  my  conduct  with  it,  with  my  knowledge  of  my  own  country  and  the 
freedom  we  enjoy  and  possess,  I  have  been  led  to  conclude  that  that  is 
true.  In  those  strong  European  governments,  where  there  is  monarchical 
or  strongly  centralized  government,  they  strangle  Anarchy  or  ship  it  here. 
Everybody  comes  to  our  climate ;  everybody  reaches  our  shores  ;  our  free- 
dom is  great  —  and  it  should  never  be  abridged —  and  here  with  that  free- 
dom, with  that  great  enjoyment  of  liberty  to  all  men,  they  seek  to  obtain 
their  end  by  Anarchy,  which  in  other  countries  is  impossible.  As  I  said, 
there  is  one  step  from  republicanism  to  Anarchy.  Let  us  never  take  that 
step,  and,  gentlemen,  the  responsibility  which  has  devolved  upon  you  in 
this  case  is  greater  than  any  jury  in  the  history  of  the  world  ever  undertook. 
This  is  no  slight  or  mean  duty  that  you  are  called  upon  to  perform.  You 
are  to  say  whether  that  step  shall  be  taken. 

"When  the  Haymarket  tragedy  occurred,  the  spontaneous  declaration 
by  every  honest,  every  law-abiding  man  and  woman  in  this  city  was  :  'An 
outrage  has  been  perpetrated  ;  a  great  crime  has  been  committed  ;  but  let 
there  be  a  cool,  unimpassioned  trial  and  let  the  guilty  suffer.  Then  and 
not  till  then.'  That  has  been  the  sentiment  of  every  newspaper  in  this  city 
from  which  counsel  sought  to  make  you  believe  by  quotations  there  had 
been  something  said  to  the  contrary.  The  little  extracts  and  abstracts  that 
have  been  clipped  from  the  newspapers  that  they  have  talked  to  you  about 
are  such  extracts  as  met  the  disapproval  of  the  newspapers.  And  even  as 
to  what  Capt.  Black  referred  to  the  other  day  in  your  hearing  and  which 
Foster  elaborated  to  you,  something  that  some  crank  has  written  to  the 
Inter-Ocean  as  to  what  should  be  done  with  these  defendants,  horrifying 
you  by  the  recital  as  he  did  —  what  does  the  newspaper  say  ?  That  the 
man  who  wrote  it  was  as  bad  as  an  Anarchist ;  that  we  are  here  to  maintain 

56o 


THE  COUNTRY'S  LIFE  AT  STAKE.  561 

the  law,  not  break  it.  And  that  can  be  said  of  every  newspaper  in  this 
city.  There  never  has  been  in  the  history  of  America,  in  the  world,  such 
unanimity  of  sentiment  as  has  prevailed  through  the  length  and  breadth  of 
this  country,  not  only  as  to  the  crime  itself  and  the  perpetrators,  but  as  to 
the  perpetrators  having  a  fair  trial.  And  why,  especially,  has  there  been 
so  much  talk  about  a  fair  trial  in  this  case  ?  Because  every  honest,  country- 
loving  American  citizen  knew  that  his  country's  life  was  at  stake,  and  the 
only  thing  to  do  was  to  demonstrate  the  strength  of  the  law  by  a  fair  trial, 
which  the  defendants  have  had." 

Mr.  Grinnell  at  this  point  went  into  a  very  lengthy  discussion  of  the  law 
in  the  case.  He  showed  conclusively  that  in  a  conspiracy  the  men  who  had 
advised  and  abetted  the  commission  of  the  crime  were  fully  as  guilty  as  the 
man  who  had  actually  made  himself  the  instrument  of  their  deed.  Inas- 
much as  the  instructions  given  by  the  court  to  the  jury  are  really  a  concise 
and  complete  statement  of  the  points  of  law  which  Mr.  Grinnell  and  the 
other  attorneys  for  the  State  urged,  I  have  taken  the  liberty  to  omit  that 
part  of  the  address. 

Coming  to  the  facts  in  the  case,  Mr.  Grinnell,  in  his  examination  of  the 
attempt  made  by  the  defense  to  impeach  Gilmer's  testimony,  said  : 

"A  few  days,  gentlemen,  after  the  Haymarket  riot,  for  a  whole'week,  as 
is  plain  from  the  testimony  in  this  case,  and  from  Captain  Schaack,  there 
was  not  the  least  particle  of  knowledge  or  a  suspicion,  great  as  had  been 
the  crime  that  was  committed  there  —  there  was  not  a  suspicion  that  it  was 
any  farther-reaching  than  the  result  of  these  repeated  inflammatory  speeches 
which  our  city  had  listened  to  for  years.  But  the  magnificent  efforts  of 
Schaack,  without  my  knowledge  at  that  time,  got  the  leading-string  which 
led  to  the  conspiracy.  Then  it  was,  for  the  first  time,  that  we  knew  of 
Schnaubelt,  or  that  we  knew  or  suspected  that  a  conspiracy  existed  at  all. 
I  confess  here,  gentlemen,  a  weakness ;  because,  whatever  may  be  the 
instincts  of  the  prosecutor,  as  they  say,  I  have  not  been  so  long  in  this  office 
as  to  be  callous  to  human  sentiments  and  to  humanity,  and  I  have  not  yet 
become  so  hardened  that  I  believe  everybody  accused  of  a  crime  is  guilty. 
I  hope  in  the  prosecution  of  my  duty,  and  in  this  office,  that  that  time  will 
never  come.  When  we  had  Spies  under  arrest,  I  confess  to  you  that  then, 
and  after  it  was  developed  that  a  conspiracy  existed  —  I  confess  the  weakness 
—  that  I  did  not  suppose  that  a  man  living  in  our  community  would  enter 
into  a  conspiracy  so  hellish  and  damnable  as  the  proof  showed,  and  our 
investigations  subsequently  showed,  he  had  entered  into  ;  and  therefore, 
notwithstanding  Gilmer's  statement  to  us  so  frequently,  Spies  was  not  shown 
to  him  and  not  identified. 

"  Honesty  of  purpose  is  the  only  thing  that  will  determine,  in  every  way, 
the  right  from  the  wrong. 

"  It  may  sound  to  you  a  little  out  of  place  for  me  to  say  here  that  the 
only  mistake  I  have  made  —  the  only  mistake  that  has  been  pointed  out  to 
you  that  I  have  made  —  and  I  frankly  confess  it  was  a  mistake  —  was  the 
suggestion  in  my  opening  about  the  bomb-thrower.  We  knew  the  facts. 
There  was  no  law  compelling  me  to  make  any  statement.  I  might  have 
proceeded  with  the  proof,  if  I  desired,  without  any  opening  statement.  I 
did  make  an  opening.  I  undertook  to  make  it  fairly  and  frankly  and  broad. 


562  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

I  was  afraid  of  wearying  you,  as  I  was  weary  myself,  from  the  days  and  days 
that  we  had  been  working  here  in  getting  a  jury,  and  the  anxiety  under 
which  I  labored.  I  said  in  that  opening  that  we  would  show  to  you  who 
threw  that  bomb.  I  said  in  that  opening  that  we  would  show  that  the  man 
left  the  wagon,  lighted  the  match  and  threw  the  bomb.  That  was  not  ab- 
solutely correct.  I  should  have  said  that  the  man  who  came  from  the 
wagon,  assisted  the  bomb-thrower,  as  the  proof  shows,  and  who  we  knew 
came  from  the  wagon,  was  in  that  group,  and  that  the  bomb  was  thrown  by 
a  man  whom  we  would  show  to  you. 

"  Gentlemen,  let  me  proceed,  as  fast  as  I  can,  in  the  discussion  of  another 
branch  of  this  case.  The  gentlemen  upon  the  other  side  have  said  to  you 
deliberately,  for  the  purpose  of  gaining  some  favor  in  your  eyes  for  their 
clients,  that  this  is  a  plain,  simple  case  of  murder,  and  that  we  have  no 
right  to  discuss  anything  or  talk  about  anything  except  that  which  occurred 
at  the  Haymarket  meeting.  They  read  some  law  to  you,  yesterday,  upon 
that  proposition.  It  was  inapplicable,  and  was  manifestly  so.  There  never 
was  a  murder  committed  in  the  world,  be  it  treasonable  murder  or  the  mur- 
der for  mere  gain,  but  what  the  trial  of  the  perpetrator  meant  an  investiga- 
tion of  the  life  of  the  man  who  committed  the  murder.  What  had  been  his 
utterances  ?  What  has  he  said  ?  Has  he  threatened  life  ?  Has  he  talked 
against  a  system  represented  by  police?  Has 'he  advised  the  use  of  dyna- 
mite ?  Has  he  advised  the  use  of  poison  ?  Has  he  advised  the  use  cf  the 
pistol,  the  rifle,  the  musket,  to  accomplish  his  end  ?  Those  are  legitimate 
sources  of  investigation.  And  further  than  that,  as  the  gentlemen  well  know, 
you  can  go  back  in  those  declarations  fcr  years  and  years,  and  there  is  no 
statute  of  limitation  against  threats,  when  a  repeated  threat  results  in  the 
deed  threatened. 

"  On  the  lake  front,  at  the  different  halls  in  the  city  of  Chicago,  at 
these  Communistic  or  Socialistic  halls,  as  the  gentlemen  called  them  —  they 
are  Anarchistic  halls ;  don't  let  us  have  any  mistake  about  names  and  titles 
—  in  all  these  months  and  years  there  has  been  openly  preached  to  the  cit- 
izens of  this  city  treason  and  murder  by  these  defendants.  Why  ?  To 
bring  about  a  social  revolution.  And  these  humanitarians,  these  God-like 
men,  these  defendants  who  have  the  similitude  of  Christ  —  peace  —  have 
openly  talked  murder  in  our  streets.  I  think  it  ought  to  have  been  stopped 
before.  I  think  when  they  made  the  utterance  from  the  lake  front,  or 
any  other  spot  in  the  city  of  Chicago,  that  they  should  have  been  snatched 
by  policemen  and'  taken  to  the  station  and  fined  for  disorderly  conduct,  as 
that  would  be  as  far  as  they  could  go,  except  under  the  common-law  rule 
which  provides  that  if  they  had  advised  murder  then  they  could  have  been 
punished  for  such  advice.  We  know  more  law  to-day  than  we  did  —  I  do, 
I  am  very  glad  to  say." 

Following  this,  Mr.  Grinnell  took  up  the  case  against  each  of  the  con- 
spirators as  follows  : 

"Why  was  Engel  preparing  for  the  purchase  of  a  large  amount  of 
arms  ?  That  has  not  been  disputed.  There  is  testimony  in  this  case  that 
Engel  not  later  than  last  winter,  and  perhaps  in  the  spring,  negotiated  for 
a  large  amount  of  arms,  with  his  daughter  present.  His  daughter  has  not 
been  placed  upon  the  stand  to  deny  that  fact.  Why  ?  He  was  not  a 
dealer  in  arms.  It  could  have  been  denied  if  not  true.  He  is  a  keeper 
of  a  toy-store,  it  appears,  over  on  Milwaukee  Avenue.  These  belligerent 


THE  PINKERTON  REPORTS.  563 

humanitarians,  these  men  whom  Black  would  have  you  surround  and  cover 
with  garlands — these  are  the  men  that  we  have  demonstrated  before  you 
have  been  buying  arms  and  preparing  for  years  for  something.  Why  was 
it  that  Parsons  at  another  place,  no  later  than  last  winter,  or  late  in  the  fall, 
also  negotiated  for  a  large  amount  of  arms  ?  Has  he  denied  it  ?  He  has  been 
on  the  witness-stand.  Why  did  he  negotiate  for  arms  ?  For  humanitarian 
purposes  ?  Why,  gentlemen,  to  dispose  of  the  bloodhounds,  the  police,  the 
capitalists.  That  has  been  their  cry.  Their  cry  on  the  lake  front  and 
everywhere  has  been  that  same  treasonable,  infamous  cry.  Is  that  the  only 
place  they  have  spoken  ?  Their  halls  are  all  over  the  city.  Look  at  the 
testimony  of  Johnson,  the  detective,  on  that  subject.  The  only  testimony 
against  Johnson,  the  only  syllable  in  this  proof  against  Pinkerton's  detective 
who  is  called  Johnson,  or  Jansen,  is  Foster's  —  that  is  all,  except  that 
Fielden  said,  as  I  remember,  that  the  man  O'Brien,  in  whose  presence 
Johnson  said  Fielden  made  the  remark  about  a  little  dynamite  in  his  pocket, 
was  not  here,  and  that  therefore  he  did  not  say  it.  Why,  Fielden  had  been 
saying  it  for  years  —  he  had  been  talking  it  day  after  day  and  Sunday  after 
Sunday  on  the  lake  shore. 

"He  had  been  talking  it  year  in  and  year  out.  He  had  been  speaking 
for  dynamite  and  demanding  its  use  by  the  workingmen,  and  advising  them 
to  arm  themselves  with  it  for  months  and  years.  Foster  said  that  Johnson 
is  not  to  be  believed  because  he  is  a  detective,  and  he  delivered  a  very 
pleasant  lecture  on  that  subject.  I  presume  he  has  delivered  it  in  every 
important  trial  that  he  has  ever  been  in.  It  is  the  ordinary  language,  the 
usual  philippic  against  detectives,  I  suppose.  I  never  saw  a  detective  on 
the  witness-stand  that  commended  himself  so  favorably  to  the  honest  con- 
sideration of  any  listener  as  did  Johnson.  And  after  he  had  withstood  that 
severe,  critical  and  exasperating  cross-examination  of  Foster,  he  still  stood 
there  a  monument  of  strength  to  the  truth  which  he  had  uttered.  He  had 
said  nothing,  gentlemen,  but  what  had  been  in  the  public  press  for  years 
about  these  utterances ;  and  they  have  not  denied  a  single  syllable  of  his 
testimony.  I  suppose  then,  gentlemen,  from  that  follows  another  proposi- 
tion —  that  we,  in  the  city  of  Chicago  and  elsewhere,  must  suffer  murder, 
must  be  robbed,  our  friends  killed,  our  houses  invaded,  law  set  at  defiance, 
because  it  would  be  unfortunate  to  have  anybody  convicted  who  was  guilty 
on  the  testimony  of  the  detective.  Foster  said  there  never  was  any  great 
murder  trial  in  the  world  but  what  there  is  a  detective  in  it.  That  may  be 
so.  The  peculiarity  of  this  murder  trial  and  the  detective  is  this  —  that 
this  report  was  made  from  day  to  day  by  the  detective  to  his  principals, 
and  by  them  to  citizens,  long  before  this  murder.  The  detective  that  Fos- 
ter pictures  is  the  one  who  after  the  act  goes  back  to  make  up  a  case. 
This  w,as  making  the  case  without  thinking  that  it  would  ever  take  place, 
and  the  actual  written  statements  made  by  him  from  night  to  night  and 
from  day  to  day  were  here  in  court ;  and  if  they  were  not,  the  fact  has  not 
been  denied,  and  these  men  have  been  on  the  stand.  Why  didn't  they 
deny  it  ?  Did  any  of  them  deny  the  existence  of  the  armed  group  and  the 
marching  backward  and  forward  and  the  explanation  of  the  dynamite  cans 
at  Greif's  Hall?  No;  -none  of  them  denied  it.  They  would  have  denied 
it  if  it  had  not  been  so  absolutely  strong  in  its  proof.  The  written  evidence, 
the  handwriting  on  the  wall,  was  against  these  men. 

"  But,  not  content,  these  revolutionists,  these  traitors,  these  men  who 
have  committed  treason  —  I  thank  again  the  gentleman  for  the  word  — 


564  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

these  men  who  have  committed  treason  are  not  content  with  confining  their 
power  and  influence  to  the  small  limits  of  Cook  County,  but  Spies  goes  to 
Grand  Rapids  and  there  gives  utterance  to  these  same  treasonable  sen- 
tences ;  and  there  is  no  doubt  that  other  proselytes  of  the  humanitarian 
crowd  were  at  other  places  in  the  country  doing  the  same  thing.  It  seems 
that  Parsons  was  at  Cincinnati  Sunday  or  Saturday  before  the  Haymarket 
difficulty.  Was  he  down  there  for  the  same  purpose  that  Spies  was  at 
Grand  Rapids  ?  And  at  Grand  Rapids,  what  did  Spies  say  ?  He  said  that 
the  social  revolution  must  come,  would  come  when  there  were  great  num- 
bers of  laboring  men  out  of  employment,  and  foreshadowed  the  difficulties 
in  the  ensuing  year,  in  1886.  The  great  things  that  he  was  to  accomplish 
then  were  foreshadowed.  '  But,'  said  Moulton  to  him,  — the  other  witness 
heard  the  conversation,  —  'they  will  strangle  you  like  a  lot  of  snakes.  It  will 
be  murder.'  '  Oh  no  ;  oh  no.  No  murder  about  this.  We  are  humani- 
tarians. No  murder.  We  will  succeed.  It  will  be  revolution,  and  I,  great 
Spies,  will  be  the  second  Washington  of  America.'  The  second  Washing- 
ton of  America  !  '  But  if  you  fail?'  says  Moulton.  '  Of  course,  if  we  fail, 
that  is  another  thing;  but  we  ain't  going  to  fail.'  'Why?'  'Because 
hundreds  of  thousands  of  laboring  men  will  be  out  of  employment  all  over 
the  United  States,  and  they  have  the  power.'  That  is  the  friend  of  the 
laboring  man,  the  Anarchist  and  friend  of  the  laboring  man,  advocating 
the  destruction  of  property  to  advance  the  interests  of  the  laboring  man. 
It  would  be  a  great  benefit  to  me,  with  the  very  little  property  that  I  have,, 
to  have  it  destroyed  ;  it  would  enrich  me  so  at  once  ! 

"  But  that  is  not  all —  and  there  has  been  no  dispute  about  that  inter- 
view with  Moulton,  not  a  syllable  of  dispute  about  that  interview  from  any 
source.  Counsel  did  not  even  undertake  to  cross-examine  Moulton.  His 
intelligence  was  such,  he  was  so  clear-headed  and  concise  in  what  he 
uttered,  that  they  dropped  him.  What  was  all  this  for?  That  meant  prep- 
aration and  threats  toward  what?  Toward  murder,  the  social  revolution — 
and  it  was  murder.  That  is  why  this  is  competent  evidence.  That  is  why 
the  utterances  of  these  men  are  material  and  necessary.  That  is  why  the 
proof  is  overpowering. 

"There  is  no  use  in  my  giving  you  the  details  of  these  speeches  from 
day  to  day.  They  have  made  indignant  every  man  who  has  listened  to 
them  or  read  them.  They  have  caused  other  things  —  they  have  caused 
bloodshed  and  riot. 

"  Foster  says  to  you  that  there  is  no  difficulty  about  the  black  flag  ;  that 
that  is  a  flag  they  use  over  in  Europe  to  march  around  with,  showing  their 
humanitarian  desires,  or  that  they  are  hungry  —  that  that  is  what  it  means. 
It  does  not  mean  that  here.  They  were  going  to  march  down  Michigan 
Avenue  under  the  black  flag  and  strike  terror  to  the  hearts  of  the  capitalists. 
Didn't  Fielden  and  Spies  and  Parsons  and  all  that  gang  understand  that 
when  the  valiant  crowd  would  march  up  Michigan  Avenue  under  the  black 
flag,  it  meant  death,  no  quarter,  piracy  ? 

"  But  that  is  not  all.  The  Board  of  Trade  meeting  occurs,  and  there 
the  black  flag  and  the  red  flag  were  carried.  The  article  has  been  read  to- 
you,  and  it  is  unnecessary  to  go  into  that  again.  And  there  they  say  that 
that  meeting  was  copiously  supplied  with  nitro-glycerine  pills,  or  some- 
thing of  that  kind.  They  did  not  get  at  the  Board  of  Trade,  but  had  to 
march  clear  around  it,  within  a  block  of  it,  and  then  vented  their  spite  — 
aroused  by  their  difficulties,  vented  their  spite  in  speeches  from  the  Arbeiter- 


THE  BLACK  AND  THE  RED.  565 

Zeitung  office  that  night,  commending  their  valorous  deeds  and  acts,  only 
saying  that  they  were  preparing  for  them,  declaring:  'We  will  wait  for 
some  other  time,  when  we  are  ready  for  the  police.'  They  did  not  expect 
any  police  that  night.  They  thought  they  would  march  right  down.  The 
police  began  to  wake  up. 

"  Gentlemen,  the  red  flag  has  passed  in  our  streets  enough.  At  that 
meeting  which  they  comment  so  much  upon  in  the  Alarm  and  the  Arbeiter- 
Zeitung,  representing  its  peculiarities,  its  honor,  and  its  humanitarian  in- 
fluences, they  suggest  that  the  red  flag  that  was  carried  there,  and  carried 
by  women,  that  it  is  the  flag  of  universal  liberty,  and  it  is  so  described  here 
on  the  witness-stand.  Ah,  gentlemen,  there  is  but  one  flag  of  liberty  in  this 
land,  and  that  is  the  stars  and  stripes.  That  flag  is  planted  on  our  soil,  and 
planted  to  stay,  if  you  have  the  courage  to  carry  out  the  law.  It  is  a  plant 
of  liberty. 

The  blades  of  heroes  fence  it  round  ; 
Where'er  it  springs  is  holy  ground. 
From  tower  and  dome  its  glories  spread  ; 
It  waves  where  lonely  sentries  tread. 

It  makes  the  land  as  ocean  free, 
And  plants  an  empire  on  the  sea  — 
Always  the  banner  of  the  free, 
The  starry  flower  of  liberty. 

"  That  is  the  flag  that  these  men  want  to  wipe  out  and  supplant  with  the 
black  and  the  red.  No  wonder  those  flags  over  there  (indicating  flags 
offered  in  evidence)  disturbed  Foster.  He  is  an  American  citizen,  not 
tinctured  or  tainted  with  any  of  the  Anarchy  of  his  clients. 

"There  is  one  other  suggestion  I  want  to  make  to  you  in  this  connec- 
tion. I  wish  to  hurry  along  and  be  as  brief  as  possible.  As  has  been  said 
to  you  by  counsel,  the  case  in  its  magnitude  and  scope  is  so  great  that  no 
one  man  can  cover  it.  Some  branches  of  this  case,  and  nearly  all,  have 
been  well  covered  by  Mr.  Walker  and  Mr.  Ingham,  who  preceded  me.  But 
there  is  one  forcible  suggestion  brought  to  my  attention  by.  Mr.  Ingham, 
and  I  wish  to  again  ask  :  Why  all  these  threats  ?  Why  all  this  talk  ?  Why 
so  many  threats  of  murder,  outside  of  the  question  of  the  desire  to  accom- 
plish that  end  ?  Ah  !  gentlemen,  it  is  so  that  the  revolution  could  more 
easily  take  place  by  causing  terror  in  your  hearts  and  my  heart.  That  is 
what  it  meant :  causing  terror  in  the  heart  of  every  American  citizen,  and 
thereby  making  more  easy  the  accomplishment  of  that  which  they  desire 
and  preach.  Why  all  these  armed  groups,  scattered  throughout  and 
operating  in  the  city  of  'Chicago,  as  they  all  say,  as  Most  explains  in  his 
book,  as  Spies  explains  and  as  Parsons  and  all  in  their  speeches  explain  ? 
Why  this  network  of  groups  ?  It  was  the  nucleus,  the  foundation  from 
which  that  social  revolution  was  to  spring,  and  these  armed  men  were  to  do 
their  part  of  the  duty.  There  was  a  desire  to  strike  terror  —  that  is  the 
watchword  — •  to  strike  terror  to  the  hearts  of  the  capitalists  and  their  min- 
ions, the  bloodhounds  of  the  police.  That  is  what  it  meant.  Threaten  life 
—  specific  in  one  direction  —  and  threaten  the  peaceful  citizens  and  the 
law-abiding  citizens  on  the  other  hand,  so  that  they  would  throw  up  both 
hands  at  once,  and  let  it  go  on.  That  was  their  scheme.  Why?  Because 
these  men,  in  their  craven  spirit,  supposed  that  one  hundred  thousand  hon- 
est laboring  men  in  this  town  would  at  once  wheel  in  behind  the  ranks  of 
the  three  thousand  and  mow  down  everybody  else.  Lingg,  who  told  Capt. 


566  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

Schaack  of  all  the  bombs,  not  admitting  that  he  had  made  the  bomb  that 
killed  Degan,  admitted  and  told  Schaack  that  they  were  pills  and  medicine 
for  the  police  and  capitalists. 

•' They  were  not  the  friends  of  the  laboring  man,  although  they  were 
always  talking  about  that  in  public  —  such  wonderful  friends  of  the  laboring 
man  !  Gentlemen,  they  wanted  to  kill  the  pystem.  They  said  they  wanted 
to  kill  the  system,  and  on  the  witness-stand  here  they  said  that  on  that 
night  of  the  Haymarket  massacre  they  meant  the  system.  What  system  ? 
The  system  of  law.  They  have  no  malice  in  their  hearts  against  the  seven 
officers  —  Oh  !  no.  They  did  not  know  them.  It  was  not  the  seven  officers, 
as  persons,  they  desired  to  kill ;  but  they  desired  to  kill  the  officers,  and  all 
of  them,  in  order  to  kill  the  system  —  the  system  of  law. 

"  Besides  the  frequent  declarations  that  have  been  proven  here  as  to  the 
designs  of  these  men  foolishly  and  dishonestly  to  represent  themselves  as 
the  friends  of  the  laboring  man,  they  have  said  in  their  writings,  and  they 
have  preached  on  the  stump,  that  the  eight-hour  movement,  as  a  movement, 
would  not  help  the  laboring  man.  And  why  ?  Because  the  laboring  man 
must  have  Anarchy  —  must  have  what  other  people  have  got  in  the  way  of 
property,  as  they  have  defined  in  their  ideas  of  property.  Black  calls  that  a 
theory. 

"Declarations  threatening  dynamite  were  made  in  our  midst  for  the  pur- 
pose of  terrorizing  the  people,  and  causing  them  to  believe  that  these  men 
were  more  powerful  than  they  were,  and  thereby  causing  the  laboring  man 
to  come  to  their  ranks.  It  was  a  bid  for  the  laboring  man  —  that  is  what  it 
was,  and  that  is  why  Wilkinson's  interview  was  so  easily  obtained. 
Wilkinson  interviewed  these  men,  and  published  in  the  Daily  News  of  the 
I4th  day  of  January,  1886,  his  interview  with  Spies  as  to  the  purposes  and 
objects  of  the  revolutionists  and  Anarchists  in  the  city  of  Chicago.  What 
did  he  say?  He  told  about  the  bombs,  the  dynamite,  their  preparation, 
their  network  of  groups,  their  thousands  of  armed  men.  in  the  city  of  Chi- 
cago, their  drilling  from  day  to  day  or  week  to  week.  He  gave  him  a 
sample  of  a  bomb,  and  told  him  further  that  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  office  was 
a  place  for  the  distribution  of  bombs  in  the  city  of  Chicago,  and  upon  his 
own  testimony  it  appears  that  he  received  bombs,  as  Mr.  Ingham  has  ex- 
plained to  you,  from  one  part  of  the  country ;  and  then  samples  were 
brought  in  —  two  more,  of  which  the  one  here  presented  and  called  the  Czar 
bomb  was  one. 

"And  now,  why  did  he  do  all  that?  Why  did  this  foolish  man  do  that? 
They  want  you  to  acquit  him  because  he  is  foolish.  Why  did  this  foolish 
man  do  all  that  ?  Gentlemen,  the  answer  is  plain  and  simple.  First, 
vanity  —  the  second  Washington  of  this  country!  God  save  the  memory 
of  the  father  of  our  country. 

"  Another  thing,  he  wanted  to  demonstrate  through  the  public  press  to 
the  one  hundred  thousand  honest  laborers  in  Chicago  that  Anarchy  had 
come.  That  is  what  he  wanted.  That  is  why  it  was  advertised.  That  is 
why  he  so  flippantly  discussed  open  secrets  in  that  way.  He  wanted  the 
laboring  man  to  follow  in  the  wake  of  the  despoilers  of  our  country,  the 
Anarchists.  Yes,  and  fearing  that  such  talk  in  the  newspapers  would  scare 
some  of  his  conspirators  and  co-workers  in  evil,  he  goes  to  Fielden  when 
they  were  having  a  meeting  at  Greif's  Hall  a  day  or  two  after,  and  says  to 
him,  '  Go  light  on  that  interview  among  our  companions  ;  they  may  be  scared 
off.'  He  was  obliged  to  hedge  among  his  companions  to  keep  them  in 


THE  RIGHTS  OF  "SCABS."  567 

control,  and  by  his  vaporings,  as  they  call  it,  seek  to  pull  to  them  tne  one 
hundred  thousand  laborers  in  this  town.  If  there  had  been  a  possibility  of 
the  accomplishment  of  his  designs,  what  would  we  have  done  in  this  city 
with  one  hundred  thousand  men  let  loose  ?  Parsons  says  he  was  a  Knight 
of  Labor.  His  very  paper  abuses  Powderly,  the  genius  and  inspiration  of 
the  Knights  of  Labor  in  this  country.  Their  honest  leaders  in  this  country 
are  men  who  are  opposed  to  Anarchy,  and  in  the  organization  of  the  Knights 
of  Labor,  gentlemen,  the  one  element  in  it  to-day  which  is  dangerous  to  it 
and  the  rights  of  the  laboring  man  is  the  very  element  of  Anarchy — danger- 
ous wherever  it  is. 

"  Parsons  was  buying  arms,  negotiating  for  them  ;  Engel  was  negotiat- 
ing for  them  ;  Lingg  was  making  bombs  ;  Fischer  was  doing  the  work  of 
Spies  in  the  promulgation  of  their  ideas  ;  Fielden  was  making  speeches 
preparing  the  public  ;  Parsons,  in  his  humanitarian  designs  against  his  own 
country,  where  his  fathers  were  born  and  lived — he*was  writing  and  speak- 
ing for  the  social  revolution  and  against  all  law,  as  was  Schwab  and  Spies, 
and  it  was  to  take  place  the  ist  of  May,  1886.  Gentlemen,  as  I  said  in  the 
opening,  I  say  again,  Spies  appeared  at  the  McCormick  meeting  for  the 
purpose  of  inflaming  that  crowd  to  the  highest  intensity,  as  expressed  in 
their  editorials  —  to  the  highest  pitch  of  excitement  —  appeared  at  that  crowd 
and  spoke.  It  appears  from  his  own  lips,  and  appears  in  proof  here,  that 
before  he  spoke  there  had  been  no  riot ;  that  while  he  was  speaking  the 
rioting  occurred  and  the  difficulty  was  precipitated.  I  take,  gentlemen,  his 
explanation,  given  by  himself,  written  that  night,  as  the  full  explanation. 
He  in  that  article  says  :  '  If  there  had  been  one  dynamite  bomb.1  Think 
of  the  horror  !  It  makes  one's  blood  run  cold  —  these  men  deliberating 
with  such  infamy  the  destruction  of  life  and  property  in  a  country  which 
has  freedom  for  its  basis  and  freedom  for  its  glory,  and  talking  riot  and 
bloodshed. 

"I  am  not  going  to  discuss  further  that  McCormick  meeting,  except  to 
make  this  suggestion  that  seems  to  have  been  omitted.  It  is  in  regard  to 
the  '  Revenge '  circular.  I  say,  gentlemen,  that  the  basis  of  the  '  Revenge  ' 
circular  is  a  lie,  premeditated,  deliberate,  infamous,  and  is  the  key-note  to 
the  situation. 

"  McCormick  had  some  laboring  men  —  it  is  the  high  privilege,  the  great 
and  high  privilege  of  the  defendants  in  this  case  to  call  them  '  scabs.'  We 
will  call  them  'scabs.'  They  were  working  at  McCormick's  for  their  honest 
daily  bread.  They  had  no  fight  with  the  world.  They  were  seeking  their 
subsistence  by  daily  toil.  They  had  rights  which  every  man  should  respect ; 
they  had  the  right  to  peaceful  employment,  of  coming  and  going  to  their 
labor  as  they  saw  fit.  They  came  out  of  that  great  factory,  only  a  moment 
before  teeming  with  the  busy  throb  of  life,  to  be  set  upon,  attacked  and 
murdered  by  the  strikers  whom  defendant  Spies  was  speaking  to.  Who 
there  was  entitled  to  protection,  gentlemen?  Was  it  the  duty  of  the  police 
to  protect  the  '  scabs,'  or  the  six  thousand,  part  of  whom  began  the  riot  ?  The 
time  that  the  attack  occurred,  gentlemen,  there  were  only  two  policemen  on 
the  ground.  Those  two  policemen  that  came  out  of  McCormick's  factory 
nearly  lost  their  lives;  one  of  them  was  stoned  nearly  to  death  ;  secured 
himself  in  a  patrol  box,  which  was  afterwards  pulled  down,  and  all  for  what  ? 
Because  a  few  'scabs'  coming  out  of  McCormick's  on  their  way  to  their 
homes  and  their  families  had  been  attacked  by  the  mob  which  Spies  was 
addressing  and  instigating.  The  two  policemen  called  a  patrol  wagon  in 


568  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

order,  as  was  their  right  and  duty,  to  protect  the  property  of  McCormick,  the 
lives  of  the  '  scabs  '  who  swam  the  river,  and  the  lives  of  the  two  officers  who 
were  there  then.  He  calls  such  protection  of  a  few  '  scabs'  against  this  army 
of  strikers  which  he  sought  to  inflame  —  and  did  not  entirely  succeed  —  calls 
that  transaction  the  bloodhounds  of  the  police  wickedly  shooting  down  your 
friends.  It  was  a  lie.  The  police  were  there  in  honored  duty,  protecting 
life  and  property,  and  the  mob  began  the  fight,  and  not  the  police.  Not 
only  has  Spies  declared  in  that  circular  that  men  were  killed  who  were  not, 
but  that  men  were  injured  who  were  not  hurt ;  not  only  that,  but,  pervading 
it,  the  whole  of  it,  is  a  lie,  and  the  purpose  of  that  lie  was  to  inflame  the 
laboring  men.  He  rushed  down  to  his  office  and  wrote  that  circular,  as  he 
says,  'with  his  blood  boiling  against  the  outrages  of  the  police.'  Poor 
bloodhounds  of  the  police,  who  had  undertaken  to  protect  the  lives  of  a  few 
people,  and  McCormick,  who  is  unfortunate  enough  to  own  more  property 
than  perhaps  any  of  us  —  to  protect  his  property  from  being  stoned,  and  his 
premises  pillaged,  and  his  men  murdered.  He  writes  the  '  Revenge ' 
circular  and  prepares  for  war. 

"  They  had  prepared,  before  the  McCormick  meeting,  for  this  difficulty. 
At  Emma  Street,  on  Sunday,  was  a  conspiracy  meeting  of  these  infamous 
scoundrels,  and  among  them  was  Fischer,  seeking  our  lives  —  seeking  the 
destruction  of  the  law.  They  agreed  upon  the  plan  —  they  agreed  upon 
'  Ruhe  '  —  they  agreed  that  the  meeting  of  the  armed  men  should  be  called 
for  Tuesday  night.  It  is  in  the  history  of  this  conspiracy  that  the  first 
meeting  on  that  Sunday  contemplated  the  difficulties  at  McCormick's. 
Where  is  this  Thielen  ?  Where  is  this  German  friend  — this  comrade? 
He  was  down  there  with  Comrade  Spies,  on  the  top  of  that  car,  and  their 
intention  was  to  do  that  which  was  done  —  to  excite  that  mob.  That  was 
the  preliminary  step  in  this  conspiracy  to  the  open  infraction  of  law.  The 
general  conspiracy  had  been  going  along  for  weeks,  perhaps  for  months  ;  it 
may  be  for  years.  But  the  details  of  the  conspiracy  were  arranged  at  the 
Emma  Street  meeting.  Then  comes  the  McCormick  meeting,  the  inflaming 
of  the  workingmen,  and  then  what  ?  The  production  of  the  '  Revenge  ' 
circular,  to  still  more  incite  them.  The  armed  men  meet  at  that  Emma 
Street  place,  where  the  Northwest  Side  group  meet  —  the  group  that  the 
worst  Anarchists  in  the  city  belong  to  —  at  that  Emma  Street  meeting  it 
was  discussed,  talked  about  and  suggested,  and  at  that  meeting  it  was 
arranged  and  talked  about  as  to  where  and  how  the  fighting  should  be  done 
when  the  contest  came.  How  was  it  to  be  done  ?  One  man  suggested  that 
they  should  go  into  the  crowd  themselves,  and  begin  killing  then  and  there. 
Another  says  :  '  That  won't  do ;  we  may  come  in  contact  with  the  police- 
men or  a  detective  and  our  lives'  -—  yes,  their  precious  lives  —  'might  be  at 
stake.'  That  plan  was  rejected  —  that  part  of  it.  And  another  thing  you 
will  remember :  that  it  was  settled  that  the  meeting  should  not  be  on  the 
Market  Square,  down  here  on  the  South  Side,  because  '  it  was  a  mouse  trap,' 
because  the  power  of  the  police,  the  militia  and  everything  of  that  character 
was  such  that  it  was  impossible  to  get  out  of  the  way,  at  Market  Square,  if 
the  contest  came.  Courageous  men  ! 

"After  Spies  had  written  that  circular,  after  he  had  had  it  printed,  where 
does  it  appear?  He  has  it  sent  over  to  the  printer  by  a  boy  ;  and  that  cir- 
cular, printed  by  him,  ordered  by  him,  is  distributed  broadcast  through  the 
city,  by  whose  order?  By  Spies'.  It  is  another  significant  fact,  gentle- 
men, that  it  appears  at  every  meeting  almost  simultaneously  with  the  con- 


CURIOUS  COINCIDENCES.  569 

spiracy  meeting  ;  as  I  remember,  brought  there  either  by  Fischer  or  Bal- 
thasar  Rau  —  that  I  would  not  be  sure  of ;  but  it  appears  almost  like  the 
wind  in  all  parts  of  the  city,  distributed  from  horseback,  and  it  never  could 
have  been  distributed  if  it  had  not  been  done  at  the  order  of  the  arch- 
conspirator  of  all,  August  Spies.  That  circular  was  intended  to 'inflame;  it 
did  inflame.  It  inflamed  people  throughout  the  city  who  read  it ;  it  was  a 
lie.  They  could  not  know  that.  The  police  had  not  committed  the  out- 
rages, but  the  mob  had.  There  had  not  been  that  number  killed  nor 
wounded.  They  could  not  know  that.  Their  apostle,  the  individual  who 
has  been  their  leader,  had  said,  '  To  arms !  '  Some  answer,  '  We  will.' 
That  is  Anarchy.  Gentlemen,  it  is  unnecessary  for  me  to  go  over  step  by 
step  that  conspiracy.  It  is  established  here  so  that  it  never  can  be  moved. 
Mr.  Ingham  and  Mr.  Walker  went  over  the  ground  thoroughly  and  com- 
pletely. The  defense  has  seen  fit  to  let  it  alone.  The  conspiracy  was 
established,  and  all  the  defendants  show  themselves  as  coming  into  it. 
Isn't  it  significant  that  on  Tuesday,  on  Tuesday  morning,  between  nine  and 
ten,  as  I  understand,  Parsons  appeared  from  Cincinnati  ?  What  does  he 
do  ?  He  rushes  straight  to  the  Daily  News  office  before  eleven  o'clock,  and 
inserts  a  notice  for  the  American  group  to  meet  at  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung 
office,  where  it  never  had  met  before.  For  what  purpose  ?  For  the  purpose 
of  '  important  business.'  If  that  had  been  an  honest  desire  to  have  the 
important  business  for  the  purpose  of  arranging  the  sewing  girls  and  their 
employment,  or  making  a  union  among  the  sewing  girls,  as  they  now  claim, 
why  didn't  he  say  so  ?  Before  eleven  o'clock  Parsons  appears  and  has  this 
article  inserted.  Why?  So  that  the  main  head  centers  of  the  conspiracy 
could  be  readily  reached  when  the  contest  came  'to  its  highest  intensity' 
at  the  Haymarket.  Not  another  day  in  the  whole  history  of  this  organiza- 
tion has  the  American  group  ever  met  at  Fifth  Avenue.  Why  didn't  it 
meet  over  at  the  other  place,  at  Greif's  Hall,  where  it  always  met  ?  That 
would  not  do,  because  there  were  meetings  there,  conspiracy  meetings  and 
everything  else.  Whom  else  do  we  find  here  at  this  Arbeiter-Zeitung  office? 
Schwab.  What  for  ?  He  was  not  a  member  of  the  American  group  ? 
What  was  he  there  for  ?  He  was  there,  too,  for  that  purpose.  He  had 
been  talking  and  writing,  as  has  been  read  to  you,  about  Anarchy  and 
bloodshed  and  dynamite  and  rifles,  and  he  appears  at  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung 
office  for  the  first  time,  when  the  American  group  meets;  never  was  there 
with  them  before,  so  far  as  this  proof  shows. 

"Fischer  seeks  to  obtain  this  circular  printed  ;  that  is  his  part  of  the  pro- 
gramme ;  he  goes  out — there  is  no  dispute  about  these  facts  —  he  goes  out 
of  the  meeting  and  finds  the  printing-office  closed.  He  waits  until  the  next 
morning.  Now,  this  man  is  a  printer  ;  he  is  the  friend  of  Spies  ;  he  went 
from  Spies  when  the  circular  was  printed  ;  he  was  in  the  meeting  at  which 
the  circular  was  distributed  ;  he  knows,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  that  Spies  wrote 
that  circular,  '  Workingmen,  to  arms.'  Spies  is  his  general,  his  boss  and 
chief,  and  the  arch-conspirator.  He  says,  'Workingmen,  to  arms  !  '  What 
does  Fischer  say?  Why,  he  says  :  '  Workjngmen,  to  arms,'  Tn  his  circular, 
and  adds  :  'Come  in  full  force,'  and  it  appears  the  next  morning. 

"Now  the  circular  was  circulated.  Who  was  invited  to  speak,  gentle- 
men ?  No  one.  Why  ?  Because  they  knew  that  if  twenty-five  thousand 
laboring  men  appeared  at  that  meeting  that  night  in  the  inflamed  condition 
of  this  town  with  the  results  following  the  McCormick  meeting  —  they  knew 
that  it  was  the  bounden  duty  of  the  police  to  tell  those  men  to  go  home. 


570  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

It  is  in  proof  in  this  case  that  they  expected  twenty-five  thousand  labor- 
ing men  there.  They  would  not  need  a  speaker.  If  there  was  no 
speaker,  then  there  would  be  tumult  and  crowding  and  jostling. 
.Fights  might  occur,  difficulties  be  precipitated,  and  the  police  inevitably 
would  have  to  come.  How  do  I  know  that  no  speakers  were  invited  ? 
Spies  said  that  Fischer  invited  him.  From  brother  Foster's  remarks  I  con- 
clude that  he  has  been  on  the  stump  a  good  many  years  out  in  Iowa.  I 
venture  to  say  he  never  went*to  a  public  meeting  in  his  life,  where  he  ad- 
dressed it,  where  great  crowds  were  assembled,  where  talking  was  to  be 
indulged  in,  without  asking  his  invitor  who  else  was  going  to  speak.  It 
don't  appear  in  proof  here  that  Fischer  was  ever  asked  that  question. 
Spies  was  to  speak  in  German,  and  that  is  the  reason  he  didn't  hurry  to 
the  meeting.  Fischer,  Spies  says,  invited  him  to  speak.  Well,  he  was  in- 
vited to  speak,  and  nobo'iy  else  —  and  he  has  never  said  anything  about 
anybody  else  having  been  invited — not  a  syllable,  not  a  name  given.  In  fact, 
every  other  individua'  that  could  be  invited  had  gone  elsewhere,  had  pre- 
pared his  alibi,  had  arranged  for  the  meeting  at  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  office, 
at  the  American  group  ;  every  other  speaker  was  there,  but  Spies  alone  was 
invited  to  speak,  he  says,  and  yet  he  waits,  he  waits  after  getting  to  that 
meeting.  He  does  that  which  the  design  showed  clearly  was  the  intention 
to  do,  to  precipitate  a  difficulty  at  the  Haymarket  meeting,  and  to  gain 
results  by  armed  men  and  dynamite  early  in  the  evening,  and  then  would 
destruction  and  chaos  come. 

"The  first  words  of  Spies'  opening  speech  demonstrate  a  significant 
thing.  Why  should  Spies  open  the  meeting  ?  Why  didn't  Fischer  open  it  ? 
Why  didn't  the  executive  committee  open  it  ?  Spies  opened  it.  After  idling 
around  there  some  time  in  regard  to  the  matter,  Spies  opened  the  meeting. 
Had  anybody  asked  him  to  open  the  meeting  ?  Why,  no.  He  was  only  an 
ordinary  invited  speaker  at  a  meeting  at  which  no  other  speaker  had  been 
invited,  and  he  appears  there,  and  the  first  words  he  says,  as  I  will  show  you 
by  English's  testimony,  are  :  '  Mr.  Parsons  and  Mr.  Fielden  will  be  here  in 
a  very  short  time  to  address  you.'  How  did  he  know  where  they  were  ? 
He  had  not  seen  them.  There  is  no  indication  that  he  had  seen  Parsons 
that  day.  How  did  he  know  that  Parsons  was  not  in  Cincinnati  ?  '  Parsons 
and  Fielden  will  be  here  in  a  few  moments.'  How  do  you  know,  Mr.  Spies  ? 
Why,  they  are  over  at  the  Alarm  office,  or  at  the  Arbciter-Zeitung  office,  and 
Balthasar  Rau  is  sent  over  there  to  get  them. 

"And  now,  Belthasar  Rau  went  from  this  meeting  over  to  the  Alarm 
office,  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  office,  and  invited  those  two  people  to  come  over 
there,  that  Spies  wanted  some  help.  Why  did  he  want  help  ?  Well,  the 
meeting  was  not  big  enough.  It  was  going  to  dissolve  ;  it  looked  as  though 
it  was  going  to  pieces;  the  thing  was  a  fiasco  ;  he  had  got  to  keep  it  —  try 
and  see  if  he  could  not  do  something.  And  he  continued,  holding  the 
audience  till  help  came,  and  said  :  '  I  will  say,  however,  first,  that  this 
meeting  was  called  for  the  purpose  of  discussing  the  general  situation  of  the 
eight-hour  strike,  and  the  events  which  have  taken  place  during  the  last 
forty-eight  hours.  It  seems  to  have  been  the  opinion  of  the  authorities  that 
this  meeting  had  been  called  for  the  purpose  of  raising  a  little  row  and 
disturbance.' 

"Now,  how  did  Spies  know  that  the  authorities  knew  anything  about  it  ? 
Had  Spies  told  them  that  there  was  going  to  be  a  row  ?  Oh,  no  ;  he  said 
nothing  of  that  kind ;  but  he  said  deliberately  in  that  meeting  that  the 


THE  "PEACEABLE"  MEETING.  571 

authorities  are  supposed  to  believe  or  know  that  a  riot  is  going  to  take  place 
right  there.  Had  the  '  Revenge '  circular  been  circulated  ?  Yes.  Had 
the  other  circular  been  circulated  ?  Yes.  What  was  their  purpose  ?  To 
make  a  row.  Spies  knew  it,  and  he  hedges  in  his  inflammatory  utterances 
which  you  read  between  the  lines.  It  is  a  Mark  Antony  style  of  oratory  — 
inflames  most  when  there  is  least  said.  He  was  lying  about  the  Gatling 
guns  and  the  police,  all  for  inflaming  purposes,  discussing  that  McCormick 
matter,  about  which  he  had  in  the  inception  begun  to  lie,  for  the  same  pur- 
pose. That  was  a  very  significant  opening.  It  shows  that  he  knew  the 
purposes  and  object  of  that  meeting.  Gentlemen,  it  was  the  duty  of  the 
police  to  have  disturbed  and  broken  up  that  meeting  in  its  inception. 
Why?  The  whole  town  was  aflame.  You  remember  it.  Riot  had  occurred 
the  day  before,  and  the  calling  of  a  meeting  upon  so  public  a  place  as  that 
was  ill-advised  and  ought  not  to  have  been  done.  And  the  police,  if  they 
had  walked  down  there  thus  early  in  the  evening  and  dispersed  it,  would 
have  done  what  was  right.  But  the  police  did  not  walk  down  there  and 
disturb  the  meeting;  they  walked  down  there  and  asked  the  meeting  to  dis- 
perse. There  is  no  use  of  talking  about  proof,  gentlemen.  Their  belts 
were  on,  their  clubs  in  their  sockets,  their  pistols  in  their  pockets.  That  is 
the  fact.  They  marched  down  that  street,  not  with  the  precipitation  which 
they  would  have  you  believe.  They  marched  down  that  street  perhaps  fast, 
but  not  with  precipitation,  not  with  haste.  They  marched  down  that  street 
to  disperse  a  meeting  that  had  talked  'To  arms  ; '  that  had  said  :  'Throttle 
the  law,'  and  that  had  said  enough  to  have  caused  bloodshed  then  and 
there,  and  the  only  reason  that  more  lives  were  not  lost  is  because  they 
failed  to  come  earlier.  The  arrangement  of  that  meeting  was  that  it  should 
be  called,  and  that  they  should  come  early,  and  that  it  should  be  precipi- 
tated, and  blood  would  flow.  Engel  was  there  in  the  evening ;  he  knew 
about  it.  Fischer  walked  up  with  Waller,  and  Waller  was  armed.  '  Work- 
ingmen,  come  armed.'  A  word,  gentlemen,  only  a  word,  about  the  break- 
ing-up  of  that  meeting.  They  have  played  Harrison  in  and  out  of  this  case, 
for  the  purpose  of  saving  the  defendants.  Harrison,  you  remember,  went 
there  for  the  purpose  of  ascertaining  if  that  meeting  was  organized  to  attack 
the  freight-house  of  the  Milwaukee  and  St.  Paul  Railroad,  about  which  you 
remember  there  was  some  difficulty,  or  McCormick's,  or  if  it  was  called  to 
attack  any  particular  place.  He  found,  from  the  speeches,  that,  although 
inflammatory  —  and  he  said  so  —  from  the  speeches  themselves  he  found  that 
no  particular  place  was  pointed  out  for  an  attack. 

"  It  was  the  same  old  speeches  —  riot,  bloodshed,  the  black  flag,  the  red 
flag,  dynamite,  war,  to  arms.  And  counsel  upon  the  other  side  say  that  that 
'To  arms!  To  arms!'  didn't  mean  anything.  It  was  Pickwickian,  and 
used  to  round  a  sentence.  They  went  down  to  that  meeting,  and  Harrison 
was  there  and  saw  that  meeting  and  heard  those  speeches,  and  reported 
back  to  Bonfield  what  had  been  the  result,  namely,  that  they  had  ceased  to 
become  inflammatory  since  they  had  seen  his  face. 

"  Thinking  that  the  meeting  was  organized  for  plunder  at  the  freight- 
house,  hearing  the  speeches,  seeing  them  become  more  moderate,  Harrison 
left,  and  after  he  is  gone,  then  come  the  reports,  the  incendiary  character 
still  increased,  and  when  they  come,  they  come  in  such  shape  that  if  Bon- 
field  had  not  gone  down  there,  then  and  there,  he  would  have  failed  to  per- 
form his  duty. 

"  We  have  had  enough  of  this.     It  is  time  it  stopped.     They  were  asked 


572  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

peaceably  to  disperse  —  peaceably  to  disperse  —  peaceably  to  disperse. 
The  police  had  their  clubs  in  their  belts,  their  pistols  in  their  belts,  and  the 
bomb  was  thrown.  So  say  Bonfield,  Wessler,  Foley,  Bowler,  Hanley,  Ward, 
Hubbard,  Haas,  Hull,  Heinemann  —  and  I  want  to  suggest  a  word  about 
Heinemann's  testimony.  Heinemann  said  that  when  that  bomb  exploded 
he  was  getting  away  on  the  east  side  of  the  street,  going  south.  What  did 
he  get  ?  He  got  the  whistling  of  bullets  past  his  ear.  Where  did  they  come 
from  ?  Where  could  they  come  from  ?  Hull  was  on  that  platform  up  there, 
and  Owen  was  there,  and  that  is  where  Simonson  was.  Hull  says  firing 
began  by  the  crowd.  Well,  Owen  got  hit  up  there.  It  had  to  come  from 
over  there.  Dr.  Newman  says  that  all  sizes  of  bullets  were  found,  from 
twenty-two  to  forty-four,  and  the  police  did  not  have  anything  but  thirty- 
eight  caliber.  That  was  a  cruel  thrust  for  counsel  to  make  at  men  standing 
up  as  these  men  did  that  night  —  death  in  their  midst  —  standing  there  so 
nobly  —  a  thrust  to  save  the  lives  or  the  liberty  of  the  defendants  —  by  saying 
that  they  shot  each  other  in  their  fright  and  terror.  As  Wirt  Dexter  said  in 
a  speech  about  that  matter —  I  wish  I  could  deliver  his  words  to  you  —  in 
praising  the  act  of  the  police  in  that  transaction  :  How  noble  was  their  con- 
duct !  Instead  of  fleeing  and  running,  they  said  :  'Fall  in,  boys,'  and  the 
city  was  saved.  Supposing  the  police  had  fired  first,  after  the  bomb.  The 
man  who  threw  that  bomb  obtained  it  from  Lingg  or  Spies,  and  threw  it  in 
accordance  with  the  general  plan  of  conspiracy,  and  death  was  the  result. 
I  cannot  talk  to  you  about  families,  about  wives  and  children,  but  if  I  had 
the  power  I  would  like  to  take  you  all  over  there  to  the  Haymarket  that 
night,  and  with  you,  with  tears  in  your  eyes,  see  the  dead  and  mingle  with 
the  wounded,  the  dying  —  see  law  violated,  and  then  I  could,  if  I  had  the 
power,  paint  you  a.  picture  that  would  steel  your  hearts  against  the  defend- 
ants. Captain  Black  said,  in  argument  to  you,  that  the  State  had  no  right 
to  do  that.  The  State  has  all  the  rights  that  it  could  possibly  possess 
through  so  weak  an  instrument  as  myself.  He  has  no  more  right.  Did 
Fielden  shoot  ?  I  think  so.  If  he  did  not,  he  is  made  of  poorer  clay  than 
I  take  him  to  be.  He  has  been  saying  for  years  :  '  The  bloodhounds  of  the 
police  should  be  massacred  and  killed.'  He  it  was  who  said  that  he  would 
march  with  the  black  flag  down  Michigan  Avenue  and  strike  terror  to  the 
heart  of  the  capitalist.  He  it  is  who  has  said,  day  in  and  day  out,  since 
living  in  this  inhospitable  country  :  '  Death  to  the  police  and  the  capitalists 
—  the  despoilers —  our  despoilers  —  death  to  them  ! ' 

"  Why,  do  you  mean  to  say  that  he  would  not  do  what  he  says  he  would 
do  ?  Dr.  Epler  swears  that  he  told  him  when  he  dressed  the  wound  that 
he  was  shot  when  he  was  down  on  the  pavement,  and  he  has  not  denied 
it.  That  was  a  significant  fact,  gentlemen  ;  a  very  significant  fact.  The 
officer  who  was  shot  thinks  it  was  by  Fielden.  I-t  may  have  been  by  some- 
body else  ;  nobody  can  tell. 

"Another  thing.  One  of  the  officers  swears  that  he  was  wounded  in 
the  knee.  I  was  not  looking  at  Capt.  Black  when  he  motioned  to  you  the 
place  where  the  wound  occurred.  For  the  purpose  of  correcting  myself 
and  making  no  mistake  about  it,  because  the  testimony  of  an  officer  or  any 
witness  who  put  his  finger  on  the  spot  cannot  get  into  the  record ;  and  I 
found  by  looking  at  the  record  that  he  pointed  his  finger  'here  and  here.' 
Of  course  there  was  no  significance  to  that.  So  I  saw  the  wound  again.  I 
had  seen  it  once  before.  The  bullet  went  in  there  (indicating),  and  came  out 
above,  going  around  up  opposite  the  knee-cap,  and  was  not  from  behind. 


WITNESSES  IN  PAIRS.  573 

"That  bomb  was  thrown  in  furtherance  of  a  common  design.  No  mat- 
ter who  threw  it.  But  the  gentlemen  say  there  can  be  no  conviction  in 
this  case  because  we  have  failed  to  prove,  or  cannot  prove,  who  threw  that 
identical  bomb.  That  is  not  the  law,  as  I  explained  to  you  yesterday.  The 
other  question  is,  Is  there  anything  in  this  case  showing  who  did  ?  Gilmer 
says  that  he  was  in  the  alley,  and  a  match  was  lighted,  and  that  bomb  was 
thrown  by  one  man  ;  Fischer  stood  by,  and  that  Spies  lighted  it.  Is  that 
remarkable  ?  Spies  had  been  advising  the  doing  of  that  thing  for  years  ; 
and  in  one  of  the  articles  that  has  been  read  to  you,  over  his  own  signature, 
he  says  :  '  Take  as  few  people  into  your  confidence  as  possible  ;  do  it  alone  ; 
in  your  revolutionary  deeds,  do  it  alone  ;  but  if  you  have  to  consult  any- 
body, take  your  nearest  friend,  a  man  you  can  rely  upon.'  Who  is  Schnau- 
belt  ?  Schwab's  brother-in-law.  Who  is  Fischer  ?  A  man  who  got  the 
meeting  up  at  Spies'  instance,  and  works  for  Spies.  Now,  gentlemen,  I 
presume,  and  I  have  no  doubt  but  what  if  they  had  raked  a  little  more  care- 
fully, we  would  have  found  the  man  that  said  that  that  bomb  was  thrown 
from  the  top  of  Crane's  building  ;  you  could  have  found  the  man  that  said 
it  came  from  away  in  the  alley  ;  any  number  of  men  probably  would  have 
put  it  north  of  the  alley,  and  some  south.  The  question  here  is,  about 
where  did  it  come  from  ?  The  explanation  of  street  warfare  is,  that  it  is  to 
be  done  near  alleys.  Is  Spies  so  craven  now,  after  the  deed  is  done,  that 
he  shall  say,  '  I  had  no  hand  in  it,'  when  he  had  advised  it  for  years  ? 
Gentlemen,  men's  lives  speak  for  themselves.  He  has  advised  it,  said  it, 
talked  it,  acted  it.  Why,  the  witnesses  say,  counsel  upon  the  other  side  say 
to  you,  '  Gentlemen,  it  is  impossible  that  this  man  would  do  it,  because  no 
man  saw  the  light  which  would  have  flashed  up  in  their  faces.'  Why,  gen- 
tlemen, they  put  two  witnesses  on  the  stand  to  swear  distinctly  and  clearly 
and  positively  that  they  had  lighted  a  match  and  lighted  a  pipe,  which 
would  take  a  good  deal  longer  than  lighting  a  fuse.  Spies  says  in  one 
article  :  '  It  never  goes  out  in  a  dry  night;  the  Anarchist  fuse  never  fails.' 
It  could  have  happened  ;  it  has  been  advised  to  "-^ppen  precisely  as  Gilmer 
states  it.  Ignore  Gilmer,  and  the  case  is  maae.  But  they  want  you  to 
ignore  Thompson  too.  Why?  What  for?  Because  they  heard  Schwab 
and  Spies  talk  together.  Was  there  anything  marvelous  in  that?  Had 
they  said  anything  there  together  that  they  had  not  been  saying  in  public 
for  years?  But  supposing  you  ignore  Thompson's  testimony  and  say  that 
Thompson  is  mistaken  ;  then  it  was  Schnaubelt,  wasn't  it  ?  Why  was 
Spies  so  confidential  with  Schnaubelt  that  night  ?  Where  is  Schnaubelt  ? 
He  was  the  man  that  was  arrested  before  the  conspiracy  was  known,  and 
let  go  ;  shaved  his  whiskers  off,  changed  his  appearance,  and  he  has  not 
been  seen  since.  Why  was  Spies  so  confidential  with  Schnaubelt  ?  He 
says  he  did  walk  with  him  ;  says  that  Henry  Spies  walked  behind  him. 

"  Gentlemen,  let  me  show  you  the  testimony  of  these  people  in  pairs.  It 
is  the  most  marvelous  thing  I  ever  saw  in  a  lawsuit.  Ferguson  and  Glea- 
son  were  together.  They  went  in  pairs.  You  remember  it.  Ferguson 
says  that  he  was  on  the  corner  of  Randolph  Street  when  the  bomb  was 
thrown.  Gleason  says  that  was  not  so  ;  they  were  away  down  next  to  the 
station,  more  than  half  a  block  away.  Ferguson  says  that  they  heard  a 
crash  like  the  breaking  of  a  plank  or  a  pistol,  and  then  the  bomb  exploded. 
That  is  when  he  was  on  the  corner  of  the  street.  Gleason  says  that  was 
not  so  ;  he  didn't  remember  of  hearing  anything  of  that  kind,  but  they  both 
distinctly  remembered  of  seeing,  after  the  bomb  was  exploded,  the  police 


574  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

fire  from  that  way.  The  Anarchists  fired  south,  the  police  north.  Fer- 
guson and  Gleason  were  south  of  and  behind  the  police,  yet  they  say  the 
police  fired  south,  while  facing  north.  Ridiculous.  And  one  or  the  other 
of  them,  I  don't  know  —  or  it  was  Taylor  —  says  that  they,  the  police,  fired 
clear  down  to  Madison  Street,  and  along  Madison  Street.  Queer  that 
nobody  else  heard  of  that.  What  were  they  shooting  down  there  for  ? 
Richter  and  Liniger  —  you  remember  them  —  these  are  the  two  loving 
friends  that  went  to  that  meeting  pursuant  to  the  notice  that  they  saw  in 
the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  —  not  only  the  notice  of  the  meeting,  but  the  Arbeiter- 
Zeitung  contained  the  '  Revenge '  circular.  They  went  to  that  meeting  and 
lovingly  stood  in  the  alley,  midway  between  the  edge  of  the  walk  and  the 
building,  arm  in  arm,  for  over  an  hour.  Foster  knew  that  that  was  ridic- 
ulous, and  he  tried  to  get  them  apart  ;  he  asked  them  questions  to  get  them 
apart,  but  they  clung  together  for  over  an  hour,  and  finally  moved  up  to 
the  lamp-post,  where  Taylor  had  been  standing  before  the  meeting  began, 
and  they  didn't  know  where  the  meeting  was  to  be. 

"  Again  Krumm  stood  in  the  alley  with  his  back  to  the  wall  all  the  time 
except  when  he  lighted  his  pipe  and  walked  backward  and  forward  in  it, 
Albright  standing  with  him.  Krumm  had  his  back  up  against  that  wall, 
glued  like  a  post  for  almost  an  hour,  saving  only  at  intervals  did  he  leave 
it ;  and  Krumm  and  Albright  lighted  their  pipes,  and  they  moved  to  the 
lamp-post.  The  lamp-post  was  peopled  thick.  Gentlemen,  it  is  an  insult 
to  your  intelligence  to  suggest  a  word  about  the  truth  of  that  Krumm  and 
Albright's  testimony.  Why,  Krumm  is  the  man  that  left  his  boarding- 
house,  boarding  with  Albright  at  that  time  —  left  his  house  in  search  of  a 
friend  whose  name  he  could  not  give  ;  if  he  could  it  was  indefinite  —  and 
that  he  was  to  meet  him  on  the  corner  of  Canal  and  Randolph  Streets  that 
night  somewhere.  He  went  down  to  Canal  and  Randolph  Streets,  wan- 
dered around  there  looking  for  his  friend,  or  for  somebody  who  said  he  would 
meet  him  there,  and  then  walked  back  to  the  meeting  and  began  to  look 
for  Albright,  or  at  least  he  found  Albright.  Now,  isn't  that  a  queer 
circumstance — that  they  neither  of  them  knew  that  that  meeting  was 
going  to  happen,  or  knew  that  the  other  was  to  be  there  ;  left  the  house 
about  the  same  time,  and  yet  did  not  leave  together,  and  happened  to  meet 
right  in  that  alley,  with  their  backs  up  against  the  wall?  The  next  pair  is 
Fischer  and  Wandry.  That  is  for  the  alibi.  Now,  why  doesn't  Spies,  who 
was  on  the  stand,  who  says  he  was  in  Zepf's,  say  something  about  Fischer 
being  there.  Why  wasn't  Waller,  who  was  on  the  stand,  asked  by  these 
men  whether  Fischer  was  there  ?  The  witnesses  all  congregate  at  this 
place,  at  Zepf's  Hall,  after  the  meeting,  and  Fischer  has  not  been  seen  by 
anybody,  except  Wandry.  Even  this  respectable  Nihilist  from  Russia  don't 
remember  of  seeing  Fischer,  and  got  Fischer  in  a  great  many  different 
places,  as  they  do  Parsons.  Finding  Parsons  had  got  to  be  in  several  places, 
and  further,  finding  that  they  have  got  him  down  in  the  window,  they  get 
another  man  there  that  looks  like  Parsons  -  as  they  did  Krumm,  who  lighted 
his  pipe  in  the  alley  and  looked  so  much  like  Spies.  To  digress  a  moment, 
Mr.  Walker  never  said  to  you,  gentlemen,  that  the  defendants'  lawyers  put 
up  Mr.  Krumm  because  of  his  resemblance  to  Spies  and  to  account  for  a 
light  in  the  alley.  That  was  not  fair.  He  made  the  declaration  that  the 
other  side,  or  somebody,  had  put  up  the  job. 

"We  have  endeavored  to  try  this  lawsuit  like  gentlemen.  I  think  we 
have  succeeded  on  both  sides.  There  was  not  that  implication  to  be 


NEGATIVE  PROOF  ANALYZED.  575 

drawn  from  what  Walker  said,  but  it  was  rather  ingenious  and  sagacious 
to  allow  you,  gentlemen,  to  believe  that  we  had  been  saying  something  that 
was  unfair. 

"The  two  men  that  saw  Schnaubelt  —  Lehnert  and  Krueger.  That  was 
the  queerest  circumstance  that  I  have  yet  come  across.  By  the  way,  Krue- 
ger was  in  the  conspiracy,  was  in  both  the  meetings,  with  Schnaubelt,  with 
Waller,  with  Engel,  with  Lingg  ;  he  was  there,  knew  them  all,  and,  although 
he  was  on  the  stand,  the  gentlemen  upon  the  other  side  never  asked  him 
nor  Grueneberg  a  question  about  the  conspiracy.  Neither  did  they  ask 
Spies,  or  Parsons,  or  Schwab.  They  did  ask  Fielden. 

"  August  Krueger  and  Lehnert  got  this  man  some  twenty  or  thirty  feet 
away  from  the  alley  and  the  wagon,  talking  in  a  quiet  tone  of  voice  about 
going  home.  They  walk  a  little  ways  together.  Krueger  goes  one  direc- 
tion and  Schnaubelt  another.  Black  tells  you  that  the  reason  of  that  was 
because  they  could  not  go  together  any  further,  as  their  places  diverged. 
It  would  not  have  done  for  them  to  have  gone  together  any  further,  because 
Krueger  went  to  Engel's.  There  were  too  many  at  Engel's  —  it  would  not 
have  done. 

"  I  believe  that  Schnaubelt  threw  the  bomb.  You  may  believe  that  it 
is  an  unknown  person  threw  it ;  it  is  immaterial. 

"Back  and  Mitlacher.  Back,  if  I  remember,  is  the  man  that  appeared 
at  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  office  that  Tuesday  night,  at  the  time  of  the  meeting 
of  the  American  group.  Now,  what  was  he  there  for?  He  was  a  member 
of  some  other  group.  At  all  events  he  was  there,  and  a  German ;  he  was 
not  an  American  ;  he  had  not  been  here  long  enough,  to  start  with,  and  he 
didn't  look  as  if  he  ever  wanted  to  be  one  of  our  kind. 

"  Now,  where  did  these  two  men  stand  ?  They  stood  on  the  platform, 
next  to  the  plumber's  shop,  on  the  south  side  of  the  alley,  and  at  least 
thirty-five  or  forty  feet  from  where  that  wagon  was  ;  yet  those  men,  one  of 
them,  the  tall  man,  says  that  he  distinctly  remembers  seeing  Henry  Spies. 
Why,  it  was  a  dark  night,  and  the  man  couldn't  see  from  there.  And  the 
other  fellow  saw  Henry  Spies'  hat.  They  stood  there  all  the  evening, 
nearly ;  walked  up  and  down  once  in  a  while ;  stood  there  all  the  evening. 
That  is  another  ridiculous  suggestion. 

"  This  alibi  business  and  this  suggestion  of  these  pairs,  couples,  consti- 
tute what  Black  calls  proof.  That  is  right.  It  is  negative,  and  a  very  poor 
negative  at  that.  He  says  that  that  is  all  you  could  prove.  Didn't  see  any- 
thing, of  course. 

"  My  attention  is  brought  to  another  fact.  Captain  Black  made  a  mis- 
take. I  put  it  that  way.  He  read  Thompson's  testimony  to  you.  Your 
(i.  f.,  Captain  Black's)  shorthand  writer  has  either  made  a  mistake,  or  your 
typewriter  has.  Thompson  did  not  change,  in  his  answers,  from  Spies  to 
Schwab. 

"  In  regard  to  the  testimony  of  Thompson,  gentlemen,  it  was  a  remark- 
able feature  of  the  case  that  he  stood  that  searching  cross-examination  with 
such  splendid  equanimity,  and  no  disturbance  of  what  he  said.  And,  gen- 
tlemen, that  same  can  be  said  of  Gilmer.  Let  any  of  you  go  onto  that 
witness-stand,  and  let  the  sagacious,  clear-headed  Foster  hammer  away  at 
you  two  hours  and  a  half,  over  some  little  fact,  and  you  would  see  where 
you  would  be.  I  could  not  stand  it.  There  is  not  one  man  in  a  thousand 
that  could.  And  it  is  nothing  against  a  man's  character  in  the  city  of  Chi- 
cago that  those  that  know  well  of  him  do  not  know  where  he  lives.  I  do 


576  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

not  believe  that  one  of  you  gentlemen  knows  where  I  live,  or  where  Foster 
lives,  or  where  Black  lives.  It  is  nothing  against  a  man  that  his  employer 
sometimes  speaks  well  of  him. 

"  I  have  my  attention  brought  —  I  had  almost  forgotten  it  —  to  a  pecul- 
iar circumstance  about  this  case,  and  the  most  significant  of  anything  that 
I  have  seen  in  it.  When  Spies  was  arrested  he  left  the  traces  of  his  crime 
in  his  office.  Free  speech  had  become  so  common  to  him  —  free  speech,  as 
they  call  it  in  this  case,  had  become  so  remarkably  liberal  that  he  feared 
nothing.  Bonfield  came  in  and  arrested  him.  He  goes  over  to  Ebersold. 
Ebersold,  in  his  indignation,  characterizes  the  crowd  as  you  heard  it  here, 
and  Spies  says,  upon  the  witness-stand,  that  he  unsuspectingly  went  over 
there.  If  he  had  had  his  senses  about  him,  he  would  have  destroyed 
'  Ruhe,'  the  manuscript,  and  everything  of  that  character,  and  no  traces  — 
autonomous  traces  — would  be  left. 

"  In  speaking  of  '  Ruhe,'  I  want  to  speak  of  another  thing.  Spies  said 
that  he  received  a  communication  that  he  was  to  put  in  prominent  letters 
in  the  Letter-box.  Now,  the  bare  fact  of  putting  it  in  the  Letter-box  is  as 
prominent  as  it  could  be.  It  is  separate  and  distinct.  Let  us  see  how  he 
puts  it.  He  puts  it  in  the  Letter-box,  marks  a  double  line  under  it,  which 
means  big  letters,  puts  in  an  exclamation  point  at  the  other  end,  and  inserts 
it.  That  makes  it  prominent,  sure.  Now,  what  does  he  say  about  it  ?  He 
unsuspectingly  leaves  the  traces  of  his  crime  ;  and  there  never  was  a  crim- 
inal, great  or  small,  in  the  world,  but  that  somewhere,  at  some  time,  com- 
mitted a  mistake.  It  is  the  little  mistakes,  the  plain,  noticeable  mistakes 
that  they  make,  which  serve  for  detection.  '  Ruhe  '  appears,  and  he  says  he 
supposed  that  it  was  some  labor  organization.  The  idea  !  Why,  his  labor 
organizations  are  all  distinct  and  plain.  It  says  :  '  This  organization  meets 
so-and-so.  That  organization  meets  so  and  so.'  The  paper  speaks  for 
itself.  Talk  about  a  labor  organization  putting  in  such  a  word  as  that 
'  Ruhe.'  whose  significance  is  peace,  quiet  and  rest,  but  which  meant  war 
and  bloodshed  ! 

"  The  police  did  not  wait  any  too  long.  It  has  been  done  enough  in 
this  town.  It  is  time  that  we  American  citizens  awoke  to  a  full  realization 
of  the  importance  of  liberty  and  freedom  of  speech,  and  that  freedom  of 
speech  does  not  mean  license  to  preach  murder,  to  preach  assassination,  to 
prceah  crime  and  the  perpetration  of  it.  That  is  not  free  speech.  A  man 
who  does  that  is  answerable  for  it,  and  for  the  result  of  his  preaching,  the 
result  of  his  words.  If  it  results  in  crime,  he  is  responsible  himself.  Gentle- 
men, that  is  the  law.  I  have  gone  over  this  case  perhaps  more  in  extenso 
than  I  intended ;  more  perhaps  than  you  desire  to  listen  to  ;  I  am  through. 
Your  duty  is  about  to  begin.  I  felt  relieved  when  you  were  selected.  Some 
of  the  great  responsibility  that  has  rested  upon  my  shoulders  I  felt  I  could 
place  upon  yours.  It  has  been  placed  there.  Gentlemen,  the  responsibility 
is  great.  You  have  to  answer  yourselves,  under  your  oaths,  to  the  people  of 
the  State,  not  to  me.  My  duty  is  performed,  and  yours  begins,  and  in  this 
connection,  gentlemen,  let  me  suggest  to  you  another  reason  why  it  is  im- 
portant that  you  should  be  careful.  You  can  acquit  them  all,  one,  or  none  ; 
you  can  distribute  the  penalties  as  you  please.  To  some  you  can  administer 
the  extreme  penalty  of  the  law  ;  to  others  less  than  that,  if  you  desire.  To 
some  you  can  give  life,  administer  punishment  if  you  desire  ;  to  some,  years 
of  punishment. 

"  I  have  a  word  to  say  in  this  connection  about  Neebe.     The  testimony 


GRINNELLS  CLOSING  APPEAL.  577 

has  been  analyzed,  the  testimony  in  regard  to  his  connection  with  the 
Arbeiter-Zeitung  office  ;  his  connection  with  these  people  from  time  to  time, 
the  evidence  that  when  he  saw  the  dynamite  in  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  office  on 
that  morning  when  it  was  discovered  there,  which  these  men  so  infamously 
suggest  was  put  there  by  the  police  —  but  I  have  not  argued  that  question; 
it  looks  so  insulting  to  a  man's  intelligence.  If  that  had  been  so,  if  it  was 
not  there  and  did  not  belong  there,  they  could  have  brought  Lizius  here. 
His  name  is  on  the  back  of  the  indictment.  They  could  have  brought  all 
the  employes  of  the  office  here.  What  did  Neebe  say  about  the  dynamite  ? 
Why,  he  said  it  was  stuff  to  clean  type  with,  he  guessed  ;  and  he  circulated, 
not  two  circulars,  but  a  lot  of  them.  Gentlemen,  I  am  not  here  to  ask  you  to 
take  the  life  of  Oscar  Neebe  on  this  proof.  I  shall  ask  you  to  do  nothing  in 
this  case  that  I  feel  I  would  not  do  myself  were  I  seated  in  your  chairs. 

"  This  case  is  greater  than  us  all,  more  important  to  the  country  than 
you  conceive ;  the  case  itself  and  what  it  involves  is  more  important  than 
all  their  lives,  than  all  the  lives  of  the  unfortunate  officers  who  bit  the  dust 
that  night  in  defense  of  our  laws. 

"  Some  of  these  people,  we  sincerely  and  honestly  believe,  should  receive 
at  your  hands  the  extreme  penalty  of  the  law.  Spies,  Fischer,  Lingg, 
Engel,  Fielden,  Parsons,  Schwab,  Neebe,  in  my  opinion,  based  upon  the 
proof,  is  the  order  of  the  punishment.  It  is  for  you  to  say  what  it  shall  be. 
You  have  been  importuned,  gentlemen,  to  disagree.  Don't  do  that;  don't 
do  that.  If,  in  your  judgments,  in  the  judgment  of  some  of  you,  some  of 
these  men  should  suffer  death,  and  others  think  a  less  punishment  would 
subserve  the  law,  don't  stand  on  that,  but  agree  on  something.  It  is  no 
pleasant  task  for  me  to  ask  the  life  of  any  man.  Personally  I  have  not  a 
word  to  say  against  these  men.  As  a  representative  of  the  law  I  say  to 
you,  the  law  demands  now,  here,  its  power.  Regardless  of  me,  of  Foster, 
of  Black,  or  of  us  all,  that  law  which  the  exponents  of  Anarchy  violated  to 
kill  Lincoln  and  Garfield,  that  law  that  has  made  us  strong  to-day,  and 
which  you  have  sworn  to  obey,  demands  of  you  a  punishment  of  these  men. 
Don't  do  it  because  I  ask  you.  Do  it,  if  it  should  be  done,  because  the 
law  demands  it.  You  stand  between  the  living  and  the  dead.  You  stand 
between  law  and  violated  law.  Do  your  duty  courageously,  even  if  that 
duty  is  an  unpleasant  and  a  severe  one." 


CHAPTER  XXXII. 

The  Instructions  to  the  Jury  —  What  Murder  Is — Free  Speech  and  its 

Abuse  —  The  Theory  of  Conspiracy  —  Value  of  Circumstantial  Evidence  —  Meaning  of 
a  "  Reasonable  Doubt"  —  What  a  Jury  May  Decide — Waiting  for  the  Verdict — "  Guilty 
of  Murder  "  —  The  Death  Penalty  Adjudged  —  Neebe's  Good  Luck  —  Motion  for  a  New 
Trial — Affidavits  about  the  Jury  —  The  Motion  Overruled. 

ON  the  conclusion  of  State's  Attorney  Grinnell's  review  of  the  argu- 
ments made  by  the  defense,  Judge  Gary  proceeded  to  charge  the 
jury.  The  hour  was  after  the  noon  recess  of  Thursday,  August  19,  and  the 
presentation  and  reading  of  the  instructions  consumed  a  goodly  portion  of 
the  afternoon.  When  the  court  had  finished  the  jury  retired,  and  the  fate  of 
eight  men  was  in  their  hands. 

The  instructions  given  were  as  follows  on  behalf  of  the  people : 

"  The  court  instructs  the  jury,  in  the  language  of  the  statute,  that  murder 
is  the  unlawful  killing  of  a  human  being  in  the  peace  of  the  people,  with 
malice  aforethought,  either  expressed  or  implied.  An  unlawful  killing  may- 
be perpetrated  by  poisoning,  striking,  starving,  drowning,  stabbing,  shoot- 
ing, or  by  any  other  of  the  various  forms  or  means  by  which  human  nature 
may  be  overcome,  and  death  thereby  occasioned. 

"Express  malice  is  that  deliberate  intention  unlawfully  to  take  away  the 
life  of  a  fellow-creature  which  is  manifested  by  external  circumstances  cap- 
able of  proof.  Malice  shall  be  implied  when  no  considerable  provocation 
appears,  or  when  all  the  circumstances  of  the  killing  show  an  abandoned 
and  malignant  heart. 

"The  court  instructs  the  jury  that  whoever  is  guilty  of  murder  shall 
suffer  the  penalty  of  death  or  imprisonment  in  the  penitentiary  for  his 
natural  life,  or  for  a  term  not  less  than  fourteen  years.  If  the  accused  or 
any  of  them  are  found  guilty  by  the  jury,  the  jury  shall  fix  the  punishment 
by  their  verdict. 

"  The  court  instructs  the  jury  that,  while  it  is  provided  by  the  Constitu- 
tion of  the  State  of  Illinois  that  every  person  may  freely  speak,  write  and 
publish  on  all  subjects,  he  is,  by  the  Constitution,  held  responsible  under 
the  laws  for  the  abuse  of  liberty  so  given.  Freedom  of  speech  is  limited  by 
the  laws  of  the  land,  to  the  extent,  among  other  limitations,  that  no  man  is 
allowed  to  advise  the  committing  of  any  crime  against  the  person  or  prop- 
erty of  another  ;  and  the  statute  provides  :  An  accessory  is  he  who  stands 
by  and  aids,  abets  and  assists,  or  who,  not  being  present,  aiding,  abetting  or 
assisting,  hath  advised,  encouraged,  aided  or  abetted  the  perpetration  of 
the  crime.  He  who  thus  aids,  abets,  assists,  advises  or  encourages,  shall 
be  considered  as  principal,  and  punished  accordingly. 

"Every  such  accessory,  when  the  crime  is  committed  within  or  without 
this  State  by  his  aid  or  procurement  in  this  State,  may  be  indicted  and  con- 
victed at  the  same  time  as  the  principal,  or  before  or  after  his  conviction, 
whether  the  principal  is  convicted  or  amenable  to  justice  or  not,  and  pun- 
ished as  principal. 

578 


THE  COURT'S  INSTRUCTIONS.  579 

"  The  court  further  instructs  the  jury,  as  a  matter  of  law,  that  if  they  be- 
lieve from  the  evidence  in  this  case,  beyond  a  reasonable  doubt,  that  the 
defendants,  or  any  of  them,  conspired  and  agreed  together,  or  with  others, 
to  overthrow  the  law  by  force,  or  to  unlawfully  resist  the  officers  of  the  law, 
and  if  they  further  believe  from  the  evidence,  beyond  a  reasonable  doubt, 
that,  in  pursuance  of  such  conspiracy  and  in  furtherance  of  the  common  ob- 
ject, a  bomb  was  thrown  by  a  member  of  such  conspiracy  at  the  time,  and 
that  Mathias  J.  Degan  was  killed,  then  such  of  the  defendants  that  the  jury 
believe  from  the  evidence,  beyond  a  reasonable  doubt,  to  have  been  parties 
to  such  conspiracy,  are  guilty  of  murder,  whether  present  at  the  killing  or 
not,  and  whether  the  identity  of  the  person  throwing  the  bomb  be  estab- 
lished or  not. 

"  If  the  jury  believe  from  the  evidence,  beyond  a  reasonable  doubt,  that 
there  was  in  existence  in  this  county  and  State  a  conspiracy  to  overthrow  the 
existing  order  of  society,  and  to  bring  about  social  revolution  by  force,  or 
to  destroy  the  legal  authorities  of  this  city,  county  or  State  by  force,  and 
that  the  defendants,  or  any  of  them,  were  parties  to  such  conspiracy,  and 
that  Degan  was  killed  in  the  manner  described  in  the  indictment,  that  he 
was  killed  by  a  bomb,  and  that  the  bomb  was  thrown  by  a  party  to  the  con- 
spiracy, and  in  furtherance  of  the  objects  of  the  conspiracy,  then  any  of  the 
defendants  who  were  members  of  such  conspiracy  at  that  time  are  in  this 
case  guilty  of  murder,  and  that,  too,  although  the  jury  may  further  believe 
from  the  evidence  that  the  time  and  place  for  the  bringing  about  of  such 
revolution,  or  the  destruction  of  such  authorities,  had  not  been  definitely, 
agreed  upon  by  the  conspirators,  but  was  left  to  them  and  the  exigencies  of 
time,  or  to  the  judgment  of  any  of  the  co-conspirators." 

"  If  these  defendants,  or  any  two  or  more  of  them,  conspired  together 
with  or  not  with  any  other  person  or  persons  to  excite  the  people  or  classes 
of  the  people  of  this  city  to  sedition,  tumult  and  riot,  to  use  deadly  weapons 
against  and  take  the  lives  of  other  persons,  as  a  means  to  carry  their 
designs  and  purposes  into  effect,  and  in  pursuance  of  such  conspiracy,  and 
in  furtherance  of  its  objects,  any  of  the  persons  so  conspiring  publicly,  by 
print  or  speech,  advised  or  encouraged  the  commission  of  murder  without 
designating  time,  place  or  occasion  at  which  it  should  be  done,  and  in  pur- 
suance of,  and  induced  by  such  advice  or  encouragement,  murder  was  com- 
mitted, then  all  of  such  conspirators  are  guilty  of  such  murder,  whether 
the  person  who  perpetrated  such  murder  can  be  identified  or  not.  If  such 
murder  was  committed  in  pursuance  of  such  advice  or  encouragement,  and 
was  induced  thereby,  it  does  not  matter  what  change,  if  any,  in  the  order 
or  condition  of  society,  or  what,  if  any,  advantage  to  themselves  or 
others  the  conspirators  proposed  as  the  result  of  their  conspiracy, 
nor  does  it  matter  whether  such  advice  and  encouragement  had 
been  frequent  and  long  continued  or  not,  except  in  determining  whether 
the  perpetrator  was  or  was  not  acting  in  pursuance  of  such  advice 
or  encouragement,  and  was  or  was  not  induced  thereby  to  commit  the  mur- 
der. If  there  was  such  conspiracy  as  in  this  instruction  is  recited,  such 
advice  or  encouragement  was  given,  and  murder  committed  in  pursuance  of 
and  induced  thereby,  then  all  such  conspirators  are  guilty  of  murder.  Nor 
does  it  matter,  if  there  was  such  a  conspiracy,  how  impracticable  or  impos- 
sible of  success  its  end  and  aims  were,  nor  how  foolish  or  ill-arranged 
were  the  plans  for  its  execution,  except  as  bearing  upon  the  question 
whether  there  was  or  was  not  such  conspiracy. 


580  ANARCHY  AND   ANARCHISTS. 

"The  court  instructs  the  jury  that  a  conspiracy  may  be  established  by 
circumstantial  evidence  the  same  as  any  other  fact,  and  that  such  evidence 
is  legal  and  competent  for  that  purpose.  So  also  whether  an  act  which 
was  committed  was  done  by  a  member  of  the  conspiracy,  may  be  established 
by  circumstantial  evidence,  whether  the  identity  of  the  individual  who  com- 
mitted the  act  be  established  or  not ;  and  also  whether  an  act  done  was  in 
pursuance  of  the  common  design  may  be  ascertained  by  the  same 
class  of  evidence,  and  if  the  jury  believe  from  the  evidence  in 
this  case  beyond  a  reasonable  doubt  that  the  defendants  or  any  of  them 
conspired  and  agreed  together  or  with  others  to  overthrow  the  law  by  force, 
or  destroy  the  legal  authorities  of  this  city,  county  or  State  by  force,  and  that 
in  furtherance  of  the  common  design,  and  by  a  member  of  such  conspiracy, 
Mathias  J.  Degan  was  killed,  then  these  defendants,  if  any,  whom  the  jury 
believe  from  the  evidence,  beyond  a  reasonable  doubt,  were  parties  to  such 
conspiracy,  are  guilty  of  the  murder  of  Mathias  J.  Degan,  whether  the 
identity  of  the  individual  doing  the  killing  be  established  or  not,  or  whether 
such  defendants  were  present  at  the  time  of  the  killing  or  not. 

"  The  jury  are  instructed,  as  a  matter  of  law,  that  all  who  take  part  in 
the  conspiracy  after  it  is  formed,  and  while  it  is  in  execution,  and  all  who 
with  knowledge  of  the  facts  concur  in  the  plan  originally  formed,  and  aid  in 
executing  them,  are  fellow-conspirators.  Their  concurrence  without  proof 
of  an  agreement  to  concur  is  conclusive  against  them.  They  commit  the 
offense  when  they  become  parties  to  the  transaction  or  further  the  original 
plan  with  knowledge  of  the  conspiracy. 

"  The  court  instructs  the  jury,  as  a  matter  of  law,  that  circumstantial  evi- 
dence is  just  as  legal  and  just  as  effective  as  any  other  evidence,  provided 
the  circumstances  are  of  such  a  character  and  force  as  to  satisfy  the  minds 
of  the  jury  of  the  defendants'  guilt  beyond  a  reasonable  doubt. 

"The  court  instructs  the  jury  that  what  is  meant  by  circumstantial  evi- 
dence in  criminal  cases  is  the  proof  of  such  facts  and  circumstances  con- 
nected with  or  surrounding  the  commission  of  the  crime  charged  as  tend 
to  show  the  guilt  or  innocence  of  the  party  charged.  And  if  those  facts 
and  circumstances  are  sufficient  to  satisfy  the  jury  of  the  guilt  of  the  defend- 
ants beyond  a  reasonable  doubt,  then  such  evidence  is  sufficient  to  author- 
ize the  jury  in  rinding  the  defendants  guilty. 

"  The  law  exacts  the  conviction  wherever  there  is  sufficient  legal  evi- 
dence to  show  the  defendants'  guilt  beyond  a  reasonable  doubt,  and  cir- 
cumstantial evidence  is  legal  evidence. 

"  The  court  instructs  the  jury,  as  a  matter  of  law,  that  when  the  defend- 
ants August  Spies,  Michael  Schwab,  Albert  R.  Parsons  and  Samuel  Fielden 
testified  as  witnesses  in  this  case,  each  became  the  same  as  any  other  wit- 
ness, and  the  credibility  of  each  is  to  be  attested  by  and  subjected  to  the 
same  tests  as  are  legally  applied  to  any  other  witness ;  and  in  determining 
the  degree  of  credibility  that  shall  be  accorded  to  the  testimony  of  any  one 
of  said  above-named  defendants,  the  jury  have  a  right  to  take  into  con- 
sideration the  fact  that  he  is  interested  in  the  result  of  this  prosecution,  as 
well  as  his  demeanor  and  conduct  upon  the  witness-stand  during  the  trial, 
and  the  jury  are  also  to  take  into  consideration  the  fact,  if  such  is  the  fact, 
that  he  has  been  contradicted  by  other  witnesses.  And  the  court  further 
instructs  the  jury  that  if,  after  considering  all  the  evidence  in  this  case, 
they  find  that  any  one  of  said  defendants  August  Spies,  Michael  Schwab, 
Albert  R.  Parsons  and  Samuel  Fielden  has  willfully  and  corruptly  testified 


THE  COURT'S  INSTRUCTIONS.  581 

falsely  to  any  fact  material  to  the  issue  in  this  case,  they  have  the  right  to 
entirely  disregard  his  testimony,  except  in  so  far  as  his  testimony  is  corrob- 
orated by  other  credible  evidence. 

"  The  rule  of  law  which  clothes  every  person  accused  of  crime  with  the 
presumption  of  innocence,  and  imposes  upon  the  State  the  burden  of  estab- 
lishing his  guilt  beyond  a  reasonable  doubt,  is  not  intended  to  aid  any  one 
who  is  in  fact  guilty  cf  crime  to  escape,  but  is  a  humane  provision  of  law, 
intended,  so  far  as  human  agencies  can,  to  guard  against  the  danger  of  any 
innocent  person  being  unjustly  punished. 

"The  court  instructs  the  jury,  as  a  matter  of  law,  that  in  considering 
the  case  the  jury  are  not  to  go  beyond  the  evidence  to  hunt  up  doubts,  nor 
must  they  entertain  such  doubts  as  are  merely  chimerical  or  conjectural.  A 
doubt,  to  justify  an  acquittal,  must  be  reasonable,  and  it  must  arise  from  a 
candid  and  impartial  investigation  of  all  the  evidence  in  the  case,  and  unless 
it  is  such  that,  were  the  same  kind  of  doubt  interposed  in  the  graver  transac- 
tions of  life,  it  would  cause  a  reasonable  and  prudent  man  to  hesitate  and 
pause,  it  is  insufficient  to  authorize  a  verdict  of  not  guilty.  If,  after  consid- 
ering all  the  evidence,  you  can  say  you  have  an  abiding  conviction  of  the 
truth  of  the  charge,  you  are  satisfied  beyond  a  reasonable  doubt. 

"The  court  further  instructs  the  jury,  as  a  matter  of  law,  that  the  doubt 
which  the  juror  is  allowed  to  retain  on  his  own  mind,  and  under  the  influ- 
ence of  which  he  should  frame  a  verdict  of  not  guilty,  must  always  be  a 
reasonable  one.  A  doubt  produced  by  undue  sensibility  in  the  mind  of  any 
juror,  in  view  of  the  consequences  of  his  verdict,  is  not  a  reasonable  doubt, 
and  a  juror  is  not  allowed  to  create  sources  or  materials  of  doubt  by  resort- 
ing to  trivial  and  fanciful  suppositions  and  remote  conjectures  as  to  possible 
states  of  fact  differing  from  that  established  by  the  evidence.  You  are  not 
at  liberty  to  disbelieve  as  jurors  if  from  the  evidence  you  believe  as  men  ; 
your  oath  imposes  on  you  no  obligation  to  doubt  where  no  doubt  would 
exist  if  no  oath  had  been  administered. 

"  The  court  instructs  the  jury  that  they  are  the  judges  of  the  law  as  well 
as  the  facts  in  this  case,  and  if  they  can  say,  upon  their  oaths,  that  they 
know  the  law  better  than  the  court  itself,  they  have  the  right  to  do  so  ;  but 
before  assuming  so  solemn  a  responsibility,  they  should  be  assured  that  they 
are  not  acting  from  caprice  or  prejudice,  that  they  are  not  controlled  by 
their  will  or  their  wishes,  but  from  a  deep  and  confident  conviction  that  the 
court  is  wrong  and  that  they  are  right.  Before  saying  this,  upoa  their 
oaths,  it  is  their  duty  to  reflect  whether,  from  their  study  and  experience, 
they  are  better  qualified  to  judge  of  the  law  than  the  court.  If,  under  all 
the  circumstances,  they  are  prepared  to  say  that  the  court  is  wrong  in  its 
exposition  of  the  law,  the  statute  has  given  them  that  right. 

"  In  this  case  the  jury  may,  as  in  their  judgment  the  evidence  warrants, 
find  any  or  all  of  the  defendants  guilty  or  not,  or  all  of  them  not  guilty  ;  and 
if,  in  their  judgment,  the  evidence  warrants,  they  may,  in  case  they  find  the 
defendants,  or  any  of  them,  guilty,  fix  the  same  penalty  for  all  the  defend- 
ants found  guilty,  or  different  penalties  for  the  different  defendants  found 
guilty. 

"  In  case  they  find  the  defendants,  or  any  of  them,  guilty  of  murder,  they 
should  fix  the  penalty  either  at  death  or  at  imprisonment  in  the  penitentiary 
for  life,  or  at  imprisonment  in  the  penitentiary  for  a  term  of  any  number  of 
years,  not  less  than  fourteen." 


582  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

The  instructions  given  on  behalf  of  defendants  were  as  follows  : 

"The  jury  in  a  criminal  case  are  the  judges  of  the  law  and  the  evidence, 
and  have  to  act  according  to  their  best  judgment  of  such  law  and  the 
facts. 

"The  jury  have  a  right  to  disregard  the  instructions  of  the  court,  pro- 
vided they  can  say  upon  their  oaths  that  they  believe  they  know  the  law 
better  than  the  court. 

"The  law  presumes  the  defendants  innocent  of  the  charge  in  the  indict- 
ment until  the  jury  are  satisfied  by  the  evidence,  beyond  all  reasonable 
doubt,  of  the  guilt  of  the  defendants. 

"  If  a  reasonable  doubt  of  any  facts,  necessary  to  convict  the  accused,  is 
raised  in  the  minds  of  the  jury  by  the  evidence  itself,  or  by  the  ingenuity 
of  counsel  upon  any  hypothesis  reasonably  consistent  with  the  evidence, 
that  doubt  is  decisive  in  favor  of  the  prisoners'  acquittal.  A  verdict  of 
not  guilty  simply  means  that  the  guilt  of  the  accused  has  not  been 
demonstrated  in  the  precise,  specific  and  narrow  forms  prescribed  by 
the  law. 

"No  jury  should  convict  anybody  of  crime  upon  mere  suspicion,  how- 
ever strong,  or  because  there  is  a  preponderance  of  all  the  evidence  against 
him,  but  the  jury  must  be  convinced  of  the  defendant's  guilt,  beyond  all 
reasonable  doubt,  before  they  can  lawfully  convict. 

"The  law  does  not  require  the  defendants  to  prove  themselves  innocent, 
but  the  burden  of  proof  that  they  are  guilty  beyond  all  reasonable  doubt 
is  upon  the  prosecution. 

"The  indictment  is  of  itself  a  mere  accusation  and  no  proof  of  the  guilt 
of  the  defendants. 

"The  presumption  of  the  innocence  of  the  defendants  is  not  a  mere 
form,  but  an  essential,  substantial  part  of  the  law  of  the  land,  and  it  is  the 
duty  of  the  jury  to  give  the  defendants  the  full  benefit  of  this  presumption 
in  this  case. 

"It  is  incumbent  upon  the  prosecution  to  prove  beyond  all  reasonable 
doubt  every  material  allegation  in  the  indictment,  and  unless  that  has  been 
done,  the  jury  should  find  the  defendants  not  guilty. 

"  The  burden  is  upon  the  prosecution  to  prove  by  credible  evidence, 
beyond  all  reasonable  doubt,  that  the  defendants  are  guilty  as  charged  in 
the  indictment  of  the  murder  of  Mathias  J.  Degan  ;  it  is  the  duty  of  the 
jury  to  acquit  any  of  the  defendants  as  to  whom  there  is  a  failure  of  such 
proof.  The  jury  are  not  at  liberty  to  adopt  any  unreasonable  theories 
or  suppositions  in  considering  the  evidence  in  order  to  justify  a  verdict  of 
conviction. 

"A  reasonable  doubt  is  that  state  of  mind  in  which  the  jury,  after  con- 
sidering all  the  evidence,  cannot  say  they  feel  an  abiding  faith,  amounting 
to  a  moral  certainty,  from  the  evidence  in  the  case,  that  the  defendants 
are  guilty  as  charged  in  the  indictment. 

"The  rules  of  evidence  as  to  the  amount  of  evidence  in  this  case  are 
different  from  those  in  a  civil  case ;  a  mere  preponderance  of  evidence 
would  not  warrant  a  verdict  of  guilty. 

"Mere  probability  of  the  defendants'  guilt  is  not  sufficient  to  warrant  a 
conviction. 

"Your  personal  opinions  as  to  facts  not  proved  cannot  be  the  basis  of 
your  verdict,  but  you  must  form  your  verdict  from  the  evidence,  and  that 


THE  COURT'S  INSTRUCTIONS.  583 

alone,  unaided  and  uninfluenced  by  any  opinions  or  presumptions  not 
founded  upon  the  evidence. 

"The  jury  are  the  sole  judges  of  the  credibility  of  witnesses,  and  in  pass- 
ing thereon  may  consider  their  prejudices,  motives  or  feelings  of  revenge, 
if  any  such  have  appeared,  and  if  the  jury  believe  from  the  evidence  that 
any  witness  has  knowingly  or  willfully  testified  falsely  as  to  any  material 
fact,  they  may  disregard  his  entire  testimony,  unless  it  is  corroborated  by 
other  credible  evidence. 

"  If  one  single  fact  is  proved  by  a  preponderance  of  the  evidence  which 
is  inconsistent  with  the  guilt  of  a  defendant,  this  is  sufficient  to  raise  a 
reasonable  doubt  as  to  his  guilt  and  entitles  him  to  an  acquittal.  In  order 
to  justify  the  inference  of  legal  guilt  from  circumstantial  evidence,  the  exist- 
ence of  the  inculpatory  facts  must  be  absolutely  incompatible  with  the 
innocence  of  the  accused  upon  any  rational  theory. 

"The  witnesses  Gottfried  Waller  and  Wilhelm  Seliger  are  accom- 
plices, and  while  a  person  accused  of  crime  may  be  convicted  upon  the 
uncorroborated  testimony  of  an  accomplice,  still  the  jury  should  weigh  it 
with  great  care  and  caution,  and  convict  upon  it  only  if  they  are  satisfied 
beyond  any  reasonable  doubt  of  its  truth. 

"  If  you  believe  from  the  evidence  that  the  witnesses  Gottfried  Waller 
and  Wilhelm  Seliger  were  induced  to  become  witnesses  by  any  promise  of 
immunity  from  punishment,  or  by  any  hope  held  out  to  them,  that  it  would 
go  easier  with  them  in  case  they  disclosed  who  their  confederates  were,  or 
in  case  they  implicated  some  one  else  in  the  crime,  then  you  should  take 
such  facts  into  consideration  in  determining  the  weight  to  be  given  to  their 
testimony. 

"Same  instruction  in  regard  to  the  testimony  of  any  other  witnesses  for 
the  prosecution. 

"  The  testimony  of  an  accomplice  should  be  subjected  to  critical  exam- 
ination in  the  light  of  all  the  other  evidence. 

"A  person  charged  with  crime  may  testify  in  his  own  behalf,  but  his 
neglect  to  do  so  shall  not  create  any  presumption  against  him. 

"The  jury  should  endeavor  to  reconcile  the  testimony  of  the  defend- 
ants' witnesses  with  the  belief  that  all  of  them  endeavored  to  tell  the  truth, 
and  you  should  attribute  any  contradictions  or  differences  in  their  testimony 
to  mistake  or  misrecollection  rather  than  to  a  willful  intention  to  swear 
falsely,  if  you  can  reasonably  do  so  under  the  evidence. 

"The  jury  should  fairly  and  impartially  consider  the  testimony  of  the 
defendants,  together  with  all  the  other  evidence. 

"  If  the  verbal  admission  of  a  defendant  is  offered  in  evidence,  the  whole 
of  the  admission  must  be  taken  together,  and  those  parts  which  are  in  favor 
of  the  defendant  are  entitled  to  as  much  consideration  as  any  other  parts, 
unless  disproved,  or  apparently  improbable  or  untrue,  when  considered  with 
all  the  other  evidence. 

"  It  would  be  improper  for  the  jury  to  regard  any  statements  of  the 
prosecuting  attorneys,  not  based  upon  the  evidence,  as  entitled  to  any  weight. 

"  If  all  the  facts  and  circumstances  relied  on  by  the  People  to  secure  a 
conviction  can  be  reasonably  accounted  for  upon  any  theory  consistent 
with  the  innocence  of  the  defendants,  or  any  of  them,  then  you  should 
acquit  such  of  them  as  to  whom  the  facts  proven  can  thus  be  accounted  for. 

"  It  is  not  enough  to  warrant  the  conviction  of  a  person  charged  with 
crime  that  he  contemplated  the  commission  of  such  crime.  If  any  rea- 


584  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

sonable  hypothesis  exists  that  such  crime  may  have  been  committed  by 
another  in  no  way  connected  with  the  defendants,  the  accused  should  be 
acquitted. 

"  If  the  evidence  leaves  a  reasonable  doubt  of  the  guilt  of  the  defendants, 
as  charged  in  the  indictment,  the  jury  should  acquit,  although  the  evidence 
may  show  conduct  of  no  less  turpitude  than  the  crime  charged. 

"  The  allusions  and  references  of  the  prosecuting  attorneys  to  the  sup- 
posed dangerous  character  of  any  views  entertained  or  principles  contended 
for  by  the  accused  should  in  no  way  influence  you  in  determining  this 
case. 

"  Individuals  and  communities  have  the  legal  right  to  arm  themselves  for 
the  defense  and  protection  of  their  persons  and  property,  and  a  proposition 
by  any  person,  publicly  proclaimed,  to  arm  for  such  protection  and  defense, 
is  not  an  offense  against  the  laws  of  this  State. 

"  If  the  defendants,  or  some  of  them,  agreed  together,  or  with  others,  in 
the  event  of  the  workingmen  or  strikers  being  attacked,  that  they  (defend- 
ants) would  assist  the  strikers  to  resist  such  an  attack,  this  would  not  con- 
stitute conspiracy  if  the  anticipated  attack  was  unjustified  and  illegal,  and 
such  contemplated  resistance  simply  the  opposing  of  force  wrongfully  and 
illegally  exercised,  by  force  sufficient  to  repel  said  assault. 

"The  burden  is  not  cast  upon  the  defendants  of  proving  that  the  person 
who  threw  the  bomb  was  not  acting  under  their  advice,  teaching  or  pro- 
curement. Unless  the  evidence  proves  beyond  all  reasonable  doubt  that 
either  some  of  the  defendants  threw  said  bomb,  or  that  the  person  who 
threw  it  acted  under  the  advice  and  procurement  of  defendants  or  some  of 
them,  the  defendants  should  be  acquitted.  Such  advice  may  not  necessarily 
be  special  as  to  the  bomb,  but  general,  so  as  to  include  it. 

"It  is  not  proper  for  the  jury  to  guess  that  the  person  who  threw  the 
bomb  was  instigated  to  do  the  act  by  the  procurement  of  defendants  or  any 
of  them.  There  must  be  a  direct  connection  established,  by  credible  evi- 
dence, between  the  advice  and  consummation  of  the  crime,  beyond  all  rea- 
sonable doubt. 

"  The  bomb  might  have  been  thrown  by  some  one  unfamiliar  with,  and 
unprompted  by,  the  teachings  of  the  defendants  or  any  of  them.  Before 
defendants  can  be  held  liable  therefor,  the  evidence  must  satisfy  you 
beyond  all  reasonable  doubt  that  the  person  throwing  said  bomb  was  acting 
as  the  result  of  the  teaching  or  encouragement  of  defendants  or  some  of 
them. 

"  Before  a  person  charged  as  accessory  to  a  crime  can  be  convicted,  the 
evidence  must  prove  beyond  a  reasonable  doubt  that  the  crime  was  com- 
mitted by  some  person  acting  under  the  advice,  aid,  encouragement,  abet- 
ting or  procurement  of  the  defendant  whose  conviction  as  accessory  is 
sought.  Though  you  may  believe  from  the  evidence  that  a  party  in  fact 
advised  the  commission  in  certain  contingencies  of  acts  amounting  to  crime, 
yet,  if  the  act  complained  of  was  in  fact  committed  by  some  third  party  of 
his  own  mere  volition,  hatred,  malice  or  ill- will, and  not  materially  influenced, 
either  directly  or  indirectly,  by  such  advice  of  the  party  charged,  or  any 
party  for  whose  advice  the  defendants  are  responsible,  the  party  charged 
would  not  in  such  case  be  responsible. 

"  If  you  find  that  at  a  meeting  held  on  the  evening  of  May  ^d  at  54  West 
Lake  Street,  at  which  some  of  the  defendants  were  present,  it  was  agreed 
that  in  the  event  of  a  collision  between  the  police,  militia  or  firemen,  and  the 


THE  JURY'S   VERDICT.  585 

striking  laborers,  certain  armed  organizations,  of  which  some  of  the  defend- 
ants were  members,  should  meet  at  certain  places  in  Chicago,  that  a  com- 
mittee should  attend  public  places  and  meetings  where  an  attack  by  the 
police  and  others  might  be  expected,  and  in  the  event  of  such  attack  report 
the  same  to  said  organizations  to  the  end  that  such  attack  might  be  resisted 
and  the  police  stations  of  the  city  destroyed,  still,  if  the  evidence  does  not 
prove,  beyond  all  reasonable  doubt,  that  the  throwing  of  the  bomb  which 
killed  Mathias  J.  Degan  was  the  result  of  any  act  in  furtherance  of  the  com- 
mon design  herein  stated,  and  if  it  may  have  been  the  unauthorized  and 
individual  act  of  some  person  acting  upon  his  own  responsibility  and  volition, 
then  none  of  the  defendants  can  be  held  responsible  therefor  on  account  of 
said  West  Lake  Street  meeting." 

Upon  the  conclusion  of  the  reading  of  the  instructions  in  behalf  of  the 
defendants,  which  were  read  after  the  instructions  on  behalf  of  the  people, 
the  court  of  its  own  motion  gave  to  the  jury  the  following  instruction  : 

"  The  statute  requires  that  instructions  by  the  court  to  the  jury  shall  be 
in  writing,  and  only  relate  to  the  law  of  the  case. 

"  The  practice  under  the  statute  is  that  the  counsel  prepare  on  each 
side  a  set  of  instructions  and  present  them  to  the  court,  and,  if  approved,  to 
be  read  by  the  court  as  the  law  of  the  case.  It  may  happen,  by  reason  of 
the  great  number  presented  and  the  hurry  and  confusion  of  passing  on  them 
in  the  midst  of  the  trial,  with  a  large  audience  to  keep  in  order,  that  there 
may  be  some  apparent  inconsistency  in  them,  but  if  they  are  carefully 
scrutinized  such  inconsistencies  will  probably  disappear.  In  any  event, 
however,  the  gist  and  pith  of  all  is  that  if  advice  and  encouragement  to 
murder  was  given,  if  murder  was  done  in  pursuance  of  and  materially  induced 
by  such  advice  and  encouragement,  then  those  who  gave  such  advice  and 
encouragement  are  guilty  of  the  murder.  Unless  the  evidence,  either  direct 
or  circumstantial,  or  both,  proves  the  guilt  of  one  or  more  of  the  defendants 
upon  this  principle  so  fully  that  there  is  no  reasonable  doubt  of  it,  your  duty 
to  them  requires  you  to  acquit  them.  If  it  does  so  prove,  then  your  duty 
to  the  State  requires  you  to  convict  whoever  is  so  proved  guilty.  The  case 
of  each  defendant  should  be  considered  wfth  the  same  care  and  scrutiny  as 
if  he  alone  were  on  trial.  If  a  conspiracy,  having  violence  and  murder  as 
its  object,  is  fully  proved,  then  the  acts  and  declarations  of  each  conspirator 
in  furtherance  of  the  conspiracy  are  the  acts  and  declarations  of  each  one 
of  the  conspirators.  But  the  declarations  of  any  conspirator  before  or  after 
the  4th  of  May  which  are  merely  narrative  as  to  what  had  been  or  would  be 
done,  and  not  made  to  aid  in  carrying  into  effect  the  object  of  the  conspir- 
acy, are  only  evidence  against  the  one  who  made  them. 

"  What  are  the  facts  and  what  is  the  truth  the  jury  must  determine  from 
the  evidence,  and  from  that  alone.  If  there  are  any  unguarded  expressions 
in  any  of  the  instructions  which  seem  to  assume  the  existence  of  any  facts, 
or  to  be  any  intimation  as  to  what  is  proved,  all  such  expressions  must  be 
disregarded,  and  the  evidence  only  looked  to  to  determine  the  facts." 

The  jury  the  next  day  reported  to  the  court  that  they  had  agreed  upon 
a  verdict.  The  members  were  accordingly  brought  in,  and  the  clerk  of  the 
court  read  the  verdict  as  follows  : 

"We,   the  jury,  find  the   defendants  August   Spies,    Michael   Schwab, 


586 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 


Samuel  Fielden,  Albert  R.  Parsons,  Adolph  Fischer,  George  Engel  and 
Louis  Lingg  guilty  of  murder  in  manner  and  form  as  charged  in  the  indict- 
ment and  fix  the  penalty  at  death.  We  find  the  defendant  Oscar  W.  Neebe 
guilty  of  murder  in  manner  and  form  as  charged  in  the  indictment,  and  fix 
the  penalty  at  imprisonment  in  the  penitentiary  for  fifteen  years." 

This  was  a  great  surprise  to  the  defendants,  and  their  counsel  at  once 
entered  a  motion  for  a  new  trial.  The  hearing  of  the  motion  was  postponed 
until  the  next  term,  and  on  the  ist  of  October  arguments  were  submitted. 
The  grounds  upon  which  the  motion  was  based  were  numerous.  They 
first  related  to  a  refusal  of  some,  and  a  modification  of  several  other  in- 
structions at  the  hands  of  the  court  asked  for  by  the  defendants  ;  a  claim 
that  jurors  had  been  summoned  by  the  officers  with  the  avowed  view  to 
conviction  ;  improper  language  by  the  State's  Attorney  in  his  closing  argu- 
ment ;  erroneous  rulings  of  the  court  in  regard  to  the  competency  of  jurors, 
and  the  refusal  of  separate  trials  for  the  defendants.  Other  grounds  touched 
on  a  statement  made  by  one  of  the  members  of  the  jury,  Mr.  Adams,  prior 
to  the  trial,  with  reference  to  the  Haymarket  massacre,  showing  prejudice 
against  the  defendants,  backed  by  an  affidavit  as  to  what  he  said ;  an 
affidavit  of  one  Mr.  Love,  that  he  met  Gilmer  on  the  night  of  May  4,  shortly 
after  eight  o'clock,  and  went  to  a  saloon  with  him,  where  they  and  another 
person  drank  beer  and  talked  until  9:20  o'clock,  and  also  a  further  reason 
that  the  defendants  had  discovered  some  new  evidence,  to  back  which  an 
affidavit  was  submitted  from  John  Philip  Deluse,  dated  August  24,  1886, 
concerning  a  mysterious  individual  who  had  called  at  his  saloon,  in  Indian- 
apolis, Ind.,  in  May,  1886. 

The  argument  of  counsel  on  each  side,  on  the  points  raised,  consumed 
several  days,  and  finally,  on  the  yth  of  October,  1886,  Judge  Gary,  in  an 
elaborate  and  exhaustive  opinion,  overruled  the  motion. 

The  defendants  then  entered  a  motion  in  arrest  of  judgment,  and  this 
was  also  overruled. 


CHAPTER   XXXIII. 

The  Last  Scene  in  Court  —  Reasons  Against  the  Death  Sentence  —  Spies' 
Speech  —  A  Heinous  Conspiracy  to  Commit  Murder  —  Death  for  the  Truth — The  Anar- 
chists' Final  Defense  —  Dying  for  Labor  —  The  Conflict  of  the  Classes  —  Not  Guilty,  but 
Scapegoats  —  Michael  Schwab's  Appeal  —  The  Curse  of  Labor-saving  Machinery  — 
Neebe  Finds  Out  what  Law  Is  — "I  am  Sorry  I  am  not  to  be  Hung  " —  Adolph  Fischer's 
Last  Words  —  Louis  Lingg  in  his  own  Behalf  —  ' '  Convicted,  not  of  Murder,  but  of  An- 
archy " —  An  Attack  on  the  Police —  "I  Despise  your  Order,  your  Laws,  your  Force- 
propped  Authority.  Hang  me  for  it !  "  —  George  Engel's  Unconcern  —  The  Development 
of  Anarchy — "I  Hate  and  Combat,  not  the  Individual  Capitalist,  but  the  System  "  — 
Samuel  Fielden  and  the  Haymarket  —  An  Illegal  Arrest  —  The  Defense  of  Albert  R. 
Parsons  —  The  History  of  his  Life  —  A  Long  and  Thrilling  Speech  —  The  Sentence  of 
Death  —  "  Remove  the  Prisoners." 

AFTER  motion  in  arrest  of  judgment  had  been  overruled  by  Judge 
Gary,  Spies  was  asked  if  he  had  anything  to  say  why  sentence  of 
death  should  not  be  passed  upon  him.  The  prisoner  rose,  with  pallid 
cheeks  and  distended  eyes,  and  advanced  toward  the  bench  with  a  hesitat- 
ing tread.  The  moment  he  faced  the  court  he  recovered  his  equanimity 
and  proceeded  with  much  deliberation  to  give  his  reasons  why  he  should  not 
be  sent  to  death  on  the  gallows.  He  spoke  in  a  firm,  almost  a  menacing 
tone  of  voice,  and  seemed  bent  on  posing  as  a  martyr  to  the  cause  of  the 
laboring  classes.  In  his  very  opening  sentence  he  desired  to  have  that  un- 
derstood. "  In  addressing  this  court,"  he  said,  "I  speak  as  the  represent- 
ative of  one  class  to  the  representative  of  another.  I  will  begin  with  the 
words  uttered  five  hundred  years  ago,  on  a  similar  occasion,  by  the  Venetian 
Doge  Falieri,  who,  addressing  the  court,  said,  '  My  defense  is  your  accusa- 
tion. The  cause  of  my  alleged  crime  is  your  history.'  "  He  then  referred 
to  his  conviction,  holding  that  there  was  no  evidence  to  show  that  he  had 
any  knowledge  of  the  man  who  threw  the  bomb,  or  that  he  had  had  any- 
thing to  do  with  its  throwing.  There  being  no  evidence  to  establish  his 
legal  responsibility,  he  maintained,  his  "  conviction  and  the  execution  of  the 
sentence  would  be  nothing  less  than  willful,  malicious  and  deliberate  murder, 
as  foul  a  murder  as  may  be  found  in  the  annals  of  religious,  political  or  any 
sort  of  persecution."  He  charged  that  the  representative  of  the  State  had 
"  fabricated  most  of  the  testimony  which  was  used  as  a  pretense  to  con- 
vict," and  that  the  defendants  had  been  convicted  "  by  a  jury  picked  out 
to  convict." 

"I  charge,"  he  continued,  "the  State's  Attorney  and  Bonfield  with  the 
heinous  conspiracy  to  commit  murder."  Having  thus  proved  the  truth  of 
the  old  adage  that  "no  rogue  e'er  felt  the  halter  draw  with  good  opinion  of 
the  law,"  Spies  next  paid  his  compliments  to  the  Citizens'  Association,  the 
Bankers'  Association  and  the  Board  of  Trade,  attributing  to  them  the 

587 


588  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

inspiration  for  the  attack  on  the  Haymarket  meeting,  and  he  proceeded  to 
give  an  account  of  his  movements  on  the  night  of  that  meeting  in  the  com- 
pany of  Legner.  He  again  repeated  that,  "  notwithstanding  the  purchased 
and  perjured  testimony  of  some,"  the  prosecution  had  not  established  the 
defendants'  legal  responsibility,  and  insisted  that  those  who  had  brought 
about  their  conviction  were  the  "real  and  only  law-breakers."  When  he  ap- 
proached this  part  of  the  subject  Spies'  anger  scarcely  knew  any  bounds. 
He  rose  in  a  towering  passion  and  characterized  the  proceedings  of  the  trial 
as  "rascalities  perpetrated  in  the  name  of  the  people."  He  continued  : 

"The  contemplated  murder  of  eight  men,  whose  only  crime  is  that  they 
have  dared  to  speak  the  truth,  may  open  the  eyes  of  these  suffering  millions  ; 
may  wake  them  up.  Indeed,  I  have  noticed  that  our  conviction  has  worked 
miracles  in  this  direction  already.  The  class  that  clamors  for  our  lives,  the 
good,  devout  Christians,  have  attempted  in  every  way,  through  their  news- 
papers and  otherwise,  to  conceal  the  true  and  only  issue  in  this  case.  By 
simply  designating  the  defendants  as  '  Anarchists,'  and  picturing  them  as  a 
newly-discovered  species  of  cannibals,  and  by  inventing  shocking  and  horrify- 
ing stories  of  dark  conspiracies  said  to  be  planned  by  them,  these  good 
Christians  zealously  sought  to  keep  the  naked  fact  from  the  working  people 
and  other  righteous  parties,  namely  :  That  on  the  evening  of  May  4  two 
hundred  armed  men,  under  the  command  of  a  notorious  ruffian,  attacked  a 
meeting  of  peaceable  citizens  !  With  what  intention  ?  With  the  intention 
of  murdering  them,  or  as  many  of  them  as  they  could.  I  refer  to  th^e  testi- 
mony given  by  two  of  our  witnesses.  The  wage-workers  of  this  city  b^gan 
to  object  to  being  fleeced  too  much — they  began  to  say  some  very  true 
things,  but  they  were  highly  disagreeable  to  our  patrician  class ;  they  put 
forth  —  well,  some  very  modest  demands.  They  thought  eight  hours'  hard 
toil  a  day,  for  scarcely  two  hours'  pay,  was  enough.  This  lawless  rabble 
had  to  be  silenced  !  The  only  way  to  silence  them  was  to  frighten  them, 
and  murder  those  whom  they  looked  up  to  as  their  'leaders.'  Yes,  these 
foreign  dogs  had  to  be  taught  a  lesson,  so  that  they  might  never  again  inter- 
fere with  the  high-handed  exploitation  of  their  benevolent  and  Christian 
masters.  Bonfield,  the  man  who  would  bring  a  blush  of  shame  to  the  man- 
agers of  the  Bartholomew  night  —  Bonfield,  the  illustrious  gentleman  with 
a  visage  that  would  have  done  excellent  service  to  Dor6  in  portraying 
Dante's  fiends  of  hell  —  Bonfield  was  the  man  best  fitted  to  consummate  the 
conspiracy  of  the  Citizens'  Association  of  our  patricians.  If  I  had  thrown 
that  bomb,  or  had  caused  it  to  be  thrown,  or  had  known  of  it,  I  would  not 
hesitate  a  moment  to  state  so.  It  is  true  a  number  of  lives  were  lost  — 
many  were  wounded.  But  hundreds  of  lives  were  thereby  saved  !  But  for 
that  bomb  there  would  have  been  a  hundred  widows  and  hundreds  of 
orphans  where  now  there  are  few.  These  facts  have  been  carefully  sup- 
pressed, and  we  were  accused  and  convicted  of  conspiracy  by  the  real 
conspirators  and  their  agents.  This,  your  honor,  is  one  reason  why  sentence 
should  not  be  passed  by  a  court  of  justice  —  if  that  name  has  any  significance 
at  all." 

Spies  then  adverted  to  the  fact  of  his  having  published  articles  on  the 
manufacture  of  dynamite  and  bombs,  and  wanted  to  know  what  other  news- 
papers in  the  city  had  not  done  the  same  thing.  He  forgot  to  show,  how- 


THE  ARCH-CONSPIRATOR'S  PROTEST.  589 

ever,  that  other  papers  had  never  urged  the  people  to  use  dynamite  to  the 
destruction  of  the  lives  and  property  of  the  people. 

Spies  claimed  that  his  only  offense  was  in  espousing  the  cause  of  "the 
disinherited  and  disfranchised  millions,"  and  asked  what  they  had  said  in 
their  speeches  and  publications. 

"We  have  interpreted  to  the  people  their  condition  and  relations  in 
society.  We  have  explained  to  them  the  different  social  phenomena  and 
the  social  laws  and  circumstances  under  which  they  occur.  We  have,  by 
way  of  scientific  investigation,  incontrovertibly  proved  and  brought  to  their 
knowledge  that  the  system  of  wages  is  the  root  of  the  present  social  iniqui- 
ties—  iniquities  so  monstrous  that  they  cry  to  heaven.  We  have  further 
said  that  the  wage  system,  as  a  specific  form  of  social  development,  would, 
by  the  necessity  of  logic,  have  to  make  room  for  higher  forms  of  civilization  ; 
that  the  wage  system  must  prepare  the  way  and  furnish  the  foundation  for 
a  social  system  of  cooperation  —  that  is,  Socialism.  That  whether  this  or 
that  theory,  this  or  that  scheme  regarding  future  arrangements  were 
accepted,  was  not  a  matter  of  choice,  but  one  of  historical  necessity,  and 
that  to  us  the  tendency  of  progress  seemed  to  be  Anarchism  —  that  is,  a  free 
society  without  kings  or  classes  —  a  society  of  sovereigns  in  which  the 
liberty  and  economic  equality  of  all  would  furnish  an  unshakable  equilib- 
rium as  a  foundation  and  condition  of  natural  order." 

After  some  further  explanation  of  Socialism,  he  said  : 

"  I  may  have  told  that  individual  who  appeared  here  as  a  witness  that 
the  workingmen  should  procure  arms,  as  force  would  in  all  probability  be 
the  tiltima  ratio,  and  that  in  Chicago  there  were  so  and  so  many  armed 
men,  but  I  certainly  did  not  say  that  we  proposed  to  inaugurate  the  social 
revolution.  And  let  me  say  here :  Revolutions  are  no  more  made  than 
earthquakes  and  cyclones.  Revolutions  are  the  effect  of  certain  causes  and 
conditions.  I  have  made  social  philosophy  a  specific  study  for  more  than 
ten  years,  and  I  could  not  have  given  vent  to  such  nonsense  !  I  do  believe, 
however,  that  the  revolution  is  near  at  hand  —  in  fact,  that  it  is  upon  us. 
But  is  the  physician  responsible  for  the  death  of  the  patient  because  he 
foretold  that  death  ?  " 

If  the  opinions  of  the  court  were  good,  Spies  held  there  was  "no  person 
in  this  country  who  could  not  be  lawfully  hanged,"  and  maintained  that 
they  ought  to  be  exempted  from  responsibility  because  they  had  sought  to 
bring  about  reforms.  Then  he  turned  to  the  labor  movement  and  pro- 
nounced his  anathema  against  the  wealthy  classes. 

"  If  you  think  that  by  hanging  us  you  can  stamp  out  the  labor  movement 
—  the  movement  from  which  the  downtrodden  millions,  the  millions  who 
toil  and  live  in  want  and  misery  —  the  wage  slaves  —  expect  salvation — if 
this  is  your  opinion,  then  hang  us  !  Here  you  will  tread  upon  a  spark,  but 
there,  and  there,  and  behind  you  and  in  front  of  you,  and  everywhere,  flames 
will  blaze  up.  It  is  a  subterranean  fire.  You  cannot  put  it  out.  The 
ground  is  on  fire  upon  which  you  stand.  You  can't  understand  it.  You 
don't  believe  in  magical  arts,  as  your  grandfathers  did,  who  burned  witches 
at  the  stake,  but  you  do  believe  in  conspiracies  ;  you  believe  that  all  these 
occurrences  of  late  are  the  work  of  conspirators  !  You  resemble  the  child 


590  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

that  is  looking  for  his  picture  behind  the  mirror.  What  you  see  and  what 
you  try  to  grasp  is  nothing  but  the  deceptive  reflex  of  the  stings  of  your 
bad  conscience.  You  want  to 'stamp  out  the  conspirators'  —  the  agita- 
tors? Ah !  stamp  out  every  factory  lord  who  has  grown  wealthy  upon  the 
unpaid  labor  of  his  employes.  Stamp  out  every  landlord  who  has  amassed 
fortunes  from  the  rent  of  overburdened  workingmen  and  farmers.  Stamp 
out  every  machine  that  is  revolutionizing  industry  and  agriculture,  that 
intensifies  the  production,  ruins  the  producer,  that  increases  the  national 
wealth,  while  the  creator  of  all  these  things  stands  amidst  them,  tantalized 
with  hunger  !  Stamp  out  the  railroads,  the  telegraph,  the  telephone,  steam 
and  yourselves  —  for  everything  breathes  the  revolutionary  spirit.  You, 
gentlemen,  are  the  revolutionists.  You  rebel  against  the  effects  of  social 
conditions  which  have  tossed  you,  by  the  fair  hand  of  fortune,  into  a  mag- 
nificent paradise.  Without  inquiring,  you  imagine  that  no  one  else  has  a 
right  in  that  place.  You  insist  that  you  are  the  chosen  ones,  the  sole  pro- 
prietors. The  forces  that  tossed  you  into  the  paradise,  the  industrial  forces, 
are  still  at  work.  They  are  growing  more  active  and  intense  from  day  to 
day.  Their  tendency  is  to  elevate  all  mankind  to  the  same  level,  to  have 
all  humanity  share  in  the  paradise  you  now  monopolize.  You,  in  your 
blindness,  think  you  can  stop  the  tidal  wave  of  civilization  and  human 
emancipation  by  placing  a  few  policemen,  a  few  Gatling  guns  and  some 
regiments  of  militia  on  the  shore  —  you"  think  you  can  frighten  the  rising 
waves  back  into  the  unfathomable  depths  whence  they  l^ave  arisen,  by 
erecting  a  few  gallows  in  the  perspective.  You,  who  oppose  the  natural 
course  of.  things,  you  are  the  real  revolutionists.  You  and  you  alone  are  the 
conspirators  and  destructionists ! 

"Said  the  court  yesterday,  in  referring  to  the  Board  of  Trade  demon- 
stration :  '  These  men  started  out  with  the  express  purpose  of  sacking  the 
Board  of  Trade  building  '  While  I  can't  see  what  sense  there  would  have 
been  in  such  an  undertaking,  and  while  I  know  that  the  said  demonstration 
was  arranged  simply  as  a  means  of  propaganda  against  the  system  that 
legalizes  the  respectable  business  carried  on  there,  I  will  assume  that  the 
three  thousand  workingmen  who  marched  in  that  procession  really  intended 
to  sack  the  building.  In  this  case  they  would  have  differed  from"  the 
respectable  Board  of  Trade  men  only  in  this  —  that  they  sought  to  recover 
property  in  an  unlawful  way,  while  the  others  sack  the  entire  country  law- 
fully and  unlawfully  —  this  being  their  highly  respectable  profession.  This 
court  of  'justice  and  equity'  proclaims  the  principle  that  when  two  persons 
do  the  same  thing,  it  is  not  the  same  thing.  I  thank  the  court  for  this  con- 
fession. It  contains  all  that  we  have  taught,  and  for  which  we  are  to  be 
hanged,  in  a  nutshell.  Theft  is  a  respectable  profession  when  practiced 
by  the  privileged  class.  It  is  a  felony  when  resorted  to  in  self-preservation 
by  the  other  class." 

He  then  scored  the  capitalistic  class,  and  referred  to  the  strikes  in  the 
Hocking  Valley,  East  St.  Louis,  Milwaukee  and  Chicago.  Reverting  again 
to  the  prosecution,  he  continued  : 

"  'These  men,'  Grinnell  said  repeatedly,  'have  no  principle;  they  are 
common  murderers,  assassins,  robbers,'  etc.  I  admit  that  our  aspirations 
and  objects  are  incomprehensible  to  some,  but  surely  for  this  we  are  not  to 
be  blamed.  The  assertion,  if  I  mistake  not,  was  based  on  the  ground  that 


"NOT  G  UIL  TY,  B  UT  SCAPE  GOATS."  591 

we  sought  to  destroy  property.  Whether  this  perversion  of  facts  was 
intentional,  I  know  not.  But  in  justification  of  our  doctrines  I  will  say  that 
the  assertion  is  an  infamous  falsehood.  Articles  have  been  read  here  from 
the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  and  Alarm  to  show  the  dangerous  character  of  the 
defendants.  The  files  of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  and  Alarm  have  been  searched 
for  the  past  years.  Those  articles  which  generally  commented  upon  some 
atrocity  committed  by  the  authorities  upon  striking  workingmen  were  picked 
out  and  read  to  you.  Other  articles  were  not  read  to  the  court.  Other 
articles  were  not  what  was  wanted.  The  State's  Attorney,  upon  those  arti- 
cles (who  well  knows  that  he  tells  a  falsehood  when  h&  says  it),  asserts 
that  'these  men  have  no  principle.' ' 

What  a  perversion  of  facts  !  Some  of  the  articles  did  comment  on  some 
alleged  atrocity,  but  those  taken  at  various  dates  and  published  in  a  pre- 
ceding chapter  show  that  force  by  the  use  of  dynamite  was  continually 
being  agitated.  However,  in  his  criticism  of  the  prosecution  Spies  seemed 
to  overlook  a  great  many  points.  He  repeated  what  he  had  said  to  the  Con- 
gregational ministers  at  the  Grand  Pacific  Hotel,  on  the  gth  of  January,  1886, 
with  reference  to  Socialism,  and  then  stated  that  he  had  seen  Lingg  only 
twice  before  he  was  arrested,  but  had  never  spoken  to  him.  With 
Engel  he  had,  not  been  on  speaking  terms  for  at  least  a  year,  and  Fischer 
had  gone  about  making  speeches  against  him.  The  article  in  the  Arbeiter- 
Zeitung  with  reference  to  the  Board  of  Trade  demonstration,  he  claimed,  he 
had  not  seen  until  he  had  read  it  in  the  paper.  In  conclusion  he  said  : 

"Now,  if  we  cannot  be  directly  implicated  with  this  affair,  connected 
with  the  throwing  of  the  bomb,  where  is  the  law  that  says  that  '  these  men 
shall  be  picked  out  to  suffer'  ?  Show  me  that  law  if  you  have  it  !  If  the 
position  of  the  court  is  correct,  then  half  of  this  city  —  half  of  the  popula- 
tion of  this  city —  ought  to  be  hanged,  because  they  are  responsible  the 
same  as  we  are  for  that  act  on  May  4th.  And  if  not  half  of  the  population 
of  Chicago  is  hanged,  then  show  me  the  law  that  says,  '  Eight  men  shall 
be  picked  out  and  hanged,  as  scapegoats '  ?  You  have  no  good  law.  Your 
decision,  your  verdict,  our  conviction  is  nothing  but  an  arbitrary  will  of  this 
lawless  court.  It  is  true  there  is  no  precedent  in  jurisprudence  in  this  case  ! 
It  is  true  that  we  have  called  upon  the  people  to  arm  themselves.  It  is 
true  that  we  have  told  them  time  and  again  that  the  great  day  of  change 
was  coming.  It  was  not  our  desire  to  have  bloodshed.  We  are  not  beasts. 
We  would  not  be  Socialists  if  we  were  beasts.  It  is  because  of  our  sensi- 
tiveness that  we  have  gone  into  this  movement  for  the  emancipation  of  the 
oppressed  and  suffering.  It  is  true  that  we  have  called  upon  the  people  to 
arm  and  prepare  for  the  stormy  times  before  us.  This  seems  to  be  the 
ground  upon  which  the  verdict  is  to  be  sustained.  '  But  when  a  long  train 
of  abuses  and  usurpations,  pursuing  invariably  the  same  object,  evinces  a 
design  to  reduce  the  people  under  absolute  despotism,  it  is  their  right,  it  is 
their  duty,  to  throw  off  such  government  and  provide  new  guards  for  *heir 
future  safety.'  This  is  a  quotation  from  the  '  Declaration  of  Independence.' 
Have  we  broken  any  laws  by  showing  to  the  people  how  the  abuses  that 
have  occurred  for  the  last  twenty  years  are  invariably  pursuing  one  object, 
viz.:  to  establish  an  oligarchy  in  this  country  as  strong  and  powerful  and 
monstrous  as  never  before  has  existed  in  any  country  ?  I  can  well  under- 


592  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

stand  why  that  man  Grinnell  did  not  urge  upon  the  grand  jury  to  charge 
us  with  treason.  I  can  well  understand  it.  You  cannot  try  and  convict 
a  man  for  treason  who  has  upheld  the  Constitution  against  those  who  try  to 
trample  it  under  their  feet.  It  would  not  have  been  as  easy  a  job  to  do 
that,  Mr.  Grinnell,  as  to  charge  '  these  men  '  with  murder. 

"  Now  these  are  my  ideas.  They  constitute  a  part  of  myself.  I  cannot 
divest  myself  of  them,  nor  would  I  if  I  could.  And  if  you  think  that  you 
can  crush  out  these  ideas  that  are  gaining  ground  more  and  more  every  day, 
if  you  think  you  can  crush  them  out  by  sending  us  to  the  gallows —  if  you 
would  once  more  have  people  suffer  the  penalty  of  death  because  they 
have  dared  to  tell  the  truth — and  I  defy  you  to  show  us  where  we  have 
told  a  lie  —  I  say,  if  death  is  the  penalty  for  proclaiming  the  truth,  then  I 
will  proudly  and  defiantly  pay  the  costly  price  !  Call  your  hangman  ! 
Truth  crucified  in  Socrates,  in  Christ,  in  Giordano  Bruno,  in  Huss,  Galileo, 
still  lives —  they  and  others  whose  number  is  legion  have  preceded  us  on 
this  path.  We  are  ready  to  follow.  " 

MICHAEL  SCHWAB  had  very  little  to  say,  but  what  he  did  say  was  that  it 
was  "idle  and  hypocritical  to  think  about  justice  "  having  been  done  to  them. 
He  criticised  the  acts  of  the  prosecution  in  securing  his  conviction  •"  for 
writing  newspaper  articles  and  making  speeches,"  and  contended  that  they 
had  engaged  in  no  conspiracy,  as  "all  they  did  was  done  in  open  daylight." 
He  seemed  rather  vindictive  toward  Mr.  Furthniann^  for  having  had  the 
articles  in  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  translated,  and  excused  his  own  inflammatory 
utterances  by  holding  that  after  the  mayoralty  election,  in  the  spring  of 
1885,  Edwin  Lee  Brown,  president  of  the  Citizens'  Association,  had  urged 
the  people,  in  a  public  speech,  "  to  take  possession  of  the  Court-house  by 
force,  even  if  they  had  to  wade  in  blood."  Schwab  touched  on  the  labor 
problem,  drawing  largely  from  his  own  experience  while  living  among  the 
poor  in  Europe,  and  then  spoke  of  the  condition  of  laborers  in  Chicago, 
holding  that  they  lived  in  miserable,  dilapidated  hovels,  owned  by  greedy 
landlords.  He  continued  : 

"  What  these  common  laborers  are  to-day,  the  skilled  laborer  will  be 
to-morrow.  Improved  machinery,  that  ought  to  be  a  blessing  for  the  work- 
ingman,  under  the  existing  conditions  turns  for  him  to  a  curse.  Machinery 
multiplies  the  army  of  unskilled  laborers,  makes  the  laborer  more  dependent 
upon  the  men  who  own  the  land  and  the  machines.  And  that  is  the  reason 
that  Socialism  and  Communism  got  a  foothold  in  this  country.  The  outcry 
that  Socialism,  Communism  and  Anarchism  are  the  creed  of  foreigners,  is  a 
big  mistake.  There  are  more  Socialists  of  American  birth  in  this  country 
than  foreigners,  and  that  is  much,  if  we  consider  that  nearly  half  of  all 
industrial  workingmen  are  not  native  Americans.  There  are  Socialistic 
papers  in  a  great  many  States,  edited  by  Americans  for  Americans.  The 
capitalistic  newspapers  conceal  that  fact  very  carefully." 

In  conclusion  Schwab  said  : 

"  If  Anarchy  were  the  thing  the  State's  Attorney  makes  it  out  to  be, 
how  could  it  be  that  such  eminent  scholars  as  Prince  Krapotkin  and  the 
greatest  living  geographer,  Elisee  Reclus,  were  avowed  Anarchists,  even 


NEEB&S  EXPLANA  TION.  593 

editors  of  Anarchistic  newspapers  ?  Anarchy  is  a  dream,  but  only  in  the 
present.  It  will  be  realized.  Reason  will  grow  in  spite  of  all  obstacles. 
Who  is  the  man  that  has  the  cheek  to  tell  us  that  human  development  has 
already  reached  its  culminating  point  ?  I  know  that  our  ideal  will  not  be 
accomplished  this  or  next  year,  but  I  know  that  it  will  be  accomplished  as 
near  as  possible,  some  day,  in  the  future.  It  is  entirely  wrong  to  use  the 
word  Anarchy  as  synonymous  with  violence.  Violence  is  one  thing  and 
Anarchy  another.  In  the  present  state  of  society  violence  is  used  on  all 
sides,  and  therefore  we  advocated  the  use  of  violence  against  violence, 
but  against  violence  only,  as  a  necessary  means  of  defense.  I  never  read 
Mr.  Host's  book,  simply  because  I  did  not  find  time  to  read  it.  And  if  I 
had  read  it,  what  of  it  ?  I  am  an  agnostic,  but  I  like  to  read  the  Bible 
nevertheless.  1  have  not  the  slightest  idea  who  threw  the  bomb  on  the 
Haymarket,  and  had  no  knowledge  of  any  conspiracy  to  use  violence  on 
that  or  any  other  night." 

OSCAR  NEEBE  followed.  In  his  opening  sentence  he  very  correctly 
diagnosed  the  situation  when  he  said:  "  I  have  found  out  during  the  last 
few  days  what  law  is.  Before  I  didn't  know."  He,  more  than  all  the 
other  defendants,  except  Parsons,  ought  to  have  known  the  law.  He  was 
a  citizen,  and  as  such  he  should  have  known  the  law  of  the  land  long  before 
he  engaged  in  the  inculcation  of  force.  He  spoke  of  his  having  presided 
at  Socialistic  meetings,  having  headed  the  Board  of  Trade  procession,  and 
how  he  happened  to  drive  to  the  office  of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  after  learning 
on  May  5  that  Spies  and  Schwab  had  been  arrested. 

The  rest  of  his  statement  consists  simply  of  abuse  of  the  prosecution, 
laudation  of  his  own  acts  in  endeavoring  to  ameliorate  the  condition  of  the 
workingmen  and  in  continuing  the  publication  of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  after 
May  4,  and  a  disavowal  of  his  having  distributed  the  "Revenge"  circular. 
In  speaking  of  his  having  organized  the  Beer-brewers'  Union  and  attended 
a  meeting  at  the  North  Side  Turner  Hall  to  announce  the  result  of  his 
conference  with  the  bosses,  he  said  : 

"  I  entered  the  hall.  I  went  on  the  platform  and  I  presented  the  union 
with  a  document  signed  by  every  beer-brewer  of  Chicago,  guaranteeing  ten 
hours'  labor  and  $65  wages  —  $15  more  wages  per  month  —  and  no  Sunday 
work,  to  give  the  men  a  chance  to  go  to  church,  as  many  of  vhem  are  good 
Christians.  There  are  a  good  many  Christians  among  them.  So,  in  that 
way,  I  was  aiding  Christianity  —  helping  the  men  to  go  to  church.  After 
the  meeting  I  left  the  hall,  and  stepped  into  the  front  saloon,  and  there  were 
circulars  lying  there  called  the  '  Revenge  '  circular.  I  picked  up  a  couple 
of  them  from  a  table  and  folded  them  together  and  put  them  in  my  pocket, 
not  having  a  chance  to  read  them,  because  everybody  wanted  to  treat  me. 
They  all  thought  it  was  by  my  efforts  that  they  got  $15  a  month  more  wages 
and  ten  hours  a  day.  Why,  I  didn't  have  a  chance  to  read  the  circulars. 
From  there  I  went  to  another  saloon  across  the  street,  and  the  president 
of  the  Beer-brewers'  Union  was  there  ;  he  asked  me  to  walk  with  him,  and 
on  the  way  home  we  went  into  Heine's  saloon.  He  was  talking  to  Heine 
about  the  McCormick  affair,  and  I  picked  up  a  circular  and  read  it,  and 


594  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

Heine  asked  me  :      '  Can  you  give  me  one  ?  '     I  gave  him  one,  and  he  laid 
it  back  on  his  counter.      That  is  my  statement." 

In  conclusion  Neebe  said  : 

"  They  found  a  revolver  in  my  house,  and  a  red  flag  there.  I  organized 
trades-unions.  I  was  for  reduction  of  the  hours  of  labor,  and  the  education 
of  laboring  men,  and  the  reestablishment  of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung — the 
workingmen's  newspaper.  There  is  no  evidence  to  show  that  I  was  con- 
nected with  the  bomb-throwing,  or  that  I  was  near  it,  or  anything  of  that 
kind.  So  I  am  only  sorry,  your  honor  —  that  is,  if  you  can  stop  it  or  help 
it,  I  will  ask  you  to  do  it  —  that  is  to  hang  me,  too  ;  for  I  think  it  is  more 
honorable  to  die  suddenly  than  to  be  killed  by  inches.  I  have  a  family  and 
children  ;  and  if  they  know  their  father  is  dead,  they  will  bury  him.  They 
can  go  to  the  grave,  and  kneel  down  by  the  side  of  it ;  but  they  can't  go  to 
the  penitentiary  and  see  their  father,  who  was  convicted  for  a  crime  that  he 
hasn't  had  anything  to  do  with.  That  is  all  I  have  got  to  say.  Your  honor, 
I  am  sorry  I  am  not  to  be  hung  with  the  rest  of  the  men. " 

ADOLPH  FISCHER  rose  with  some  signs  of  nervousness  and  proceeded 
slowly  and  deliberately  with  his  protest.  "I  was  tried  here  in  this  room," 
he  said,  "  for  murder,  and  I  was  convicted  of  Anarchy."  He  objected  most 
vigorously  to  the  charge  that  he  was  a  murderer,  and  insisted  that  he  had 
had  nothing  to  do  with  the  throwing  of  the  bomb.  He  confessed  to  having 
made  arrangements  for  the  Haymarket  meeting,  to  having  been  present, 
but  urged  that  it  had  not  been  called  for  the  purpose  of  committing  violence 
or  crime.  He  said  he  had  been  present  at  the  Monday  evening  meeting, 
of  which  Waller  was  chairman,  but  aside  from  volunteering  to  have  hand- 
bills printed  for  the  Haymarket  meeting  he  had  not  done  anything.  He 
had  invited  Spies  to  speak  at  the  Haymarket,  and  in  the  original  copy  he 
had  had  the  line  put  in,  "  Workingmen,  appear  armed  !  "  His  reason  for 
this  was,  he  said,  that  he  ''did  not  want  the  workingmen  to  be  shot  down  in 
that  meeting  as  on  other  occasions."  He  then  entered  into  some  details  as 
to  his  movements  on  the  night  of  the  Haymarket  gathering  and  again 
launched  into  a  protest  against  the  jury's  verdict.  He  said  that  the  verdict 
against  him  was  because  he  was  an  Anarchist,  and  "  an  Anarchist,"  he  ex- 
plained with  a  defiant  toss  of  his  head,  "  is  always  ready  to  die  for  his 
principles."  He  concluded  as  follows  : 

"The  more  the  believers  in  just  causes  are  persecuted,  the  more  quickly 
will  their  ideas  be  realized.  For  instance,  in  rendering  such  an  unjust  and 
barbarous  verdict,  the  twelve  '  honorable  men  '  in  the  jury-box  have  done 
more  for  the  furtherance  of  Anarchism  than  the  convicted  have  accomplished 
in  a  generation.  This  verdict  is  a  death-blow  to  free  speech,  free  press  and 
free  thought  in  this  country,  and  the  people  will  be  conscious  of  it,  too. 
This  is  all  I  care  to  say." 

Louis  LINGG  was  in  no  gentle  frame  of  mind  when  he  advanced  to  enter 
his  objection  at  the  bar  of  the  court.  After  a  thrust  at  the  court,  he  said 
that  he  had  been  accused  of  murder  and  been  convicted;  and  "what 


LINGG'S  SUICIDE  BOMBS.— FROM  A  PHOTOGRAPH. 

Made  of  gas-pipe,  six  inches  in  length,  and  with  a  notched  bolt,  as  shown,  inserted  in  the  bottom  of 
each.  These  were  found  in  Lingg's  cell,  and  are  similar  to  the  bomb  with  which  he  took  his  life.  The  fuse 
is  so  short  that  explosion  ensues  in  one  second  after  lighting,  making  them  fitted  for  self-destruction  only. 


596  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

proof,"  he  defiantly  asked,  "have  you  brought  that  I  am  guilty?"  He 
acknowledged  that  he  had  helped  Seliger  to  make  bombs  ;  "  but,"  he  stoutly 
maintained,  "  what  you  have  not  proven  —  even  with  the  assistance  of  your 
bought '  squealer,*  ScUgcr,  who  would  appear  to  have  acted  such  a  prom- 
inent part  in  the  affair  —  is  that  any  of  those  bombs  were  taken  to  the  Hay- 
market."  He  referred  to  the  testimony  of  the  experts  as  simply  showing 
that  the  Haymarket  bomb  bore  "a  certain  resemblance  to  those  bombs 
of  his,"  and  that  was  the  kind  of  evidence,  he  held,  upon  which  he  had 
been  convicted.  He  had  been  convicted  of  murder,  but  it  was  Anarchy 
on  which  the  verdict  was  based.  "You  have  charged  me  with  despising 
•  law  and  order/  "  he  said.  "  What  does  your  *  law  and  order '  amount  to  ? 
Its  representatives  are  the  police,  and  they  have  thieves  in  their  ranks." 
He  then  opened  fire  on  me  because  the  detectives  I  had  sent  out  had  broken 
into  his  room,  as  he  claimed,  to  effect  his  arrest,  and  insisted  that  he  had 
not  been  at  the  Monday  night  meeting,  but  at  Zepfs  Hall,  at  that  time, 
which  I  had  stated  to  be  false^ 

Lingg  next  turned  his  attention  to  Mr.  Grinnell,  and  accused  him  of 
having  "leagued  himself  with  a  parcel  of  base,  hireling  knaves,  to  bring 
me  to  the  gallows."  Then  the  Judge  came  in  for  a  scoring.  "  The  Judge 
himself,"  he  held.  "  was  forced  to  admit  that  the  State's  Attorney  had  not 
been  able  to  connect  me  with  the  bomb-throwing.  The  latter  knows  how 
to  get  around  it,  however.  He  charges  me  with  being  a  '  conspirator. ' 
How  does  he  prove  it  ?  Simph*  b\~  declaring  the  International  Working- 
men's  Association  to  -be  a  *  conspiracy.'  I  was  a  member  of  that  body,  so 
he  has  the  charge  securely  fastened  on  me.  Excellent ! "  He  concluded  as 
follows: 

"  I  tell  you  frankly  and  openly,  I  am  for  force.  I  have  already  told 
Captain  Schaack.  •  If  they  use  cannon  against  us,  we  shall  use  dynamite 
against  them.'  I  repeat  that  I  am  the  enemy  of  the  '  order '  of  to-day,  and 
I  repeat  that,  with  all  my  powers,  so  long  as  breath  remains  in  me,  I  shall 
combat  it.  I  declare  again,  frankly  and  openly,  that  I  am  in  favor  of  using 
force.  I  have  told  Captain  Schaack,  and  I  stand  by  it,  '  If  you  cannonade 
us,  we  shall  dynamite  you.'  You  laugh  !  Perhaps  you  think,  *  You'll  throw 
no  more  bombs,'  but  let  me  assure  you  that  I  die  happy  on  the  gallows,  so 
confident  am  I  that  the  hundreds  and  thousands  to  whom  I  have  spoken 
will  remember  my  words :  and  when  you  shall  have  hanged  us,  then,  mark 
my  words,  they  will  do  the  bomb-throwing  !  In  this  hope  do  I  say  to  you  : 
'  I  despise  you.  I  despise  your  order,  your  laws,  your  force-propped 
authority.'  Hang  me  for  it ! " 

GEORGE  EXCEL  appeared  the  least  concerned  of  all  when  it  came  his 
turn  to  respond  to  the  court's  question  as  to  any  reasons  he  might  have 
Pgpintit  the  infliction  of  the  death  penalty.  He  opened  by  setting  forth  his 
arrival  in  America  in  1872  and  gave  some  reasons  which  had  prompted  him 
to  espouse  Anarchy.  It  was  "the  poverty,  the  misery  of  the  working 
classes."  People  here  in  a  free  land,  he  said,  were  "  doomed  to  die  of  star- 


EN  GEL'S  LAST  SPEECH.  597 

vation."  He  had  read  the  works  of  Lassalle,  Marx  and  George,  and  after 
studying  the  labor  question  carefully  he  had  come,  he  said,  to  the  conclu- 
sion that  "  a  workingman  could  not  decently  exist  in  this  rich  country." 
He  had  sought  to  remedy  the  inequalities  through  the  ballot-box,  but  after 
a  time,  he  said,  it  had  become  clear  to  him  "  that  the  working  classes  could 
never  bring  about  a  form  of  society  guaranteeing  work,  bread  and  a  happy 
life  by  means  of  the  ballot."  He  had  labored  for  a  time  in  the  interest  of 
the  Social-Democratic  party,  but,  finding  political  corruption  in  its  ranks, 
he  had  left  it. 

"  I  left  this  party  and  joined  the  International  Working  People's  Asso- 
ciation, that  was  just  being  organized.  The  members  of  that  body  have 
the  firm  conviction  that  the  workingman  can  free  himself  from  the  tyranny 
of  capitalism  only  through  force  —  just  as  all  advances  of  which  history 
speaks  have  been  brought  about  through  force  alone.  We  see  from  the 
history  of  this  country  that  the  first  colonists  won  their  liberty  only  through 
force ;  that  through  force  slavery  was  abolished,  and  just  as  the  man  who 
agitated  against  slavery  in  this  country  had  to  ascend  the  gallows,  so  also 
must  we.  He  who  speaks  for  the  workingmen  to-day  must  hang.  And 
why  ?  Because  this  republic  is  not  governed  by  people  who  have  obtained 
their  office  honestly.  Who  are  the  leaders  at  Washington  that  are  to  guard 
the  interests  of  this  nation  ?  Have  they  been  elected  by  the  people,  or  by 
the  aid  of  their  money?  They  have  no  right  to  make  laws  for  us,  because 
they  were  not  elected  by  the  people.  These  are  the  reasons  why  I  have 
lost  all  respect  for  American  laws." 

Engel  then  alluded  to  the  displacement  of  labor  by  machinery  and  held 
that  the  amelioration  of  the  workingmen's  condition  could  only  be  effected 
through  Socialism.  As  to  his  conviction,  he  declared  that  he  was  not  at  all 
surprised.  He  had  learned  long  ago  that  the  workingman  had  no  more 
rights  here  than  anywhere  else  in  the  world.  His  crime,  he  insisted,  con- 
sisted simply  in  having  labored  to  "bring  about  a  system  of  society  by 
which  it  is  impossible  for  one  to  hoard  millions,  through  the  improvements 
in  machinery,  while  the  great  masses  sink  to  degradation  and  misery."  He 
believed  that  inventions  should  be  free  to  all  and  touched  on  the  aims  of 
Anarchy.  In  his  opinion  "Anarchy  and  Socialism  were  as  much  alike  as 
one  egg  is  to  another."  Whatever  difference  existed  was  in  tactics. 

"  It  is  true,  I  am  acquainted  with  several  of  my  fellow-defendants  ;  with 
most  of  them,  however,  but  slightly,  through  seeing  them  at  meetings,  and 
hearing  them  speak.  Nor  do  I  deny  that  I,  too,  have  spoken  at  meetings, 
saying  that,  if  every  workingman  had  a  bomb  in  his  pocket,  capitalistic  rule 
would  soon  come  to  an  end. 

"  That  is  my  opinion,  and  my  wish  ;  it  became  my  conviction  when  I 
mentioned  the  wickedness  of  the  capitalistic  conditions  of  the  day. 

' '  Can  any  one  feel  any  respect  for  a  government  that  accords  rights  only 
to  the  privileged  classes,  and  none  for  the  workers?  We  have  seen  but 
recently  how  the  coal  barons  combined  to  form  a  co'nspiracy  to  raise  the 
price  of  coal,  while  at  the  same  time  reducing  the  already  low  wages  of  their 
men.  Are  they  accused  of  conspiracy  on  that  account  ?  But  when  working- 


598  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

men  dare  ask  an  increase  in  their  wages,  the  militia  and  the  police  are  sent 
out  to  shoot  them  down. 

"  For  such  a  government  as  this  I  can  feel  no  respect,  and  will  combat 
them,  despite  their  power,  despite  their  police,  despite  their  spies. 

"  I  hate  and  combat,  not  the  individual  capitalist,  but  the  system  that 
gives  him  those  privileges.  My  greatest  wish  is  that  workingmen  may 
recognize  who  are  their  friends  and  who  are  their  enemies. 

"As  to  my  conviction,  brought  about,  as  it  was,  through  capitalistic  in- 
fluence, I  have  not  one  word  to  say." 

SAMUEL  FIELDEN  entered  into  a  long  disquisition  on  the  troubles  of  the 
working  classes  all  over  the  world,  and  covered  much  of  the  ground  traversed 
by  him  when  on  the  witness-stand.  He  spoke  of  his  having  been  in  Eng- 
land a  Sunday  School  superintendent,  a  local  preacher  of  the  Methodist 
Church,  and  an  exhorter,  and  then  chronicled  his  change  of  convictions  after 
his  arrival  in  the  United  States  in  1868.  He  branched  out  into  an  exposi- 
tion of  Socialism  and  cited  instances  of  the  oppression  practiced  on  working 
people  by  capitalists.  He  then  reviewed  some  of  the  points  in  the  testi- 
mony against  him  and  sought  to  show  wherein  his  speeches  at  various 
meetings  had  been  incorrectly  reported  in  the  newspapers.  He  had  neither 
said  at  the  Haymarket  meeting,  "Here  come  the  bloodhounds,"  nor  had  he 
fired  a  revolver.  He  claimed  that  the  meeting  had  been  a  peaceable  one, 
and  held  that  there  had  been  no  indication  of  trouble,  and  that  his  language 
had  not  been  incendiary.  He  said  : 

"  I  am  charged  with  having  said,  '  Stab  the  law.'  No  one  claims  but  that 
it  was  in  connection  with  my  conception  of  the  meaning  of  Foran's  speech, 
and  the  word  'stab'  is  not  necessarily  a  threat  of  violence  upon  any  person. 
Here  at  your  primary  elections  you  frequently  hear  the  adherents  of  different 
candidates  state  before  the  primaries  are  called  that  they  will  'knife '  so  and 
so.  Do  they  mean  that  they  are  going  to  kill  him,  stab  him,  take  his  life 
away  from  him  ?  They  are  forcible  expressions  —  very  emphatic  expres- 
sions. They  are  adjectives  which  are  used  in  different  ways  to  carry  con- 
viction, and  perhaps  make  the  language  more  startling  to  the  audience,  in 
order  that  they  may  pay  attention." 

In  speaking  of  his  arrest  he  said  : 

"  I  didn't  attempt  to  run  away.  I  had  been  out  walking  around  the 
street  that  morning,  and  there  was  plenty  of  opportunity  for  me  to  have 
been  hundreds  of  miles  away.  When  the  officer  came  there  I  opened  the 
door  to  him.  He  said  he  wanted  me.  I  knew  him  by  sight  and  I  knew 
what  was  his  occupation.  I  said  :  '  All  right ;  I  will  go  with  you.'  I  have 
said  here  that  I  thought,  when  the  representatives  of  the  State  had  inquired 
by  means  of  their  policemen  as  to  my  connection  with  it,  that  I  should  have 
been  released.  And  I  say  now,  in  view  of  all  the  authorities  that  have  been 
read  on  the  law  and  regarding  accessories,  that  there  is  nothing  in  the  evi- 
dence that  has  been  introduced  to  c'onnect  me  with  that  affair.  One  of  the 
Chicago  papers,  at  the  conclusion  of  the  State's  Attorney's  case,  said  that 
they  might  have  proved  more  about  these  men,  about  where  they  were  and 
what  they  were  doing  on  the  2d  and  3d  of  May.  When  I  was  told  that 


FIELDEN'S  FINAL  APPEAL.  599 

Captain  Schaack  had  got  confessions  out  of  certain  persons  connected 
with  this  affair,  I  said  :  '  Let  them  confess  all  they  like.  As  long  as  they 
will  tell  only  the  truth,  I  care  nothing  for  their  confessions.'  " 

Fielden  next  dwelt  upon  his  treatment  at  the  Central  Station,  and  criti- 
cised the  searching  of  houses  without  warrant.  With  reference  to  the  trial 
he  said  : 

"  We  claim  that  the  foulest  criminal  that  could  have  been  picked  up  in 
the  slums  of  any  city  of  Christendom,  or  outside  of  it,  would  never  have 
been  convicted  on  such  testimony  as  has  been  brought  in  here,  if  he  had  not 
been  a  dangerous  man  in  the  opinion  of  the  privileged  classes.  We  claim 
that  we  are  convicted,  not  because  we  have  committed  murder.  We  are 
convicted  because  we  were  very  energetic  in  advocacy  of  the  rights  of  labor. 
I  call  your  attention  to  a  very  significant  fact  —  that  on  this  day,  at  this  time 
when  the  sentence  of  death  is  going  to  be  passed  on  us,  the  Stock-yards 
employers  have  notified  their  employes  that  they  will  be  required  to  work  ten 
hours  next  Monday  or  they  will  shut  down.  I  think  it  is  a  logical  conclusion 
to  draw  that  these  men  think  they  have  got  a  dangerous  element  out  of  the 
way  now,  and  they  can  return  again  to  the  ten-hour  system.  I  know  that  I 
had  considerable  to  do  with  the  eight-hour  question,  although  I  only  spoke 
once  in  that  neighborhood,  every  man  there  being  a  stranger  to  me  —  but  I 
went  down  there  in  March  previous  and  made  an  eight  hour  speech  and 
formed  the  nucleus  of  an  eight-hour  organization  there,  and  the  Stock-yards 
succeeded  in  starting  the  eight-hour  system,  though  they  have  not  been  able 
to  keep  it  up  in  its  entirety.  We  claim  that  we  have  done  much. " 

He  predicted  that  it  would  be  a  grand  day  when  everybody  adopted 
Socialism,  and  then  touched  on  his  own  case,  denying  that  he  had  entered 
into  a  conspiracy.  Fischer,  Lingg  and  Engel,  he  said,  were  men  with 
whom  he  had  not  associated  for  a  year,  and  therefore,  he  maintained,  he 
could  not  have  heen  conspiring  with  them.  He  had  never,  he  said,  seen  a 
dynamite  bomb  till  he  saw  one  in  the  court-room,  and  had  never  known  that 
dynamite  was  kept  at  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  office.  In  concluding  his  speech 
Fielden  said : 

Your  honor,  I  have  worked  at  hard  labor  since  I  was  eight  years  of 
age.  I  went  into  a  cotton  factory  when  I  was  eight  years  old,  and  I  have 
worked  continually  since,  and  there  has  never  been  a  time  in  my  history 
that  I  could  have  been  bought  or  paid  into  a  single  thing  by  any  man  or  for 
any  purpose  which  I  did  not  believe  to  be  true.  To  contradict  the  lie  that 
was  published  in  connection  with  the  bill  by  the  grand  jury  charging  us 
with  murder,  I  wish  to  say  that  I  have  never  received  one  cent  for  agitat- 
ing. When  I  have  gone  out  of  the  city  I  have  had  my  expenses  paid. 
But  often  when  I  have  gone  into  communities,  when  I  would  have  to 
depend  upon  those  communities  for  paying  my  way,  I  have  often  come 
back  to  this  city  with  money  out  of  pocket,  which  I  had  earned  by  hard 
labor,  and  I  had  to  pay  for  the  privilege  of  my  agitation  out  of  the  little 
money  I  might  have  in  my  possession.  To-day  as  the  beautiful  autumn 
sun  kisses  with  balmy  breeze  the  cheek  of  every  free  man,  I  stand  here 
never  to  bathe  my  head  in  its  rays  again.  I  have  loved  my  fellow-men  as 
I  have  loved  myself.  I  have  hated  trickery,  dishonesty  and  injustice. 


6oo  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

The  nineteenth  century  commits  the  crime  of  killing  its  best  friend.  It  will 
live  to  repent  of  it.  But,  as  I  have  said  before,  if  it  will  do  any  good,  I 
freely  give  myself  up.  I  trust  the  time  will  come  when  there  will  be  a 
better  understanding,  more  intelligence,  and  above  the  mountains  of 
iniquity,  wrong  and  corruption,  I  hope  the  sun  of  righteousness  and  truth 
and  justice  will  come  to  bathe  in  its  balmy  light  an  emancipated  world." 

ALBERT  R.  PARSONS  consumed  a  great  deal  of  time  in  the  delivery  of  his 
speech.  He  began  by  declaring  that  the  trial  had  been  conducted  with 
"  passion, heat  and  anger,"  and  pronounced  the  verdict  as  one  of  "passion, 
born  in  passion,  nurtured  in  passion,  and  the  sum  totality  of  the  organized 
passion  of  the  city  of  Chicago."  For  that  reason  he  asked  for  a  suspension 
of  sentence  and  a  new  trial.  He  said  : 

"  Now,  I  stand  here  as  one  of  the  people,  a  common  man,  a  working- 
man,  one  of  the^.masses,  and  I  ask  you  to  give  ear  to  what  I  have  to  say. 
You  stand  as  a  bulwark ;  you  are  as  a  brake  between  them  and  us.  You 
are  here  as  the  representative  of  justice,  holding  the  poised  scales  in  your 
hands.  You  are  expected  to  look  neither  to  the  right  nor  to  the  left,  but  to 
that  by  which  justice,  and  justice  alone,  shall  be  subserved.  The  convic- 
tion of  a  man,  your  honor,  does  not  necessarily  prove  that  he  is  guilty. 
Your  law-books  are  filled  with  instances  where  men  have  been  carried  to 
the  scaffold  and  after  their  death  it  has  been  proven  that  their  execution 
was  a  judicial  murder.  Now,  what  end  can  be  subserved  in  hurrying  this 
matter  through  in  the  manner  in  which  it  has  been  done  ?  Where  are  the 
ends  of  justice  subserved,  and  where  is  truth  found  in  hurrying  seven 
human  beings  at  the  rate  of  express  speed  upon  a  fast  train  to  the  scaffold 
and  an  ignominious  death  ?  Why,  if  your  honor  please,  the  very  method  of 
our  extermination,  the  deep  damnation  of  its  taking-off,  appeals  to  your 
honor's  sense  of  justice,  of  rectitude,  and  of  honor.  A  judge  may  also  be 
an  unjust  man.  Such  things  have  been  known." 

Parsons  acknowledged  being  an  Anarchist  and  proceeded  to  show  the 
ends  Anarchy  sought.  Then  he  asked  : 

"Now,  what  is  this  labor  question  which  these  gentlemen  treat  with 
such  profound  contempt,  which  these  distinguished  'honorable'  gentle- 
men would  throttle  and  put  to  ignominious  death,  and  hurry  us  like  rats  to 
our  holes  ?  What  is  it  ?  You  will  pardon  me  if  I  exhibit  some  feeling  ?  I 
have  sat  here  for  two  months,  and  these  men  have  poured  their  vitupera- 
tions out  upon  my  head,  and  I  have  not  been  permitted  to  utter  a  single 
word  in  my  own  defense.  For  two  months  they  have  poured  their  poison 
upon  me  and  my  colleagues.  For  two  months  they  have  sat  here  and  spat 
like  adders  the  vile  poison  of  their  tongues,  and  if  men  could  have  been 
placed  in  a  mental  inquisition  and  tortured  to  death,  these  men  would  have 
succeeded  here  now  —  vilified,  misrepresented,  held  in  loathsome  contempt, 
without  a  chance  to  speak  or  contradict  a  word.  Therefore,  if  I  show 
emotion,  it  is  because  of  this,  and  if  my  comrades  and  colleagues  with  me 
here  have  spoken  in  such  strains  as  these,  it  is  because  of  this.  Pardon  us. 
Look  at  it  from  the  right  standpoint.  What  is  this  labor  question  ?  It  is 
not  a  question  of  emotion  ;  the  labor  question  is  not  a  question  of  senti- 
ment ;  it  is  not  a  religious  matter  ;  it  is  not  a  political  problem  ;  no,  sir,  it 
is  a  stern  economic  fact,  a  stubborn  and  immovable  fact." 


PARSONS  IN  HIS  O  WN  DEFENSE.  601 

He  entered  into  along  explanation  of  the  capitalistic  system  and  pointed 
to  the  troubles  experienced  by  the  laboring  classes  under  the  present  con- 
ditions. He  spoke  of  capitalistic  combinations  and  "corners,"  touched  on 
landlordism,  discoursed  on  the  eight-hour  movement,  and  then  reviewed 
some  of  the  evidence  against  him.  Referring  to  the  Alarm,  of  which  he 
had  been  editor,  he  said  : 

"  Why,  the  very  article  that  you  quote  in  the  Alarm,  a  copy  of  which  I 
have  not,  but  which  I  would  like  to  see,  calling  the  American  group  to 
assemble  for  the  purpose  of  considering  military  matters  and  military  organ- 
ization, states  specifically  that  the  purpose  and  object  is  to  take  into  consid- 
eration measures  of  defense  against  unlawful  and  unconstitutional  attacks 
of  the  police.  The  identical  article  shows  it.  You  forgot  surely  that  fact 
when  you  made  this  observation ;  and  I  defy  any  one  to  show,  in  a  speech 
that  is  susceptible  of  proof,  by  proof,  that  I  have  ever  said  aught  by  word 
of  mouth  or  by  written  article  except  self-defense.  Does  not  the  Con- 
stitution of  the  country,  under  whose  flag  myself  and  my  forefathers  were 
born  for  the  last  two  hundred  and  sixty  years,  provide  that  protection,  and 
give  me,  their  descendant,  that  right?  Does  not  the  Constitution  say  that 
I,  as  an  American,  have  a  right  to  keep  and  to  bear  arms  ?  I  stand  upon 
that  right.  Let  me  see  if  this  court  will  deprive  me  of  it.  Let  me  call 
your  attention  to  another  point  here.  These  articles  that  appear  in  the 
Alarm,  for  some  of  them  I  am  not  responsible  any  more  than  is  the  editor 
of  any  other  paper.  And  I  did  not  write  everything  in  the  Alarm,  and  it 
might  be  possible  that  there  were  some  things  in  that  paper  which  I  am  not 
ready  to  indorse.  I  am  frank  to  admit  that  such  is  the  case.  I  suppose 
that  you  can  scarcely  find  an  editor  of  a  paper  in  the  world  but  that  could 
conscientiously  say  the  same  thing.  Now,  am  I  to  be  dragged  up  here  and 
executed  for  the  utterances  and  writings  of  other  men,  even  though  they 
were  published  in  the  columns  of  a  paper  of  which  I  was  the  editor  ?  Your 
honor,  you  must  remember  that  the  Alarm  was  a  labor  paper,  published  by 
the  International  Working  People's  Association,  belonging  to  that  body. 
I  was  elected  its  editor  by  the  organization,  and,  as  labor  editors  generally 
are,  I  was  handsomely  paid.  I  had  saw-dust  pudding  as  a  general  thing 
for  dinner.  My  salary  was  eight  dollars  a  week,  and  I  have  received  that 
salary  as  editor  of  the  Alarm  for  over  two  years  and  a  half  —  eight  dollars  a 
week  !  I  was  paid  by  the  association.  It  stands  upon  the  books.  Go  down 
to  the  office  and  consult  the  business  manager.  Look  over  the  record  in 
the  book,  and  it  will  show  you  that  A.  R.  Parsons  received  eight  dollars  a 
week  as  editor  of  the  Alarm  for  over  two  years  and  a  half.  This  paper 
belonged  to  the  organization.  It  was  theirs.  They  sent  in  their  articles  — 
Tom,  Dick  and  Harry  ;  everybody  wanted  to  have  something  to  say,  and  I 
had  no  right  to  shut  off  anybody's  complaint." 

He  then  offered  some  reasons  to  justify  his  utterances  on  labor  questions. 
He  quoted  from  newspapers  to  show  their  hostility  to  the  interests  of  labor, 
and  he  dwelt  on  various  strikes  in  the  United  States  and  endeavored  to 
show  how  the  men  had  been  treated  by  corporations.  The  tramp  question 
was  next  handled,  and  Parsons  maintained  that  the  present  social  system 
was  responsible  for  the  fact  that  millions  did  not  know  where  to  get  a  bed 
or  supper.  He  continued  : 


602  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

I 

"  Who  are  the  mob  ?  Why,  dissatisfied  people,  dissatisfied  workingmen 
and  women  ;  people  who  are  working  for  starvation  wages,  people  who  are 
on  a  strike  for  better  pay  —  these  are  the  mob.  They  are  always  the  mob. 
That  is  what  the  riot  drill  is  for.  Suppose  a  case  that  occurs.  The  First 
Regiment  is  out  with  a  thousand  men  armed  with  the  latest  improved  Win- 
chester rifles.  Here  are  the  mobs ;  here  are  the  Knights  of  Labor  and  the 
trades-unions,  and  all  of  the  organizations  without  arms.  They  have  no 
treasury,  and  a  Winchester  rifle  costs  eighteen  dollars.  They  cannot  pur- 
chase those  things.  We  cannot  organize  an  army.  It  takes  capital  to  or- 
ganize an  army.  It  takes  as  much  money  to  organize  an  army  as  to  organize 
industry,  or  as  to  build  railroads  ;  therefore,  it  is  impossible  for  the  working 
classes  to  organize  and  buy  Winchester  rifles.  •  What  can  they  do  ?  What 
must  they  do  ?  Your  honor,  the  dynamite  bomb,  I  am  told,  costs  six  cents. 
It  can  be  made  by  anybody.  The  Winchester  rifle  costs  eighteen  dollars. 
That  is  the  difference.  Am  I  to  be  blamed  for  that  ?  Am  I  to  be  hanged 
for  saying  this?  Am  I  to  be  destroyed  for  this?  What  have  I  done? 
Go  dig  up  the  ashes  of  the  man  who  invented  this  thing.  Find  his  ashes 
and  scatter  them  to  the  winds,  because  he  gave  this  power  to  the  world.  It 
was  not  I." 

Coming  to  the   Haymarket  meeting  and  referring  to  the  presence  of  the 

police  as  an  affront,  he  said  : 

I 

"  Was  not  that  a  most  grievous  outrage  ?  Was  not  that  a  violation  of 
all  of  those  principles  for  which  our  forefathers  struggled  in  this  country  ? 
At  this  juncture  some  unknown  and  unproven  person  throws  a  bomb  among 
the  police,  killing  several  men.  You  say  that  I  did  it,  or  you  say  that  I 
knew  of  it.  Where  is  your  proof,  gentlemen  of  the  prosecution  ?  You  have 
none.  You  didn't  have  any.  Oh,  but  you  have  a  theory,  and  that  theory 
is  that  no  one  else  could  have  had  any  motive  to  hurl  that  missile  of  death 
except  myself,  and,  as  is  the  common  remark  of  the  great  papers  of  the  city, 
the  police  are  never  short  of  a  theory.  There  is  always  a  theory  on  hand 
for  everything.  A  theory  they  have  got,  and  especially  the  detectives ;  they 
hatch  up  a  theory  at  once  and  begin  to  follow  that  out.  There  was  a  theory 
carried  out  during  this  trial.  Let  us  examine  that  theory.  I  say  that  a 
Pinkerton  man,  or  a  member  of  the  Chicago  police  force  itself,  had  as  much 
inducement  to  throw  that  bomb  as  I  had,  and  why  ?  Because  it  would 
demonstrate  the  necessity  for  their  existence  and  result  'in  an  increase  of 
their  pay  and  their  wages.  Are  these  people  any  too  good  to  do  such  a 
thing  ?  Are  they  any  better  than  I  am  ?  Are  their  motives  any  better  than 
my  own  ?  Let  us  look  at  this  thing  now  from  every  standpoint.  Perhaps, 
on  the  other  hand,  the  dread  missile  was  hurled  in  revenge  by  some  poor 
man  or  woman,  or  child  even,  whose  parent  or  protector  or  friend  was  killed 
by  the  police  in  some  of  their  numerous  massacres  of  the  people  before. 
Who  knows  ?  And  if  it  was,  are  we  seven  to  surfer  death  for  that  ?  Are 
we  responsible  for  that  act  ?  Or,  might  it  not  be  that  some  person  with  the 
fear  of  death  in  his  eyes  threw  that  bomb  in  self-defense  ?  And  if  they  did, 
am  I  responsible  for  it  ?  Am  I  to  be  executed  for  that  ?  Is  it  law  to  put 
me  to  death  for  that?  And  who  knows  ?  My  own  deliberate  opinion  con- 
cerning this  Haymarket  affair  is  that  the  death-dealing  missile  was  the  work, 
the  deliberate  work,  of  monopoly,  the  act  of  those  who  themselves  charge  us 
with  the  deed.  I  am  not  alone  in  this  view  of  the  matter." 


PAKSONS  IN  HIS  O  WN  DEFENSE.  603 

Monopoly,  Parsons  held,  was  responsible  for  the  labor  troubles 

"What  are  the  real  facts  of  that  Haymarket  tragedy?  Mayor  Harri- 
son, of  Chicago,  has  caused  to  be  published  his  opinion  —  because,  mark  you, 
your  honor,  this  is  all  a  matter  of  conjecture.  It  is  only  presumed  that  I 
threw  the  bomb.  They  have  only  assumed  that  some  one  of  these  men 
threw  that  bomb.  It  is  only  an  inference  that  any  of  us  had  anything  to  do 
with  it.  It  is  not  a  fact,  and  it  is  not  proven.  It  is  merely  an  opinion. 
Your  honor  admits  that  we  did  not  perpetrate  the  deed,  or  know  who  did 
it,  but  that  we,  by  our  speeches,  instigated  some  one  else  to  do  so.  Now, 
let  us  see  the  other  side  of  this  case.  Mayor  Harrison,  of  Chicago,  has 
caused  to  be  published  in  the  New  York  World — and  the  interview  was 
copied  in  the  Tribune  of  this  city,  in  which  he  says  :  '  I  do  not  believe  there 
was  any  intention  on  the  part  of  Spies  and  those  men  to  have  bombs  thrown 
at  the  Haymarket.  If  so,  why  was  there  but  one  thrown  ?  It  was  just  as 
easy  for  them  to  throw  a  dozen  or  fifty^  and  to  throw  them  in  all  parts  of 
the  city,  as  it  was  to  have  thrown  one.  And  again,  if  it  was  intended  to 
throw  bombs  that  night,  the  leaders  would  not  have  been  there  at  all,  in  my 
opinion.  Like  commanders-in-chief,  they  would  have  been  in  a  safe  place. 
No,  it  cannot  be  shown  that  there  was  any  intention  on  the  part  of  these 
individuals  to  kill  that  particular  man  who  was  killed  at  that  Haymarket 
meeting.'  Now,  your  honor,  this  is  the  Mayor  of  Chicago.  He  is  a  sen- 
sible man.  He  is  in  a  position  to  know  what  he  is  talking  about.  He  has 
first-rate  opportunities  to  form  an  intelligent  opinion,  and  his  opinion  is 
worthy  of  respect.  He  knows  more  about  this  thing  than  the  jury  that  sat 
in  this  room,  for  he  knows  —  I  suspect  that  the  Mayor  knows  —  of  some  of 
the  methods  by  which  most  of  this  so-called  evidence  and  testimony  was 
manufactured.  I  don't  charge  it,  but  possibly  he  has  had  some  intimation 
of  it,  and  if  he  has,  he  knows  more  about  this  case  and  the  merits  of  this  case 
than  did  the  jury  who  sat  here.  There  is  too  much  at  stake  to  take  any- 
thing for  granted.  Your  honor  can't  afford  to  do  that. 

"  Is  it  nothing  to  destroy  the  lives  of  seven  men  ?  Are  the  rights  of  the 
poor  of  no  consequence?  Is  it  nothing  that  we  should  regard  it  so  lightly, 
as  a  mere  pastime  ?  That  is  why  I  stand  here  at  such  length  to  present  this 
case  to  you,  that  you  may  understand  it ;  that  you  may  have  our  side  of 
this  question  as  well  as  that  of  the  prosecution." 

Parsons  then  referred  to  attacks  of  the  police  on  workingmen's  meet- 
ings, and  reviewed  some  of  the  evidence  against  himself,  insisting  that  he 
had  never  seen  Lingg  until  he  saw  him  in  the  court-room. 

"Waller  testified  in  chief,  and  reiterated  it  in  cross-examination,  that 
Engel  and  Fischer,  these  noble  and  brave  Germans,  offered  a  resolution  at 
Greif's  Hall,  on  the  announcement  that  six  men  had  been  wantonly  and 
brutally  murdered  by  the  police  at  McCormick's,  that  if  other  men  should 
come  into  encounter  with  the  police  we  should  aid  them  ;  and  further  swore 
that  this  plan  was  to  be  followed  only  when  the  police,  by  brutal  force, 
should  interfere  with  the  workmen's  right  of  free  assemblage  and  free 
speech.  Now,  then,  where  is  the  foul  and  dastardly  criminal  conspiracy 
here  ?  Where  is  it  ?  So  preposterous  was  it  on  its  face  to  call  such  a 
noble  compact  to  do  a  lawful  thing  a  conspiracy,  that  it  became  necessary, 
in  face  of  a  dozen  witnesses,  both  for  the  prosecution  and  the  defense,  who 
swear  that  the  bomb  came  from  the  pavement  on  Desplaines  Street,  south 


604  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

of  the  alley,  between  the  alley  and  Randolph  Street  —  a  statement  made  by 
Bonfield  himself  to  reporters  about  half  an  hour  after  the  tragedy  occurred, 
and  published  in  the  Times,  on  May  5,  the  following  morning  —  Louis  Haas, 
Bonfield's  special  detective  on  the  ground,  at  the  Coroner's  inquest,  swore 
the  bomb  was  thrown  from  the  east  side  of  Desplaines  Street,  and  about 
fifteen  feet,  he  believed,  south  of  the  alley,  a  statement  confirmed  by  the 
witness  Burnett,  for  the  defense,  who  located  it  fifteen  feet  further  south 
than  Haas  or  Bonfield  did  —  still,  on  the  impeached  testimony  of  Gilmer, 
who  swore  the  bomb  was  thrown  from  within  the  alley,  we  are  convicted, 
because  he  was  also  willing  to  perjure  himself  by  swearing  that  Spies  lit 
the  fuse  of  the  fatal  missile.  The  idea  of  a  man  striking  a  match  in  an 
alley  to  light  a  bomb  in  the  midst  of  a  crowd,  the  people  and  police  stand- 
ing all  around  him  !  It  seems  to  me  that  such  a  statement  as  that  ought, 
among  sensible  jnen,  on  the  face  of  it,  to  carry  its  own  refutation.  Perfectly 
absurd  !  If  this  statement  bore  the  semblance  of  truth  with  regard  to  Gil- 
mer, or  was  the  truth,  not  one  of  these  defendants  would  shrink  from  the 
responsibility  of  the  right  of  self-defense,  your  honor,  and  of  free  speech, 
and  the  right  of  the  people  peaceably  to  assemble.  It  is  because  this  is 
not  the  work  of  the  Anarchists  or  of  the  workingmen  that  we  repel  the 
charge,  which  proves  there  was  no  concerted  action,  and  that  it  was  none 
of  the  plans  of  these  groups.  It  is  not  unlawful  to  repel  an  invasion  of  our 
meetings. 

"  About  this  time  some  one,  as  testified  to  by  three  reputable  witnesses, 
stopped  at  Indianapolis.  That  was  in  May.  The  Haymarket  tragedy  was 
the  4th.  This  man  testifies  to  that  fact.  A  stranger  stops  there.  He  says  : 
'  I  am  going  to  Chicago.  I  have  something  that  will  work.  You  will  hear 
from  it.'  The  man  was  in  his  cups,  no  doubt ;  probably  he  drank  too  much. 
The  Pinkertons  are  not  all  temperance  men  ;  they  sometimes  take  a  little, 
and  sometimes  possibly  take  a  little  too  much.  Possibly  he  talked  a  little 
more  than  he  ought  to  have  talked.  Possibly  he  didn't  care,  but  at  any  rate 
it  is  sworn  to  that  he  said  it.  He  came  to  Chicago,  and  the  bomb  was  heard 
from  and  heard  around  the  world.  Your  honor,  is  this  an  unreasonable 
assumption  ?  It  is  far  more  likely,  much  more  reasonable  than  your  honor's 
surmise  that  I  instigated  some  one  to  do  it. 

"  The  absolute  proof  that  the  missile  thrown  was  not  dynamite,  but  what 
was  known  in  the  late  civil  war  as  an  infernal  bomb,  is  in  the  evidence  of 
every  surgeon  who  testified  —  that  all  incisions  were  clean,  and  that  the  flesh 
was  torn  as  from  an  explosive  in  the  interior.  It  was  testified  by  these  sci- 
entific men,  your  honor,  that  dynamite  is  percussive,  and  had  a  shell  the 
size  of  Lingg's  manufacture,  on  exhibition  in  evidence,  been  thrown  in  the 
closed  ranks  of  the  police,  as  was  this  infernal  machine,  instead  of  killing 
but  one  on  the  spot,  and  wounding  a  few  others,  it  would  have  blown  to 
unrecognizable  fragments  the  platoons  in  the  vicinity,  and  the  wounds,  where 
there  were  wounds,  would  have  been  as  clean  as  with  solid  projectiles. 

"  This  was  an  infernal  bomb  from  New  York,  brought  there  by  the 
Indianapolis  traveler,  and  not  a  dynamite  bomb,  the  description  in  its  effects 
upon  its  victims  exactly  corresponding  with  the  description  of  those  explo- 
sives when  once  used  in  battle  on  the  Potomac.  The  hollow  bullets  within 
the  shell,  after  entering  the  victim,  exploded,  lacerating  the  flesh  and  inflict- 
ing ugly  internal  and  really  infernal  wounds. 

"  Six  of  these  condemned  men  were  not  even  present  at  the  Haymarket 
meeting  when  the  tragedy  occurred.  One  of  them  was  five  miles  away,  at 


PARSONS  IN  HIS  O  WN  DEFENSE.  605 

the  Deering  Harvester  Works,  in  Lake  View,  addressing  a  mass-meeting  of 
two  thousand  workingmen.  Another  was  at  home,  in  bed,  and  knew  not 
of  the  meeting  being  held  at  all  until  the  next  day.  These  facts,  your  honor, 
stand  uncontradicted  before  this  court.  Only  one  witness  —  Gilmer  —  and 
his  testimony  is  overwhelmingly  impeached,  as  I  remarked  before  —  con- 
nected the  other  two  —  two  only  —  of  these  men  with  the  tragedy  at  the  Hay- 
market  at  all. 

"  Now,  with  these  facts,  the  attempt  to  make  out  a  case  of  conspiracy 
against  us  is  a  contemptible  farce.  What  are  the  facts  testified  to  by  the 
two  so-called  informers  ?  They  said  that  two  of  these  defendants  were 
present  at  the  so-called  conspiracy  meeting  of  Monday  night.  What,  then, 
have  you  done  with  the  other  six  men  who  were  not  members  —  who  were 
not  present,  and  did  not  know  of  the  meeting  being  held  Monday  night  ? 
These  two  so-called  informers  testified  that  at  the  so-called  conspiracy  meet- 
ing of  May  3  it  was  resolved  that  in  the  future,  when  police  and  militia 
should  attack  and  club  and  kill  workingmen  at  their  meetings,  then,  and 
then  only,  they  were  in  duty  bound  to  help  defend  these  working  people 
against  such  unlawful,  unrighteous  and  outrageous  assaults.  That  was  all 
that  was  said  or  done.  Was  that  a  conspiracy  ?  If  it  was,  your  honor,  it 
was  a  conspiracy  to  do  right  and  oppose  what  is  wrong. 

"  But  your  sentence  says  that  it  is  criminal  for  the  workingmen  to  re- 
solve to  defend  their  lives  and  their  liberties  and  their  happiness  against 
brutal,  bloody  and  unlawful  assaults  of  the  police  and  militia." 

Parsons  again  returned  to  Anarchy  and  defined  its  doctrines  at  some 
length.  In  concluding  his  remarks,  which  consumed  two  hours  on  Friday 
and  six  hours  on  Saturday,  he  said  : 

"  The  next  day  I  saw  that  they  were  dragging  these  men  to  prison, 
treating  them  in  a  shameful  manner.  I  left  the  city.  I  went  to  Geneva, 
111.,  for  a  couple  of  days  ;  staid  there  with  friend  Holmes.  Then  I  went 
to  Elgin,  111.;  staid  there  a  couple  of  days.  Then  I  left  there  and  went  to 
Waukesha,  Wis.,  where  I  obtained  employment  as  a  carpenter  and  after- 
wards as  a  painter,  and  remained  for  over  seven  weeks  in  Waukesha.  My 
health  was  debilitated,  and  I  went  to  the  springs  when  I  was  thirsty.  The 
house  I  was  working  on  was  only  half  a  block  from  the  springs,  and  I  needed 
the  recreation  and  the  rest,  and  the  pure  air,  and  the  water  besides.  When 
I  saw  the  day  fixed  for  the  opening  of  this  trial,  knowing  I  was  an  innocent 
man,  and  also  feeling  that  it  was  my  duty  to  come  forward  and  share  what- 
ever fate  had  in  store  for  my  comrades,  and  also  to  stand,  if  need  be,  on  the 
scaffold,  and  vindicate  the  rights  of  labor,  the  cause  of  liberty,  and  the 
relief  of  the  oppressed,  I  returned.  How  did  I  return  ?  It  is  interesting, 
but  it  will  take  time  to  relate  it,  and  I  will  not  state  it.  I  ran  the  gauntlet. 
I  went  from  Waukesha  to  Milwaukee.  I  took  the  St.  Paul  train  at  the 
Milwaukee  depot  and  came  to  Chicago  ;  arrived  here  at  8:30,  I  suppose,  in 
the  morning  ;  went  to  the  house  of  my  friend  Mrs.  Ames,  on  Morgan 
Street  ,  sent  for  my  wife  and  had  a  talk  with  her.  I  sent  word  to  Captain 
Black  that  I  was  here  and  prepared  to  surrender.  He  sent  word  back  to 
me  that  he  was  ready  to  receive  me.  I  met  him  at  the  threshold  of  this 
building,  and  we  came  up  here  together.  I  stood  in  the  presence  of  this 
court.  I  have  nothing,  not  even  now,  to  regret." 

The  speeches  of  the  defendants  occupied  three  days  —  the  yth  to  the  gth 


606  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

of  October,  inclusive  —  and  when  Parsons  had  finished  the  court  proceeded 
to  pronounce  sentence.     Judge  Gary  said  : 

"  I  am  quite  well  aware  that  what  you  have  said,  although  addressed  to 
me,  has  been  said  to  the  world ;  yet  nothing  has  been  said  which  weakens 
the  force  of  the  proof,  or  the  conclusions  therefrom  upon  which  the  verdict 
is  based.  You  are  all  men  of  intelligence,  and  know  that,  if  the  verdict 
stands,  it  must  be  executed.  The  reasons  why  it  shall  stand  I  have  already 
sufficiently  stated  in  deciding  the  motion  for  a  new  trial. 

"  I  am  sorry  beyond  any  power  of  expression  for  your  unhappy  condi- 
tion, and  for  the  terrible  events  that  have  brought  it  about.  I  shall  address 
to  you  neither  reproaches  nor  exhortation.  What  I  shall  say  shall  be  said 
in  the  faint  hope  that  a  few  words  from  a  place  where  the  people  of  the 
State  of  Illinois  have  delegated  the  authority  to  declare  the  penalty  of  a 
violation  of jheir  laws,  and  spoken  upon  an  occasion  so  solemn  and  awful  as 
this,  may  come  to  the  knowledge  of  and  be  heeded  by  the  ignorant,  deluded 
and  misguided  men  who  have  listened  to  your  counsels  and  followed  your 
advice.  I  say  in  the  faint  hope ;  for  if  men  are  persuaded  that  because  of 
business  differences,  whether  about  labor  or  anything  else,  they  may  destroy 
property  and  assault  and  beat  other  men  and  kill  the  police  if  they,  in  the 
discharge  of  their  duty,  interfere  to  preserve  the  peace,  there  is  little 
ground  to  hope  that  they  will  listen  to  any  warning. 

"It  is  not  the  least  among  the  hardships  of  peaceable,  frugal  and 
laborious  people  to  endure  the  tyranny  of  mobs  who,  with  lawless  force, 
dictate  to  them,  under  penalty  of  peril  to  limb  and  life,  where,  when  and 
upon  what  terms  they  may  earn  a  livelihood  for  themselves  and  their  fami- 
lies. Any  government  that  is  worthy  of  the  name  will  strenuously  endeavor 
to  secure  to  all  within  its  jurisdiction  freedom  to  follow  their  lawful  avoca- 
tions in  safety  for  their  property  and  their  persons,  while  obeying  the  law ; 
and  the  law  is  common  sense.  It  holds  each  man  responsible  for  the 
natural  and  probable  consequences  of  his  own  acts.  It  holds  that  whoever 
advises  murder  is  himself  guilty  of  the  murder  that  is  committed  pursuant 
to  his  advice,  and  if  men  band  together  for  forcible  resistance  to  the  execu- 
tion of  the  law,  and  advise  murder  as  a  means  of  making  such  resistance 
effectual,  —  whether  such  advice  be  to  one  man  to  murder  another  or  to  a 
numerous  class  to  murder  men  of  another  class, —  all  who  are  so  banded 
together  are  guilty  of  any  murder  that  is  committed  in  pursuance  of  such 
advice. 

"The  people  of  this  country  love  their  institutions.  They  love  their 
homes.  They  love  their  property.  They  will  never  consent  that  by  violence 
and  murder  their  institutions  shall  be  broken  down,  their  homes  despoiled 
and  their  property  destroyed.  And  the  people  are  strong  enough  to  protect 
and  sustain  their  institutions  and  to  punish  all  offenders  against  their  laws. 
And  those  who  threaten  danger  to  civil  society  if  the  law  is  enforced  are 
leading  to  destruction  whoever  may  attempt  to  execute  such  threats. 

"  The  existing  order  of  society  can  be  changed  only  by  the  will  of  the 
majority.  Each  man  has  the  full  right  to  entertain  and  advance,  by  speech 
and  print,  such  opinions  as  suit  himself ;  and  the  great  body  of  the  people 
will  usually  care  little  what  he  says.  But  if  he  proposes  murder  as  a  means 
of  enforcing  them  he  puts  his  own  life  at  stake.  And  no  clamor  about  free 
speech  or  the  evils  to  be  cured  or  the  wrongs  to  be  redressed  will  shield  him 
from  the  consequences  of  his  crime.  His  liberty  is  not  a  license  to  destroy. 


THE  SENTENCE  OF  THE  COURT. 


607 


The  toleration  that  he  enjoys  he  must  extend  to  others,  and  he  must  not 
arrogantly  assume  that  the  great  majority  are  wrong  and  that  they  may 
rightfully  be  coerced  by  terror  or  removed  by  dynamite. 

"  It  only  remains  that  for  the  crime  you  have  committed  —  and  of  which 
you  have  been  convicted  after  a  trial  unexampled  in  the  patience  with 

which  an  outraged  people  have  extended 
you  every  protection  and  privilege  of  the 
law  which  you  derided  and  defied  —  the  sen- 
tence of  that  law  be  now  given. 

"  In  form  and  detail  that  sentence  will 
appear  upon  the  records  of  the  court.  In 
substance  and  effect  it  is  that  the  defendant 
Neebe  be  imprisoned  in  the  State  Peniten- 
tiary at  Joliet  at  hard  labor  for  the  term  of 
fifteen  years. 

"  And  that  each  of  the  other  defendants, 
between  the  hours  of  ten  o'clock  in  the  fore- 
noon and  two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  of  the 
third  day  of  December  next,  in  the  manner 
provided  by  the  statute  of  this  State,  be 

E.  F.  L.  GAUSS.  hung  by  the  neck  until  he  is  dead.      Remove 

From  a  Photograph.  the  prisoners." 

Capt.  Black  —  "Your  honor  knows  that  we  intend  to  take  an  appeal  to 
the  Supreme  Court  in  behalf  of  all  the  defendants.  I  ask  that  there  be  a 
stay  of  execution  in  the  case  of  Mr.  Neebe  until  the  3d  day  of  December." 
Mr.  Grinnell  —  "If  the  court  please,  that  is  a  matter  that  usually 
stands  between  counsel  for  the  defendants  and  the  State.  Every  possible 
facility  will  be  allowed  and  everything  will  be 
granted  you  in  that  particular  that  good  sense  and 
propriety  dictate." 

Captain  Black  —  "  That  is  sufficient." 

Thus  closed  the  most  remarkable  trial  which 
ever  engaged  the  attention  of  a  judge  and  jury  in 
America.  It  was  begun,  as  stated,  on  the  2ist 
day  of  June,  1886,  and  ended  on  the  2Oth  day  of 
August,  thus  occupying  exactly  two  months.  I 
cannot  close  this  chapter  without  paying  a  deserved 
tribute  to  Mr.  E.  F.  L.  Gauss,  who  acted  as  inter- 
preter throughout  the  trial.  A  very  large  propor- 
tion of  the  witnesses  testified  in  foreign  tongues, 
but  in  all  the  mass  of  testimony  rendered  into 
English  by  Mr.  Gauss,  not  a  syllable  of  the  transla- 
tion was  ever  challenged. 

Chief  Bailiff  Henry  Severin,  with  his  staff  of  twenty-six  men,  had  charge  of 
the  eight  defendants.  It  was  his  duty  to  bring  the  prisoners  from  and  to  the 
court,  to  preserve  order  in  the  crowded  court-room,  and  to  guard  the  jury, 
escorting  them  to  and  from  their  hotel  and  in  their  walks,  and  watching  out 
to  prevent  any  attack  by  the  malcontents  upon  the  officers  of  the  court. 


HENRY    SEVERIN. 
From  a  Photograph. 


CHAPTER   XXXIV. 

In  the  Supreme  Court  —  A  Supersedeas  Secured  —  Justice  Magruder  De- 
livers the  Opinion  —  A  Comprehensive  Statement  of  the  Case  —  How  Began  was  Mur- 
dered—  Who  Killed  Him  ?  —  The  Law  of  Accessory — The  Meaning  of  the  Statute  — 
Were  the  Defendants  Accessories  ?  —  The  Questions  at  Issue  —  The  Characteristics  of 
the  Bomb  —  Fastening  the  Guilt  on  Lingg  —  The  Purposes  of  the  Conspiracy  —  How 
they  were  Proved  —  A  Damning  Array  of  Evidence  —  Examining  the  Instructions  — 
No  Error  Found  in  the  Trial  Court's  Work  —  The  Objection  to  the  Jury  —  The  Juror 
Sandford  —  Judge  Gary  Sustained  —  Mr.  Justice  Mulkey's  Remarks  —  The  Law  Vindi- 
cated. 

A  LTHOUGH  doomed  to  die,  the  prisoners  did  not  despair.  Their 
/~\  counsel  led  them  to  believe  that  the  State  Supreme  Court  would  cer- 
tainly grant  them  a  rehearing,  and  the  first  step  to  get  their  case  before  that 
court  was  to  secure  a  stay  of  the  execution  of  the  sentence.  For  this  pur- 
pose Hon.  Leonard  Swett  was  called  into  the  case  to  assist  Capt.  Black, 
and  the  two  gentlemen  accordingly  went  before  Chief  Justice  Scott,  and  on 
the  25th  of  November,  1886,  secured  the  desired  superseded*.  In  March, 
1887,  the  appeal  came  before  the  Supreme  Court  of  Illinois,  and  arguments 
were  heard  in  the  case  until  the  i8th  of  the  same  month,  when  the  matter 
was  taken  under  advisement.  Several  months  elapsed  before  a  decision 
was  handed  down,  but  meanwhile  all  the  prisoners  expressed  the  utmost 
confidence  in  a  reversal  of  the  judgment  of  the  Criminal  Court.  Their 
counsel  were  alike  confident  of  a  rehearing,  and  sympathizers  joined  in  the 
hopes  indulged  in  by  the  men  behind  the  bars  and  their  representatives 
before  the  bar. 

On  Wednesday,  September  14,  1887,  however,  the  Supreme  Court 
rendered  its  decision,  sustaining  the  findings  of  the  lower  court  in  every 
particular.  It  was  given  by  the  full  bench,  and  there  was  not  a  dis- 
senting opinion.  Justice  Benjamin  D.  Magruder  delivered  the  opinion. 
After  stating  various  rulings  bearing  on  murder,  conspiracy,  accessory  be- 
fore the  fact  and  other  legal  points  involved  in  the  case,  and  citing  numer- 
ous extracts  from  the  organs  of  the  Anarchists  and  Herr  Most's  book,  he 
reviewed  the  authorities  given  by  the  counsel  to  sustain  their  respective 
sides,  and  then  delivered  the  opinion  of  the  court,  as  follows  : 

"This  case  comes  before  us  by  writ  of  error  to  the  Criminal  Court  of 
Cook  County.  The  writ  has  been  made  a  supersedeas. 

"  Plaintiffs  in  error  were  tried  in  the  summer  of  1886  for  the  murder  of 
Mathias  J.  Degan,  on  May  4,  1886,  in  the  city  of  Chicago,  Cook  County, 
Illinois.  On  August  20,  1886,  the  jury  returned  a  verdict  finding  the  de- 
fendants August  Spies,  Michael  Schwab,  Samuel  Fielden,  Albert  R.  Par- 
sons, Adolph  Fischer,  George  Engel  and  Louis  Lingg  guilty  of  murder, 
and  fixing  death  as  the  penalty.  By  the  same  verdict  they  also  found 

608 


THE  SUPREME  COURTS  DECISION. 


609 


Oscar  W.  Neebe  guilty  of  murder  and  fixed  the  penalty  at  imprisonment  in 
the  penitentiary  for  fifteen  years. 

"About  the  ist  day  of  May,  1886,  the  workingmen  of  Chicago  and  of 
other  industrial  centers  in  the  United  States  were  greatly  excited  upon  the 
subject  of  inducing  their  employers  to  reduce  the  time  during  which  they 
should  be  required  to  labor  on  each  day  to  eight  hours.  In  the  midst  of 
the  excitement  growing  out  of  this  eight-hour  movement,  as  it  was  called, 
a  meeting  was  held  on  the  evening  of  May  4,  1886,  at  the  Haymarket,  on 
Randolph  Street,  in  the  West  Division  of  the  city  of  Chicago.  This  meeting 
was  addressed  by  the  defendants  Spies,  Parsons  and  Fielden.  While  the 
latter  was  making  the  closing  speech,  and  at  some  point  of  time  between 
ten  and  half-past  ten  o'clock  in  the  evening,  several  companies  of  police- 
men, numbering  one  hundred  and  eighty  men,  marched  into  the  crowd 
from  their  station  on  Desplaines  Street,  and  ordered  the  meeting  to  dis- 
perse. As  soon  as  the  order  was 
given,  some  one  threw  among  the 
policemen  a  dynamite  bomb, 
which  struck  Degan,  one  of  the 
police  officers,  and  killed  him. 
As  a  result  of  the  throwing  of  the 
bomb  and  of  the  firing  of  pistol 
shots,  which  immediately  succeed- 
ed the  throwing  of  the  bomb,  six 
policemen  besides  Degan  were 
killed,  and  sixty  more  were  seri- 
ously wounded." 

The  court  then  went  into  the 
law  of  accessory,  confirming  the 
interpretation  and  ruling  of  the 
trial  court,  that  all  distinction  be- 
tween principals  and  accessories 
is  by  the  Illinois  statute  abol- 
ished. The  issue  thus  became  : 
Were  the  defendants  accessories 
to  the  murder  of  Degan? 

To  find  the  answers  to  these 
questions  the  court  went  into  an 
exhaustive  review  of  all  the  evi- 
dence in  the  case,  covering  the 
same  ground  which  has  been  gone  over  in  the  previous  chapters  of  this 
book. 

First  the  bomb  with  which  the  murder  had  been  done  was  considered. 
It  had  been  proven  to  be  round ;  to  have  a  projecting  fuse  ;  to  be  of  com- 
posite manufacture ;  to  contain  tin  and  lead,  with  traces  of  antimony,  iron 
and  zinc  ;  to  have  upon  it  a  small  iron  nut.  All  these  characteristics  were 
found  in  the  bombs  which  Louis  Lingg  manufactured,  and  for  these  and 


JUDGE  BENJAMIN  D.   MAGRUDER. 
From  a  Photograph. 


610  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

other  reasons  the  court  held  that  the  jury  was  warranted  in  believing  that 
the  bomb  which  killed  Degan  had  been  made  by  Lingg. 

The  purposes  of  the  conspiracy  were  next  inquired  into,  and  the  articles 
in  the  Alarm,  the  platform  of  the  Internationale  and  similar  incendiary 
and  dangerous  language  from  many  sources  are  quoted  in  full  in  the  opinion. 
The  organization  of  the  Anarchists  was  also  inquired  into,  and  the  divisions 
into  groups,  the  make-up  of  the  Lehr  and  Wehr  Verein  and  like  matters 
stated.  The  court  declared  this  to  be  an  "illegal  conspiracy." 

The  damning  array  of  evidence  against  the  assassins  was  brought  to- 
gether relentlessly  and  completely.  The  speeches  of  the  defendants  were 
sifted,  their  teachings  examined,  and  there  could  be  left  in  no  mind  a  doubt 
that  these  men  had  advised  murder  and  arson,  and  that  they  were  guilty 
technically  as  well  as  morally.  The  opinion  of  the  court  was  a  masterly 
presentation  of  the  facts,  and  the  conclusions  drawn  from  them  settled  once 
for  all  both  the  law  and  the  equity  of  this  celebrated  case.  It  was  evident 
that  there  was  law  enough  in  America  to  protect  society. 

That  the  Haymarket  murders  were  the  legitimate  and' expected  result 
of  the  teachings  of  the  ring-leaders  of  the  conspiracy  was  conclusively 
shown  with  a  ruthless  logic  that  left  no  hope  for  pardon,  nor  for  interference 
with  the  law's  stern  course. 

Lingg's  case,  and  the  case  of  Spies,  of  Engel,  of  Fischer,  of  Parsons,  of 
Neebe,  of  Fielden  were  taken  up  separately,  examined  with  a  care  that 
might  be  described  as  almost  microscopic,  and  in  each  case  there  was  no 
flaw  in  the  record  —  no  reason  why  these  men  should  not  pay  the  penalty 
for  their  crime. 

The  concluding  part  of  the  opinion  is  so  important  from  a  legal  stand- 
point, and  at  the  same  time  of  such  general  interest,  that  I  will  quote  it 
entire  : 

"If  the  defendants,  as  a  means  of  bringing  about  the  social  revolution 
and  as  a  part  of  the  larger  conspiracy  to  effect  such  revolution,  also  con- 
spired to  excite  classes  of  workingmen  in  Chicago  into  sedition,  tumult 
and  riot  and  to  the  use  of  deadly  weapons  and  the  taking  of  human 
life,  and,  for  the  purpose  of  producing  such  tumult,  riot,  use  of  weap- 
ons and  taking  of  life,  advised  and  encouraged  such  classes  by  newspaper 
articles  and  speeches  to  murder  the  authorities  of  the  city,  and  a  murder 
of  a  policeman  resulted  from  such  advice  and  encouragement,  then  defend- 
ants are  responsible  therefor. 

"It  is  a  familiar  doctrine  of  the  law,  in  criminal  cases,  that,  if  a  reason- 
able doubt  of  the  guilt  of  the  prisoner  is  entertained,  the  jury  have  no  dis- 
cretion, but  must  acquit.  The  twelfth  and  thirteenth  instructions  for  the 
prosecution  are  objected  to  as  not  correctly  stating  to  the  jury  the  meaning 
of  '  reasonable  doubt.'  The  twelfth  instruction  is  an  exact  copy,  verbatim 
et  liberatim,  of  the  sixth  instruction  in  Miller  et.  al.  vs.  The  People,  39  111. 
457,  which  we  approved  in  that  case,  and  which  since  that  case  we  have 
indorsed  as  correct  in  at  least  three  cases,  to-wit  :  May  vs.  The  People,  60 


THE  SUPREME  COURT'S  DECISION.  611 

111.  119,  Connaghan  vs.  The  People,  88  id.  460,  and  Dunn  vs.  The  People,  109 
id.  635. 

"  The  portion  of  the  thirteenth  instruction  which  plaintiffs  in  error  com- 
plain of  is  that  which  is  contained  in  the  following  words  :  '  You  are  not  at 
liberty  to  disbelieve  as  jurors  if  from  the  evidence  you  believe  as  men.' 
This  expression  has  been  sanctioned  by  the  Supreme  Court  of  Pennsylvania 
as  having  been  properly  used  in  an  instruction  given  to  the  jury  by  a  trial 
judge,  and  we  are  inclined  to  follow  the  ruling  there  laid  down.  That 
court  said  in  Nevling  vs.  Commonwealth,  98  Pa.  St.  322  :  '  The  learned  judge 
then  proceeded  to  say  that  the  doubt  must  be  a  reasonable  one,  and  that 
jurymen  could  not  doubt  as  jurymen  what  they  believed  as  men.  In 
all  this  there  was  no  error.  It  is  the  familiar  language  found  in  the  text- 
books and  decisions  which  treat  of  the  subject.' 

"  By  the  twelfth  and  thirteenth  instructions,  considered  in  connection 
with  the  eleventh  instruction  for  the  State,  and  also  in  connection  with  the 
definitions  of  reasonable  doubt  as  embodied  in  the  instructions  given  for 
the  defense,  we  think  the  law  upon  this  subject  was  correctly  presented  to 
the  jury. 

"The  statute  of  this  State  provides  that  'juries  in  all  criminal  cases 
shall  be  judges  .of  the  law  and  fact.'  Instruction  number  thirteen  and  a 
half,  given  for  the  prosecution,  is  objected  to  as  improperly  limiting  and 
qualifying  this  provision  of  the  statute.  It  tells  the  jury,  that  '  if  they  can 
say  upon  their  oaths  that  they  know  the  law  better  than  the  court  itself, 
they  have  the  right  to  do  so,'  .  .  .  but  that  'before  saying  this,  upon 
their  oaths,  it  is  their  duty  to  reflect  whether  from  their  study  and  experi- 
ence they  are  better  qualified  to  judge  of  the  law  than  the  court,'  etc. 

"The  language  of  instruction  number  thirteen  and  a  half  is  an  exact 
copy,  verbatim  et  literatim,  of  the  language  used  by  this  court  in  Schnier  vs. 
The  People,  23  111.  17.  The  views  expressed  in  Schnier  vs.  The  People  have 
been  approved  of  and  indorsed  in  Fisher  vs.  The  People,  23  111.  283,  Mullinix 
vs.  The  People,  76  id.  211,  and  Davison  vs.  The  People,  90  id.  221.  The  ques- 
tion is  settled,  and  we  see  no  reason  to  retreat  from  our  position  upon  this 
subject. 

"  It  is  also  claimed  that  the  court  erred  in  refusing  to  give  certain  in- 
structions asked  by  the  defendants.  The  refusal  of  refused  instructions 
numbered  3,  8,  9,  n  and  18  is  especially  insisted  upon  as  error. 

"  Instruction  No.  3  was  properly  refused  because  it  told  the  jury  that 
those  of  the  defendants  who  were  not  present  at  the  Haymarket,  counseling, 
aiding  or  abetting  the  throwing  of  the  bomb,  should  be  acquitted.  Under 
our  statute  and  the  decision  of  this  court  in  Brennan  vs.  The  People,  15  111. 
517,  the  defendants  were  guilty  if  they  advised  and  encouraged  the  murder 
to  be  committed,  although  they  may  not  have  been  present. 

"  Instruction  No.  8  was  wrong  for  a  number  of  reasons,  but  it  is  sufficient 
to  refer  to  one  :  it  assumes  that  '  a  conspiracy  to  bring  about  a  change  of 
government  .  .  .  by  peaceful  means  if  possible,  but,  if  necessary,  to 
resort  to  force  for  that  purpose,'  is  not  unlawful.  The  fact  that  the  con- 
spirators may  not  have  intended  to  resort  to  force,  unless,  in  their  judgment, 
they  should  deem  it  necessary  to  do  so,  would  not  make  their  conspiracy 
any  the  less  unlawful. 

"All  that  was  material  in  instructions  9,  n  and  18  was  embodied  in  the 
instructions  which  were  given  for  the  defendants. 

"  The  defendants  also  complain  that  the  court  refused  to  give  an  instruc- 


612  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

tion  for  them  which  contained  the  following  statement :  '  It  can  not  be 
material  in  this  case  that  defendants,  or  some  of  them,  are  or  may  be  Social- 
ists, Communists  or  Anarchists,'  etc. 

"  If  there  was  a  conspiracy,  it  was  material  to  show  its  purposes  and 
objects,  with  a  view  to  determining  whether  and  in  what  respects  it  was 
unlawful.  Anarchy  is  the  absence  of  government ;  it  is  a  state  of  society 
where  there  is  no  law  or  supreme  power.  If  the  conspiracy  had  for  its 
object  the  destruction  of  the  law  and  the  government,  and  of  the  police  and 
militia  as  representatives  of  law  and  government,  it  had  for  its  object  the 
bringing  about  of  practical  Anarchy.  Whether  or  not  the  defendants  were 
Anarchists,  may  have  been  a  proper  circumstance  to  be  considered  in  con- 
nection with  all  the  other  circumstances  in  the  case,  with  a  view  to  showing 
what  connection,  if  any,  they  had  with  the  conspiracy  and  what  were  their 
purposes  in  joining  it.  Therefore,  we  can  not  say  that  it  was  error  to  refuse 
an  instruction  containing  such  a  broad  declaration  as  that  announced  in  the 
above  quotation. 

"Defendants  further  complain  because  the  instruction  numbered  13, 
which  was  asked  by  them,  was  refused  by  the  trial  court.  The  refusal  of 
this  instruction  was  not  error.  It  was  proper  enough,  so  far  as  it  stated 
that  if  a  person  at  the  Haymarket  '  without  the  knowledge,  aid,  counsel, 
procurement,  encouragement  or  abetting  of  the  defendants  or  any  of  them, 
then  or  theretofore  given,  .  .  .  threw  a  bomb  among  the  police,  where- 
from  resulted  the  murder  or  homicide  charged  in  the  indictment,  then  the 
defendants  would  not  be  liable  for  the  results  of  such  bomb,'  etc.  But  the 
instruction  is  so  ingeniously  worded  as  to  lead  the  jury  to  believe  that  the 
person  who  threw  the  bomb  at  the  Haymarket  was  justified  in  doing  so  if 
the  meeting  there  was  lawfully  convened  and  peaceably  conducted  and  if 
the  order  to  disperse  was  unauthorized  and  illegal.  Counsel  inject  into  the 
instruction  the  hypothesis  that  the  bomb  may  have  been  thrown  by  an  out- 
side party  '  in  pursuance  of  his  view  of  the  right  of  self-defense.'  A  mere 
order  to  disperse  can  not  be  an  excuse  for  throwing  a  dynamite  bomb  into 
a  body  of  policemen.  If  the  bomb-thrower  had  been  illegally  and  improp- 
erly attacked  by  the  police,  while  quietly  attending  a  peaceable  meeting, 
and  had  thrown  the  bomb  to  defend  himself  against  such  attack,  another 
question  would  be  presented.  The  vice  of  the  instruction  lies  in  the  insid- 
ious intimation  embodied  in  it,  that  when  a  body  of  policemen,  even  if  in 
excess  of  their  authority,  give  a  verbal  order  to  an  assemblage  to  disperse, 
a  member  of  that  assemblage  will  be  excusable  for  throwing  a  bomb,  on  the 
ground  of  self-defense  and  because  of  the  supposed  invasion  of  his  rights. 

"  The  instruction  given  by  the  court  of  its  own  motion,  and  which  has 
already  been  referred  to,  is  also  claimed  to  be  erroneous.  So  far  as  it 
speaks  of  murder  and  advice  to  commit  murder  in  general  terms,  it  is  suffi- 
ciently limited  and  qualified  when  read  in  connection  with  all  the  other 
instructions,  to  which  it  specifically  calls  attention.  It  does  not  supersede 
and  stand  as  a  substitute  for  the  other  instructions,  given  for  both  sides. 
It  does  not  so  purport  upon  its  face.  On  the  contrary,  the  jury  are  directed 
to  '  carefully  scrutinize '  such  other  instructions,  and  are  told  that  their 
apparent  inconsistencies  will  disappear  under  such  scrutiny.  In  the  last 
sentence  they  are  requested  to  disregard  any  unguarded  expressions  that 
may  have  crept  into  the  instructions,  '  which  seem  to  assume  the  existence 
of  any  facts,'  and  look  only  to  the  evidence,  etc.  Why  caution  the  jury  to 
disregard  certain  expressions  of  a  particular  kind  in  the  other  instructions, 


THE  SUPREME  COURT'S  DECISION.  613 

if  the  latter  were  to  be  entirely  superseded  ?  We  do  not  think  that  the 
instruction  given  by  the  trial  judge  sua  motu  is  obnoxious  to  the  objections 
urged  against  it. 

"  Defendants  also  object  to  the  instruction  as  to  the  form  of  the  verdict 
as  being  erroneous.  It  is  claimed  that  the  jury  were  obliged,  under  this 
instruction,  to  find  the  defendants  either  guilty  or  not  guilty  of  murder, 
whereas  the  jury  were  entitled  to  find  that  the  offense  was  a  lower  grade  of 
homicide  than  murder,  if  the  evidence  so  warranted.  This  position  is  fully 
answered  by  our  decisions  in  the  cases  of  Dunn  vs.  The  People,  109  111.  646, 
and  Dacey  vs.  The  People,  116  id.  555.  If  counsel  desired  to  have  the  jury 
differently  instructed  as  to  the  form  of  the  verdict,  they  should  have  pre- 
pared an  instruction,  indicating  such  form  as  they  deemed  to  be  correct, 
and  should  have  asked  the  trial  court  to  give  it.  They  did  not  do  so,  and 
are  in  no  position  to  complain  here. 

"The  court,  at  the  request  of  the  defendants,  did  give  the  jury  an  instruc- 
tion defining  manslaughter  in  the  words  of  the  statute  and  specifying  the 
punishment  therefor  as  fixed  by  the  statute.  The  court  also  gave  the  jury 
the  following  instruction  :  '  The  jury  are  instructed  that  under  an  indict- 
ment for  murder  a  party  accused  may  be  found  guilty  of  manslaughter  ;  and 
in  this  case,  if  from  a  full  and  careful  consideration  of  all  the  evidence 
before  you,  you  believe  beyond  a  reasonable  doubt  that  the  defendants  or 
any  of  them  are  guilty  of  manslaughter,  you  may  so  find  by  your  verdict.' 

"  The  next  error  assigned  has  reference  to  the  impaneling  of  the  jury. 
The  counsel  for  plaintiffs  in  error  have  made  an  able  and  elaborate  argu- 
ment for  the  purpose  of  showing  that  the  jury  which  tried  this  case  was 
not  an  impartial  jury  in  the  sense  in  which  the  word  'impartial*  is  used 
in  our  Constitution.  We  do  not  deem  a  consideration  of  all  the  points  pre- 
sented as  necessary  to  a  determination  of  the  case,  and  shall  only  notice 
those  that  seem  to  us  to  be  material. 

"  Nine  hundred  and  eighty-one  men  were  called  into  the  jury-box  and 
sworn  to  answer  questions.  Each  one  of  the  eight  defendants  was  entitled 
to  a  peremptory  challenge  of  twenty  jurors,  making  the  whole  number  of 
peremptory  challenges  allowed  to  the  defense  one  hundred  and  sixty. 
The  State  was  entitled  to  the  same  number.  Seven  hundred  and  fifty-seven 
were  excused  upon  challenge  for  cause.  One  hundred  and  sixty  were  chal- 
lenged peremptorily  by  the  defense  and  fifty-two  by  the  State. 

"  Of  the  twelve  jurors  who  tried  the  case,  eleven  were  accepted  by  the 
defendants.  They  challenged  one  of  these,  whose  name  was  Denker,  for 
cause,  but,  after  the  court  overruled  the  challenge,  they  proceeded  to  fur- 
ther question  him  and  finally  accepted  him,  although  one  hundred  and  forty- 
two  of  their  peremptory  challenges  were  at  that  time  unused.  They  ac- 
cepted the  ten  others,  including  the  juror  Adams,  without  objection.  When 
Adams,  the  eleventh  juror,  was  taken,  they  had  forty-three  peremptory  chal- 
lenges which  they  had  not  yet  used. 

"  Therefore,  as  to  eleven  of  the  jurymen,  the  defendants  are  estopped 
from  complaining.  They  virtually  agreed  to  be  tried  by  them,  because  they 
accepted  them,  when,  by  the  exercise  of  their  unused  peremptory  challenges, 
they  could  have  compelled  every  one  of  them  to  stand  aside. 

"  Counsel  for  the  defense  complain  that  the  trial  court  overruled  their 
challenges  for  cause  of  twenty-six  talesmen,  to  whose  examinations  they 
specifically  call  our  attention.  As  they  afterwards  peremptorily  challenged 
the  talesmen  so  referred  to,  no  one  of  them  sat  upon  the  jury.  Every  one 


614  ANARCHY  AND   ANARCHISTS. 

of  these  twenty-six  men  had  been  peremptorily  challenged  before  the  elev- 
enth juror  was  taken. 

"  After  the  eleventh  juror  was  accepted,  the  forty-three  peremptory  chal- 
lenges which  then  remained  to  the  defendants  were  all  used  by  them  before 
the  twelfth  juror  was  taken. 

"  After  the  defendants  had  examined  the  twelfth  juror,  whose  name  was 
Sandford,  they  challenged  him  for  cause.  Their  challenge  was  overruled 
and  they  excepted. 

"  The  one  hundred  and  sixty  talesmen  who  were  peremptorily  challenged 
by  defendants  were  first  challenged  for  cause,  and  the  challenges  for  cause 
were  overruled  by  the  trial  court.  It  is  claimed  that,  inasmuch  as  the  de- 
fendants exhausted  all  their  peremptory  challenges  before  the  panel  was 
finally  completed,  the  action  of  the  court  in  regard  to  these  particular  jurors 
will  be  considered,  and,  if  erroneous,  such  action  is  good  ground  of  reversal. 
We  think  it  must  be  made  to  appear  that  an  objectionable  juror  was  put 
upon  the  defendants  after  they  had  exhausted  their  peremptory  challenges. 
'  Unless  objection  is  shown  to  one  or  more  of  the  jury  who  tried  the  case, 
the  antecedent  rulings  of  the  court  upon  the  competency  or  incompetency 
of  jurors  who  have  been  challenged  and  stood  aside  will  not  be  inquired 
into  in  this  court."  Holt  vs.  State, 9  Texas  Ct.  App.  571. 

"  We  cannot  reverse  this  judgment  for  errors  committed  in  the  lower 
court  in  overruling  challenges  for  cause  to  jurors,  even  though  defendants 
exhausted  their  peremptory  challenges,  unless  it  is  further  shown  that  an 
objectionable  juror  was  forced  upon  them  and  sat  upon  the  case  after  they 
had  exhausted  their  peremptory  challenges.  This  doctrine  is  ably  discussed 
in  Loggins  vs.  State,  12  Texas  Ct.  App.  65.  We  think  the  reasoning  in  that 
case  is  sound  and  answers  the  objection  here  made. 

"  In  addition  to  this  reason,  we  have  carefully  considered  the  examina- 
tions of  the  several  jurors  challenged  by  the  defendants  peremptorily,  and 
while  we  cannot  approve  all  that  was  said  by  the  trial  judge  in  respect  to 
some  of  them,  we  find  no  such  error  in  the  rulings  of  the  court  in  overruling 
the  challenges  for  cause  as  to  any  of  them  as  would  justify  a  reversal  of  the 
cause.  The  examinations,  as  they  appear  in  the  record,  of  the  forty-three 
talesmen  who  were  challenged  peremptorily  after  the  eleventh  juror  was 
accepted,  show  that  many  of  the  forty-three  challenges  were  exercised  arbi- 
trarily and  without  any  apparent  cause.  Such  challenges  were  not  com- 
pelled by  any  demonstrated  unfitness  of  the  jurors,  but  seem  to  have  been 
used  up  for  no  other  purpose  than  to  force  the  selection  of  one  juror  after 
the  forty-three  challenges  were  exhausted. 

"  The  only  question,  then,  which  we  deem  it  material  to  consider,  is  : 
Did  the  trial  court  err  in  overruling  the  challenge  for  cause  of  Sandford,  the 
twelfth  juror?  or,  in  other  words,  Was  he  a  competent  juror? 

"  The  following  is  the  material  portion  of  his  examination  : 

"  Have  you  an  opinion  as  to  whether  or  not  there  was  an  offense  committed  at  the  Hay- 
market  meeting  by  the  throwing  of  a  bomb  ?  A.  Yes.  Q.  Now,  from  all  that  you  have 
read  and  all  that  you  have  heard,  have  you  an  opinion  as  to  the  guilt  or  innocence  of  any  of 
the  eight  defendants  of  the  throwing  of  that  bomb  ?  A.  Yes.  Q.  You  have  an  opinion 
upon  that  question  also  ?  A.  I  have.  .  .  .  Q.  Now,  if  you  should  be  selected  as  a  juror  in 
this  case  to  try  and  determine  it,  do  you  believe  that  you  could  exercise  legally  the  duties  of 
a  juror,  that  you  could  listen  to  the  testimony  and  all  of  the  testimony  and  the  charge  of  the 
court,  and  after  deliberation  return  a  verdict  which  would  be  right  and  fair  as  between  the 
defendants  and  the  People  of  the  State  of  Illinois  ?  A.  Yes,  sir.  Q.  You  believe  that 
you  could  do  that  ?  A.  Yes,  sir.  Q.  You  could  fairly  and  impartially  listen  to  the  testi- 


THE  SUPREME  COURT'S  DECISION.  615 

mony  that  is  introduced  here  ?  A.  Yes.  Q.  And  the  charge  of  the  court,  and  render  an 
impartial  verdict,  you  believe  ?  A.  Yes.  Cj.  Have  you  any  knowledge  of  the  principles 
contended  for  by  Socialists,  Communists  and  Anarchists  ?  A.  Nothing  except  what  I  read 
in  the  papers.  Q.  Just  general  reading  ?  A.  Yes.  Q.  You  are  not  a  Socialist,  I  pre- 
sume, or  a  Communist  ?  A.  No,  sir.  Q.  Have  you  a  prejudice  against  them  from 
what  you  have  read  in  the  papers  ?  A.  Decided.  Q.  Do  you  believe  that  that  would  in- 
fluence your  verdict  in  this  case  or  would  you  try  the  real  issue  which  is  here  as  to  whether 
the  defendants  were  guilty  of  the  murder  of  Mr.  Degan  or  not,  or  would  you  try  the  ques- 
tion of  Socialism  and  Anarchism,  which  really  has  nothing  to  do  with  the  case  ?  A.  Well, 
as  I  know  so  little  about  it  in  reality  at  present,  it  is  a  pretty  hard  question  to  answer.  Q.  You 
would  undertake,  you  would  attempt  of  course  to  try  the  case  upon  the  evidence  introduced 
here,  upon  the  issue  which  is  presented  here  ?  A.  Yes,  sir.  .  Q.  Well,  then,  so 

far  as  that  is  concerned,  I  do  not  care  very  much  what  your  opinion  may  be  now,  for  your 
opinion  now  is  made  up  of  random  conversations  and  from  newspaper  reading, as  I  understand? 
A.  Yes.  Q.  That  is  nothing  reliable.  You  do  not  regard  that  as  being  in  the  nature  of 
sworn  testimony  at  all,  do  you  ?  A.  No.  Q.  Now,  when  the  testimony  is  introduced  here  and 
the  witnesses  are  examined,  you  see  them  and  look  into  their  countenances,  judge  who  are 
worthy  of  belief  and  who  are  not  worthy  of  belief,  don't  you  think  then  you  would  be  able  to 
determine  the  question  ?  A.  Yes.  Q.  Regardless  of  any  impression  that  you  might 
have  or  any  opinion  ?  A.  Yes.  Q.  Have  you  any  opposition  to  the  organization  by 
laboring  men  of  associations  or  societies  or  unions  so  far  as  they  have  reference  to  their  own 
advancement  and  protection  and  are  not  in  violation  of  law  ?  A.  No,  sir.  Q.  Do  you 
know  any  of  the  members  of  the  police  force  of  the  city  of  Chicago  ?  A.  Not  one  by  name. 
Q.  You  are  not  acquainted  with  any  one  that  was  either  injured  or  killed,  I  suppose,  at  the 
Haymarket  meeting  ?  A.  No.  .  .  .  Q.  If  you  should  be  selected  as  a  juror  in  this  case, 
do  you  believe  that,  regardless  of  all  prejudice  or  opinion  which  you  now  have,  you  could 
listen  to  the  legitimate  testimony  introduced  in  court,  and  upon  that,  and  that  alone,  render 
and  return  a  fair  and  impartial,  unprejudiced  and  unbiased  verdict  ?  A.  Yes. 

The  foregoing  examination  was  by  the  defense.  The  following  was  by 
the  State  : 

"  Cj.  Upon  what  is  your  opinion  founded  —  upon  newspaper  reports?  A.  Well,  it  is 
founded  on  the  general  theory  and  what  I  read  in  the  newspapers.  Q.  And  what  you  read 
in  the  papers  ?  A.  Yes,  sir  Q.  Have  you  ever  talked  with  any  one  that  was  present  at 
the  Haymarket  at  the  time  the  bomb  was  thrown  ?  A.  No,  sir.  Have  you  ever  talked  with 
any  one  who  professed  of  his  own  knowledge  to  know  anything  about  the  connection  of  the 
defendants  with  the  throwing  of  that  bomb  ?  A.  No.  Q.  Have  you  ever  said  to  any  one 
whether  or  not  you  believed  the  statement  of  facts  in  the  newspapers  to  be  true  ?  A.  I 
have  never  expressed  it  exactly  in  that  way,  but  still  I  have  no  reason  to  think  they  were 
false.  Q.  Well,  the  question  is  not  what  your  opinion  of  that  was.  The  question  simply 
is  —  it  is  a  question  made  necessary  by  our  statute,  perhaps.  A.  Well,  I  don't  recall 
whether  I  have  or  not.  Q.  So  far  as  you  know  then,  you  never  have  ?  A.  No,  sir.  Q. 
Do  you  believe  that,  if  taken  as  a  juror,  you  can  try  this  case  fairly  and  impartially  and  ren- 
der an  impartial  verdict  upon  the  law  and  the  evidence  ?  A.  Yes. 

"  It  is  objected  that  Sandford  had  formed  such  an  opinion  as  disquali- 
fied him  from  sitting  upon  the  jury. 

"  It  is  apparent  from  the  foregoing  examination  that  the  opinion  of  the 
juror  was  based  upon  rumor  or  newspaper  statements,  and  that  he  had  ex- 
pressed no  opinion  as  to  the  truth  of  such  rumors  or  statements.  He 
stated  upon  oath  that  he  believed  he  could  fairly  and  impartially  render  a 
verdict  in  the  case  in  accordance  with  the  law  and  the  evidence.  That 
the  trial  court  was  satisfied  of  the  truth  of  his  statement  would  appear  from 
the  fact  that  the  challenge  for  cause  was  overruled. 

"  Therefore,  the  examination  of  the  juror  shows  a  state  of  facts  which 
brings  his  case  exactly  within  the  scope  and  meaning  of  the  third  proviso 
of  the  i4th  section  of  chapter  78,  entitled  'Jurors,'  of  our  Revised  Stat- 
utes. That  proviso  is  as  follows :  '  And  provided  further,  that,  in  the  trial 
of  any  criminal  cause,  the  fact  that  a  person  called  as  a  juror  has  formed  an 
opinion  or  impression,  based  upon  rumor  or  upon  newspaper  statements 


616  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

(about  the  truth  of  which  he  has  expressed  no  opinion),  shall  not  disqualify 
him  to  serve  as  a  juror  in  such  case,  if  he  shall,  upon  oath,  state  that  he 
believes  he  can  fairly  and  impartially  render  a  verdict  therein  in  accordance 
with  the  law  and  the  evidence,  and  the  court  shall  be  satisfied  of  the  truth 
of  such  statement.' 

"In  Wilson  vs.  The  People,  94  111.  299,  one  William  Gray  was  examined 
touching  his  qualifications  as  a  juror  and  said  :  '  I  have  read  newspaper 
accounts  of  the  commission  of  the  crime  with  which  the  defendant  is 
charged  and  have  also  conversed  with  several  persons  in  regard  to  it  since 
coming  to  Carthage  and  during  my  attendance  upon  this  term  of  court ;  do 
not  know  whether  they  are  witnesses  in  the  case  or  not ;  do  not  know  who 
the  witnesses  in  the  case  are.  From  accounts  I  have  read  and  from  con- 
versations I  have  had,  I  have  formed  an  opinion  in  the  case ;  would  have  an 
opinion  now  if  the  facts  should  turn  out  as  I  heard  them,  and  I  think  it 
would  take  some  evidence  to  remove  that  opinion ;  would  be  governed  by 
the  evidence  in  the  case  and  can  give  the  defendant  a  fair  and  impartial 
trial  according  to  the  law  and  the  evidence.'  Gray  was  challenged  for 
cause  and  the  challenge  overruled  by  the  trial  court.  We  held  that  all  ob- 
jection to  Gray's  competency  was  clearly  removed  by  the  proviso  above 
quoted.  We  also  there  said :  '  The  opinion  formed  seems  not  to  have 
been  decided,  but  one  of  a  light  and  transient  character  which  at  no  time 
would  have  disqualified  the  juror  from  serving.' 

"The  expressions  of  Sandford  in  the  case  at  bar  as  to  the  opinion 
formed  by  him  are  not  so  strong  as  those  used  by  Gray  in  the  Wilson  case  in 
regard  to  his  opinion.  Sandford's  impressions  were  not  such  as  would 
refuse  to  yield  to  the  testimony  that  might  be  offered,  nor  were  they  such 
as  to  close  his  mind  to  a  fair  consideration  of  the  testimony.  They  were 
not  'strong  and  deep  impressions,'  such  as  are  referred  to  by  Chief  Justice 
Marshall  when  he  said  upon  the  trial  of  Aaron  Burr  for  treason  :  '  Those 
strong  and  deep  impressions  which  will  close  the  mind  against  the  testi- 
mony which  may  be  offered  in  opposition  to  them,  which  will  combat  that 
testimony  and  resist  its  force,  do  constitute  a  sufficient  objection'  to  a  juror, 
(i  Burr's  Trial,  416.) 

"  Counsel  for  the  defense  seem  to  claim  in  their  argument  that  the  pro- 
viso above  quoted  is  unconstitutional  in  that  it  violates  section  9  of  article 
2  of  the  present  Constitution  of  this  State,  which  guarantees  to  the  accused 
party  in  every  criminal  prosecution  '  a  speedy  public  trial  by  an  impartial 
jury  of  the  county  or  district  in  which  the  offense  is  alleged  to  have  been 
committed.'  We  do  not  think  that  the  proviso  is  unconstitutional  for  the 
reason  stated.  The  rule  which  it  lays  down,  when  wisely  applied,  does  not 
lead  to  the  selection  of  partial  jurors.  On  the  contrary,  it  tends  to  secure 
intelligence  in  the  jury-box  and  to  exclude  from  it  that  dense  ignorance 
which  has  often  subjected  the  jury  system  to  just  criticism.  A  statute  upon 
this  subject,  similar  to  ours  and  attacked  as  unconstitutional  for  the  same 
reason  here  indicated,  was  held  to  be  constitutional  by  the  Court  of  Appeals 
in  the  State  of  New  York  in  Stokes  vs.  The  People,  53  N.  Y.  171. 

"The  juror  Sandford  further  stated  that  he  had  a  prejudice  against 
Socialists,  Communists  and  Anarchists.  This  did  not  disqualify  him  from 
sitting  as  a  juror.  If  the  theories  of  the  Anarchists  should  be  carried  into 
practical  effect,  they  would  involve  the  destruction  of  all  law  and  govern- 
ment. Law  and  government  cannot  be  abolished  without  revolution,  blood- 
shed and  murder.  The  Socialist  or  Communist,  if  he  attempted  to  put  into 


THE  SUPREME  COURT'S  DECISION.  617 

practical  operation  his  doctrine  of  a  community  of  property,  would  destroy 
individual  rights  in  property.  Practically  considered,  the  idea  of  taking  a 
man's  property  from  him  without  his  consent,  for  the  purpose  of  putting  it 
into  a  common  fund  for  the  benefit  of  the  community  at  large,  involves  the 
commission  of  theft  and  robbery.  Therefore,  the  prejudice  which  the  ordi- 
nary citizen,  who  looks  at  things  from  a  practical  standpoint,  would  have 
against  Anarchism  and  Communism,  would  be  nothing  more  than  a  preju- 
dice against  crime. 

"  In  Winnesheik  Insurance  Co.  vs.  Schucller,  60  111.  465,  we  said  :  '  A  man 
may  have  a  prejudice  against  crime,  against  a  mean  action,  against  dishon- 
esty, and  still  be  a  competent  juror.  This  is  proper,  and  such  prejudice 
will  never  force  a  jury  to  prejudge  an  innocent  and  honest  man.'  In  Rob- 
inson et  al.  vs.  Randall,  supra,  we  again  said  :  '  The  mere  fact,  therefore, 
that  a  juror  may  have  a  prejudice  against  crime  does  not  disqualify  him  as 
a  juror.  A  juror  may  be  prejudiced  against  larceny,  or  burglary,  or  mur- 
der, and  yet  such  fact  would  not  in  the  least  disqualify  him  from  sitting 
upon  a  jury  to  try  some  person  who  might  be  charged  with  one  of  these 
crimes.' 

"  Sandford  stated  that  he  would  '  attempt  to  try  the  case  upon  the  evi- 
dence introduced  here  upon  the  issue  which  is  presented  here.'  The  issue 
presented  was  whether  the  defendants  were  guilty  or  not  guilty  of  the  mur- 
der of  Mathias  J.  Degan.  Any  prejudice  against  Communism  or  Anar- 
chism would  not  render  a  juror  incapable  of  trying  that  issue  fairly  and 
impartially. 

"  We  cannot  see  that  the  trial  court  erred  in  overruling  the  challenge 
for  cause  of  the  twelfth  juror.  This  being  so,  it  does  not  appear  that  the 
defendants  were  injured,  or  that  their  rights  were  in  any  way  prejudiced  by 
his  selection  as  a  juryman. 

"On  the  motion  for  a  new  trial  the  defendants  read  three  affidavits  for 
the  purpose  of  showing  that,  shortly  after  May  4,  1886,  two  of  the  jurors 
had  given  utterance  to  expressions  showing  prejudice  against  the  defend- 
ants. The  two  jurors  made  counter-affidavits  denying  that  they  had  used 
the  expressions  attributed  to  them. 

"We  do  not  think  that  the  affidavits  satisfactorily  proved  previously 
expressed  opinions  on  the  part  of  the  two  jurors  referred  to.  It  was  a  dan- 
gerous practice  to  allow  verdicts  to  be  set  aside  upon  ex  parte  affidavits  as 
to  what  jurors  are  claimed  to  have  said  before  they  were  summoned  to  act 
as  jurymen.  The  parties  making  such  affidavits  submit  to  no  cross-exam- 
ination, and  the  correctness  of  their  statements  is  subjected  to  no  test  what- 
ever. We  adhere  to  the  views  which  we  have  recently  expressed  upon  this 
subject  in  the  case  of  Hughes  vs.  The  People,  116  111.  330. 

"The  defendants  claim  that,  although  they  were  entitled  to  one  hundred 
and  sixty  peremptory  challenges,  yet  the  State  was  entitled  to  only  twenty, 
and  they  charge  it  as  error  that  the  State  was  allowed  to  peremptorily  chal- 
lenge more  than  twenty  talesmen.  The  statute  says :  '  The  attorney 
prosecuting  on  behalf  of  the  people  shall  be  admitted  to  a  peremptory 
challenge  of  the  same  number  of  jurors  that  the  accused  is  entitled  to.' 
(Rev.  Stat.  chap.  38,  sec.  432.)  We  cannot  conceive  how  language  can  be 
plainer  than  that  here  used.  It  explains  itself  and  requires  no  further 
remark.  The  defendants  also  claim  that  the  trial  court  erred  in  refusing 
a  separate  trial,  from  the  other  defendants,  to  the  defendants  Spies,  Schwab, 
Fielden,  Neebe  and  Parsons.  Error  cannot  be  assigned  upon  the  refusal  to 


6i8  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

grant  separate  trials  where  several  are  jointly  indicted.  It  was  a  matter  of 
discretion  with  the  court  below.  We  so  decided  in  Maton  et  al.  vs.  The 
People,  15  111.  536.  We  are  unable  to  see  any  abuse  of  the  discretion  in 
this  case. 

"  Defendants  also  take  exceptions  to  the  conduct  of  the  special  bailiff 
The  regular  panel  having  been  exhausted  and  the  defendants  having  ob- 
jected '  to  the  Sheriff  summoning  a  sufficient  number  of  persons  to  fill  the 
panel'  of  jurors,  the  court  appointed  a  special  bailiff  named  Ryce  to  sum- 
mon such  persons  under  section  13,  chapter  78,  of  the  Revised  Statutes. 
On  the  motion  for  new  trial,  defendants  read  the  affidavit  of  one  Stevens,  in 
which  Stevens  swore  that  he  had  heard  one  Favor  say  that  he,  Favor,  had 
heard  Ryce  say  that  he,  Ryce,  was  summoning  as  jurors  such  men  as  the 
defense  would  be  compelled  to  challenge  peremptorily,  etc.  The  defend- 
ants then  made  a  motion,  based  upon  this  affidavit,  that  Favor  be  com- 
pelled to  come  into  court  and  testify  to  what  Ryce  had  said  to  him.  The 
refusal  of  the  court  to  grant  the  application  is  complained  of  as  error. 

"  The  statements  in  the  affidavit  were  mere  hearsay  and  were  too  indefi- 
nite and  remote  to  base  any  motion  upon.  Moreover,  if  Ryce  did  make 
the  remark  in  question  to  Favor,  it  does  not  appear  that  defendants  were 
harmed  by  it.  There  is  nothing  to  show  that  Ryce  made  any  remarks  of 
any  kind,  proper  or  improper,  to  the  jurors  whom  he  summoned.  In  addi- 
tion to  this,  it  is  not  shown  that  the  defendants  served  Favor  with  a  sub- 
poena so  as  to  lay  a  foundation  for  compelling  his  attendance. 

"We  think  that  the  course  pursued  on  the  trial  in  regard  to  the  man- 
ner of  impaneling  the  jury  was  correct  and  in  accordance  with  the  plain 
meaning  of  section  21,  chapter  78,  of  the  Revised  Statutes.  That  section 
says  '  that  the  jury  shall  be  passed  upon  and  accepted  in  panels  of  four  by 
the  parties,  commencing  with  the  plaintiff.'  The  State  is  not  called  upon 
to  tender  the  defendants  a  second  panel  before  the  defendants  tender  it 
back  four. 

"  We  can  not  see  that  the  remarks  of  the  State's  Attorney  in  his  argu- 
ment to  the  jury  were  marked  by  any  such  improprieties  as  require  a 
reversal  of  the  judgment.  Wilson  vs.  The  People,  supra,  and  Garrity  vs. 
The  People,  107  111.  162. 

"  In  their  lengthy  argument  counsel  for  the  defense  make  some  other 
points  of  minor  importance,  which  are  not  here  noticed.  As  to  these,  it  is 
sufficient  to  say  that  we  have  considered  them  and  do  not  regard  them  as 
well  taken. 

"  The  judgment  of  the  Criminal  Court  of  Cook  County  is  affirmed." 

After  the  reading  of  the  decision,  Justice  Mulkey  stated  that  it  had 
been  his  intention,  if  health  had  permitted,  to  file  a  separate  opinion.  He 
said : 

"While  I  concur  in  the  conclusion  reached,  and  also  in  the  general  view 
presented  in  the  opinion  filed,  I  do  not  wish  to  be  understood  as  holding 
that  the  record  is  free  from  error,  for  I  do  not  think  it  is.  I  am  nevertheless 
of  opinion  that  none  of  the  errors  complained  of  are  of  so  serious  a  char- 
acter as  to  require  a  reversal  of  the  judgment. 

"  In  view  of  the  number  of  defendants  on  trial,  the  great  length  of  time 
it  was  in  progress,  the  vast  amount  of  testimony  offered  and  passed  upon 
by  the  court,  and  the  almost  numberless  rulings  the  court  was  required  to 


THE  SUPREME  COURT'S  DECISION.  619 

make,  the  wonder  with  me  is,  that  the  errors  were  not  more  numerous  and 
more  serious  than  they  are. 

"  In  short,  after  having  carefully  examined  the  record,  and  given  all  the 
questions  arising  upon  it  my  very  best  thought,  with  an  earnest  and  con- 
scientious desire  to  faithfully  discharge  my  whole  duty,  I  am  .satisfied  fully 
that  the  conclusion  reached  vindicates  the  law,  does  complete  justice  be- 
tween the  prisoners  and  the  State,  and  that  it  is  fully  warranted  by  the  law 
and  the  evidence." 


CHAPTER  XXXV. 

The  Last  Legal  Struggle  —  The  Need  of  Money  —  Expensive  Counsel 
Secured  —  Work  of  the  "Defense  Committee" — Pardon,  the  Only  Hope  —  Pleas  for 
Mercy  to  Gov.  Oglesby  —  Curious  Changes  of  Sentiment  —  Spies'  Remarkable  Offer  — 
Lingg's  Horrible  Death  —  Bombs  in  the  Starch-box  —  An  Accidental  Discovery  —  My 
own  Theory  —  Description  of  the  "Suicide  Bombs" — Meaning  of  the  Short  Fuse  — 
' '  Count  Four  and  Throw  "  —  Details  of  Lingg's  Self-murder  —  A  Human  Wreck  —  The 
Bloody  Record  in  the  Cell  —  The  Governor's  Decision  —  Fielden  and  Schwab  Taken  to 
the  Penitentiary. 

IN  spite  of  this  overwhelming  defeat  at  the  hands  of  the  Supreme  Court  of 
Illinois,  counsel  for  the  Anarchists  did  not  lose  hope.  They  at  once  set 
about  formulating  plans  to  carry  their  case  before  the  highest  tribunal  under 
the  law,  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States,  and  for  some  time  they 
labored  unremittingly  in  preparing  the  necessary  grounds  on  which  to  bring 
the  matter  within  the  jurisdistion  of  that  court.  The  point  on  which  they 
mainly  relied  was  a  constitutional  question  involving  the  validity  of  the  jury 
law  of  the  State  of  Illinois,  but  time  was  necessary  to  put  in  proper  shape 
other  questions  incidental  to  the  main  issue,  growing  out  of  rulings  in  the 
trial  court.  Meanwhile  money  was  needed,  just  as  it  had  been  during 
the  trial  and  the  appeal  to  the  State  Supreme  Court.  It  had  been  resolved 
to  call  into  the  service  of  the  convicted  men  eminent  constitutional  lawyers, 
of  national  reputation  as  well  as  of  high  standing  before  the  highest  tribu- 
nal in  the  land,  and  contributions  were  accordingly  sought  throughout  the 
country  by  the  Anarchist  "Defense  Committee"  of  Chicago,  a  body  which 
had  been  organized  preceding  the  trial.  In  compliance  with  the  call,  a 
great  deal  of  money  was  subscribed,  and  the  local  counsel  began  to  cast 
about  for  legal  assistance  among  the  most  noted  constitutional  expounders 
in  the  Union,  to  properly  prepare  the  case  for  presentation  at  Washington. 
Capt.  Black,  to  whom  this  duty  seems  to  have  been  mainly  intrusted,  finally 
decided  upon  Gen.  Pryor,  of  New  York,  and  J.  Randolph  Tucker,  and  with 
these  eminent  jurists  he  held  long  consultations  on  the  best  points  to  make 
before  the  court  of  last  resort.  Gen.  Benjamin  F.  Butler  was  also  called 
into  the  case  as  special  counsel  for  Spies  and  Fielden. 

Finally,  on  Thursday,  October  27,  1887,  the  case  was  brought  before  the 
United  States  Supreme  Court,  and  arguments  were  heard  before  a  full 
bench.  Mr.  Tucker  was  the  first  to  speak,  and  held  the  court's  attention 
for  some  time,  contending  that  the  Illinois  jury  law  was  in  contravention 
of  the  Fourteenth  Amendment  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 
That  amendment,  he  said,  had  been  adopted,  and  had  been  construed  by 
the  court  as  for  the  special  protection  of  the  negro,  and  he  insisted  that  it 
should  be  opened  up  for  the  protection  of  the  whites  as  well.  Upon  this 

620 


BEFORE  THE  HIGHEST  COURT.  621 

point  he  elaborated  at  some  length,  consuming  nearly  the  whole  time  allot- 
ted to  him,  and  then  he  proceeded  to  show  that  an  impartial  jury  had  not 
been  chosen  in  the  trial  court,  some  men  upon  it  —  reference  being  made  to 
Denker  and  Sandford  —  having  formed  a  newspaper  opinion,  but,  in  spite  of 
that  fact,  having  still  been  admitted  under  the  rulings  of  the  court.  The 
first  ten  amendments  to  the  Constitution,  he  held,  limited  the  States  in  the 
adoption  of  laws  abridging  the  rights  of  citizens.  His  whole  argument 
received  marked  attention  and  was  ably  presented. 

Benjamin  F.  Butler  made  a  few  points  in  addition  to  those  presented  in 
his  brief,  but  the  main  burden  of  his  plea  was  that  his  clients,  Spies  and 
Fielden,  were  aliens  and  had  come  to  this  country  under  treaties  made  with 
Germany  and  England,  long  before  the  jury  law  of  Illinois  was  passed. 

Attorney-General  Hunt,  of  Illinois,  replied  to  the  various  points  made 
by  the  petitioners,  showing  that  the  Federal  Constitution,  in  its  first  ten 
amendments,  did  not  restrict  the  rights  of  a  State  in  the  regulation  of  jury 
selections,  and  that  there  was  no  refuge  for  any  of  the  defendants  under  the 
treaties.  It  was  an  eloquent  and  masterly  argument,  and  its  effect  on  the 
court  was  subsequently  shown  in  the  decision,  which  closely  followed  in  the 
line  of  Mr.  Hunt's  position  on  the  matters  in  question. 

State's  Attorney  Grinnell  was  present  simply  to  assist  the  Attorney- 
General  in  pointing  out  the  salient  features  in  the  record  of  the  trial  court, 
with  which  he  was  so  thoroughly  familiar,  but,  on  solicitation,  he  also  ad- 
dressed the  court  at  some  length.  He  spoke  with  reference  to  some  details 
in  the  trial,  and  made  a  clear  and  concise  exposition  of  the  case.  He  was 
followed  by  General  Butler,  who  spoke  at  considerable  length,  but  advanced 
no  new  points,  except  that  he  maintained  that  Spies  had  been  compelled  to 
testify  against  himself. 

The  arguments  occupied  two  days,  and  the  court  reserved  its  decision 
until  Wednesday,  November  2.  On  that  day  the  court  decided,  on  the 
claim  that  the  first  ten  amendments  to  the  Constitution  limited  the  rights 
of  a  State  in  the  passage  of  laws  affecting  personal  rights,  that  they  "were 
not  intended  to  limit  the  powers  of  the  State  Government  in  respect  to 
their  own  citizens,  but  to  operate  on  the  National  Government  alone." 
This  had  been  decided  more  than  fifty  years  before,  and  that  decision  had 
been  steadily  adhered  to  ever  since.  "  It  was  contended  in  argument," 
said  the  court,  "that,  although  originally  the  first  two  amendments  were 
adopted  as  limitations  on  Federal  power,  yet,  in  so  far  as  they  secure  and 
recognize  fundamental  rights,  common-law  rights  of  the  man,  they  make 
them  privileges  and  immunities  of  the  man  as  a  citizen  of  the  United  States 
and  cannot  now  be  abridged  by  a  State  under  the  Fourteenth  Amendment." 
The  objections  raised,  in  brief,  were  that  a  statute  of  the  State,  as  construed 
by  the  court,  deprived  the  petitioners  of  a  trial  by  an  impartial  jury  and 
that  Spies  was  compelled  to  give  evidence  against  himself.  The  statute  to 


622  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

which  special  objection  was  made,  continued  the  court,  was  approved 
March  12,  1874,  and  went  into  force  on  July  i  of  that  year.  The  claim  set 
up  by  petitioners  was  that  the  trial  court,  acting  under  this  law,  compelled 
them  against  their  will  to  submit  to  a  trial  by  a  jury  that  was  not  impar- 
tial, and  thus  deprived  them  of  one  of  the  fundamental  rights  they  had  as 
citizens  of  the  United  States  under  the  Federal  Constitution,  and  that  if 
the  sentence  was  carried  out  they  would  be  deprived  of  their  lives  "•  without 
due  process  of  law."  The  court  then  referred  to  the  peremptory  challenges 
allowed  petitioners  and  held  that  with  these  the  constitutional  right  of  the 
accused  had  been  maintained. 

"Although  a  juror  called  as  a  juryman,"  said  the  court,  "may  have 
formed  an  opinion  based  upon  rumor  or  newspaper  statement,  he  is  still 
qualified  as  a  juror  if  he  states  that  he  can  fairly  and  impartially  render  a 
verdict  thereon  in  accordance  with  the  law  and  the  evidence.  Indeed,  the 
rule  of  the  statute  of  Illinois  as  construed  by  the  trial  court  is  not  materially 
different  from  that  which  has  been  adopted  by  the  courts  in  many  other 
States  without  any  legislation.  We  agree  entirely  with  the  Illinois  Supreme 
Court  in  the  opinion  that  the  statute  on  its  face,  as  construed  by  the  trial 
court,  is  not  repugnant  to  section  9  of  article  2  of  the  Constitution  of  that 
State,  which  guarantees  to  the  accused  party  in  every  criminal  prosecution 
a  speedy  trial  by  an  impartial  jury  of  the  county  or  district  in  which  the 
offense  is  alleged  to  have  been  committed." 

Speaking  of  the  alleged  bias  of  one  of  the  jurors  —  Denker — the  court 
says  that  neither  party  at  the  close  of  the  examination  challenged  the  juror 
peremptorily.  "When  this  occurred  it  was  not  denied,"  says  the  court, 
"that  the  defendants  were  still  entitled  to  143  peremptory  challenges,  or 
about  that  number."  As  to  Juror  Sandford,  the  court  said  that  "at  the 
close  of  his  examination  on  the  part  of  the  defendants  the  juror  was  chal- 
lenged on  their  behalf  for  cause,  and  the  attorney  for  the  State,  after  having 
ascertained  that  all  the  peremptory  challenges  of  the  defendants  had  been 
exhausted,  took  up  the  examination  of  the  juror."  It  then  appearing  that 
he  could  render  an  impartial  verdict,  he  was  sworn  in  under  the  proper  rul- 
ings of  the  court. 

As  to  Spies  being  compelled  to  be  a  witness  against  himself,  the  court 
ruled  that,  inasmuch  as  he  had  voluntarily  offered  himself  as  a  witness  in  his 
own  behalf,  by  so  doing  he  had  become  bound  to  submit  himself  to  a  proper 
cross-examination.  But  it  was  said  that  the  reading  of  Most's  letter  was 
not  proper  evidence.  "  That  is,"  continued  the  court,  "a  question  of  State 
law  in  the  courts  of  the  States,  and  not  of  Federal  law. "  Something  was 
said  about  the  alleged  unreasonable  search  and  seizure  of  the  papers  and 
property  of  some  of  the  defendants,  and  their  use  in  evidence  in  the  trial  of 
the  case.  Special  reference  was  made  to  letters  from  Most  to  Spies,  about 
which  he  was  cross-examined;  but  "we  have,"  said  the  court,  "not  been 


CURIOUS  CHANGES  OF  SENTIMENT.  623 

referred  to  any  part  of  the  record  in  which  it  appears  that  objection  was 
made  to  the  use  of  the  evidence  on  that  account,"  and  therefore,  "as  the 
Supreme  Court  of  Illinois  says  so,  we  cannot  consider  the  constitutional 
question  involved." 

The  writ  of  error  prayed  for  in  the  petitions  and  briefs  filed  and  the 
arguments  made  on  their  merits  was  therefore  denied. 

The  late  Chief  Justice  Waite  read  the  decision,  and  there  was  not  a  dis- 
senting opinion,  thus  overwhelmingly  sustaining  the  most  important  rulings 
made  by  Judge  Gary  and  attesting  the  impregnable  position  taken  by  the 
State. 

The  prisoners  in  the  Cook  County  Jail  were  now  confronted  with  the 
awful  fate  in  store  for  them  nine  days  hence  from  the  rendering  of  the 
Supreme  Court's  decision.  But,  like  drowning  men  grasping  at  straws, 
they  turned  in  the  direction  of  executive  clemency.  Their  counsel,  Capt. 
Black  especially,  entertained  strong  hopes  of  securing  from  Gov.  Oglesby 
a  commutation  of  sentence  to  imprisonment  in  the  penitentiary.  Steps 
were  accordingly  taken  looking  to  that  end.  Petitions  to  the  chief  ex- 
ecutive of  Illinois  were  at  once  put  in  circulation  for  signatures,  and  friends 
and  sympathizers  of  the  condemned  busied  themselves  in  writing  personal 
letters  pleading  for  mercy. 

As  the  day  of  execution  approached,  it  was  surprising  to  note  how  many, 
who  had  hitherto  clamored  for  blood  in  atonement  for  the  Haymarket 
massacre,  now  exerted  themselves  in  the  effort  to  secure  executive  clemency. 
With  my  own  eyes  I  saw  people  who  had  made  the  most  fuss  shouting, 
"  Hang  the  Anarchists!  Don't  give  them  a  chance  for  their  lives.  Des- 
troy them  at  once.  They  must  be  roasted  out ;  the  balance  of  them  must 
leave  the  country,"  the  first  to  weaken.  They  began  calling  the  doomed 
Anarchists  "  poor  innocent  men  ;  it  is  too  bad  to  hang  them.  If  they  would 
only  promise  to  do  better  hereafter,  the  authorities  ought  to  let  them  go.  '* 
There  were  others,  again,  who  wished  to  see  the  laws  enforced,  but  who 
failed  to  make  their  true  feelings  known  during  the  interval  immediately 
preceding  the  day  set  for  the  execution.  These,  when  it  became  almost 
certain  that  the  Anarchists  must  hang,  showed  themselves  very  firm  and 
openly  declared  that  the  men  fully  deserved  hanging,  and  should  be  hanged 
as  determined  by  the  verdict  of  the  jury. 

Some  of  those  who  had  given  their  moral  support  to  the  prosecution 
even  went  to  the  extent  of  giving  up  rooms  in  their  residences  for  meetings 
of  parties  interested  in  imploring  executive  clemency,  and  avowed  Anar- 
chists and  Socialists  spread  their  feet  under  mahogany  tables  and  shuffled 
dirt-laden  shoes  over  velvety  rugs  in  houses  that  had  hitherto  sheltered 
owners  who,  on  the  streets  and  in  the  marts  of  trade,  had  denounced  the 
Anarchists  in  unmeasured  terms.  But  there  were  those  who  believed,  from 
the  conclusion  of  the  trial  up  to  the  last  moment,  that  the  law  should  take 


624  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

its  course,  and  these  were  largely  in  the  majority.  Governor  Oglesby  is 
made  of  stern  material,  but  the  most  stern  and  rugged  natures,  with  the 
clearest  perceptions  of  duty  and  the  most  absolute  belief  in  guilt,  would 
have  yielded  to  public  sentiment  as  being  the  best  guide  in  a  case  involving 
the  lives  of  human,  fallible  beings.  Really  public  sentiment  upheld  the  ver- 
dict, and  only  yielded  in  the  abatement  of  the  sentence  of  Fielden  and 
Schwab  as  justified  by  the  mitigating  circumstances  in  their  cases. 

The  day  drew  near  for  decisive  action,  and,  on  the  gth  of  November, 
Capt.  Black,  accompanied  by  his  wife,  George  Schilling,  Mrs.  Schwab,  Mrs. 
and  Miss  Spies,  Miss  Engel,  Miss  Mueller,  Lingg's  sweetheart,  and  Mrs. 
Fischer,  repaired  to  the  Capitol  at  Springfield,  to  personally  intercede  for 
mercy.  The  "  Amnesty  Committee,"  organized  shortly  before  to  arouse 
interest  in  preventing  the  execution,  was  represented  by  Cora  L.  V.  Rich- 
mond, a  noted  trance-spiritualistic  exhorter,  and  a  few  others  of  less  renown. 
Mr.  W.  M.  Salter,  of  the  Ethical  Society  of  Chicago,  Gen.  M.  M.  Trum- 
bull,  Henry  D.  Lloyd  and  S.  P.  McConnell  also  proceeded  to  the  State 
capital  on  special  missions  in  behalf  of  one  or  the  other  of  the  Anarchists, 
and  besides  there  was  a  large  sprinkling  of  labor  representatives.  Gov- 
ernor Oglesby,  who  had  meanwhile  accumulated  a  voluminous  mass  of 
letters  and  had  received  lengthy  petitions  from  Chicago  and  all  other  parts 
of  the  country,  even  from  the  Commune  of  Paris,  met  the  various  delega- 
tions in  his  office  in  the  Executive  Department. 

The  first  speaker  was  Capt.  Black,  who  presented  a  long  petition,  which 
he  read,  signed  by  Schwab,  Fielden  and  Spies.  It  set  forth  the  grounds 
upon  which  an  exercise  of  the  pardoning  power  was  invoked,  claiming  that 
the  signers  were  wholly  innocent  of  any  knowledge  of  the  throwing  of  the 
bomb,  and  giving  a  brief  epitome  of  the,  history  of  the  case.  It  gave  ten 
reasons  for  asking  a  pardon.  These  reasons  may  be  summarized  as  follows  : 

1.  They  were   innocent    of  the  bomb-throwing,    alike   in  act    and   intent. 

2.  They  had  no  knowledge  of  any  purpose  or  arrangement  for  the  throw- 
ing of  the  bomb.     3.  They  (those  present)  counseled  peace  at  the  Hay- 
market  meeting  and  there  disclaimed  any  purpose  of  violence.     4.  A  great 
deal  of  evidence  was  permitted  to  be  presented  in  court  which  had  no  spe- 
cific reference  to  the  crime  charged,  and  an  effort  was  made  to  prove  that 
their  utterances  and  advice  had  reference  alone  to  "defensive  action  by  the 
wage  class  as  against  any  unlawful  attacks  upon  them,"  and  in  thus  pub- 
licly expressing  their  sentiments  by  pen  and  speech  they  were  not  conscious 
that  they  were  violating  the  law.     5.  Under  a  rule  of  responsibility  allowed, 
which  was  contrary  to  Anglo-Saxon  legislation  but  expressed  in  the  statute 
law  of  the  State,  they  were  held  to  be  accessories  "  for  the  act  of  a  supposed 
but  absolutely  unknown  and  unidentified  principal,  when  the  actor  in  the 
commission  of  the  crime  charged  may  have  acted,  not  as  the  agent,  but  the 
enemy,  of  the  accused  ;"  and  they  had  been  tried  as  "the  supposed  leaders 


ASKING  EXECUTIVE  CLEMENCY,  625 

of  a  general  movement  or  conspiracy  embracing  a  much  larger  number  of 
men."  6.  Their  trial  was  at  a  time  of  great  public  excitement,  when  press 
and  public  demanded  their  conviction  as  enemies  of  public  order.  7.  That 
men  were  allowed  to  sit  upon  the  jury  with  strong  prejudices  against  them. 

8.  They  were  not  tried  by  men  according  to  constitutional  rights,  but  had 
jurors  "with  a  prejudgment  of  their  guilt  induced  and  inflamed  by  the  daily 
reading  of  the  papers,"  whose  columns  had  never  ceased  to  denounce  them, 

9.  Some  of  them  were  subjected  to  illegal  cross-examinations,  and  "  the  pro- 
visions of  the  Constitution  and  the  law  were  set  aside,  and  property  unlaw- 
fully seized  in  unauthorized  searches  was  introduced  to  bring  about  a  con- 
viction."     10.  They  believed  and  charged  that  the  special  bailiff  who  was 
intrusted  with  securing  talesmen  for  the  jury  had  deliberately  selected  men 
whose  views  he  was  assured  were  hostile  to  them. 

Capt.  Black  commented  upon  each  -point  made  in  the  petition,  and  ex- 
plained that  up  to  the  time  of  the  Haymarket  meeting  his  clients  had  had 
the  absolute,  uniform  acquiescence  of  the  municipal  authorities  in  all  their 
public  and  secret  gatherings.  He  also  read  an  affidavit  of  Otis  S.  Favor,  to- 
show  that  the  bailiff  had  said  to  affiant  that  he  was  "  managing  this  case  '* 
(meaning  selection  of  the  jury  to  try  the  Anarchists)  and  "he  knew  what  he 
was  about." 

The  plea  was  an  eloquent  and  forcible  one,  but  the  Governor  never  gave 
the  slightest  sign  as  to  how  far  it  had  affected  his  judgment  of  the  case. 

Mrs.  Richmond  spoke  with  reference  to  the  petitions  which  her  committee 
had  presented,  containing  many  signatures,  and  explained  that  "  the  major- 
ity of  those  who  had  signed  them  had  done  so  because  they  considered  it  a 
matter  of  public  policy  that  these  men  should  not  be  hanged."  Another 
reason  she  advanced  was  that  "  these  men  did  not  intend  a  murder,  and  the 
fact  cannot  be,  shown  that  they  had  any  direct  connection  in  the  throwing  of 
the  bomb  which  caused  the  death  of  Officer  Degan."  She  held  that  public 
opinion  was  unanimous  that  these  men  could  not  afford  to  be  sacrificed. 
"The  shock  upon  the  rising  generation  will  be  such  that  it  will  take  fifty  or 
one  hundred  years  to  wipe  it  out,  and  we  believe  it  never  could  be  wiped 
out  from  the  records  of  this  State."  She  asked  that  the  sentence  be  com- 
muted "  on  the  higher  ground  that  it  should  be  done  for  the  welfare  of  the 
people,"  and  then,  after  deploring  the  existence  of  capital  punishment  in 
Illinois,  she  said  that  if  mercy  was  shown  by  the  Governor,  his  name  would 
forever  be  written  on  the  scroll  of  humanity  along  with  that  of  the  martyred 
Abraham  Lincoln.  "  I  again  implore  you,  sir,  to  extend  clemency  to  these 
condemned  men,  and  enroll  your  name  among  those  who  have  dared  to  do 
for  humanity  what  all  the  courts  of  the  land  have  denied." 

Gen.  M.  M.  Trumbull  had  had  a  pamphlet  prepared  respecting  the  trial, 
and  after  presenting  a  copy  of  it  to  the  Governor,  and  calling  attention  to 
the  fact  that  he  had  therein  reviewed  the  unfairness  of  the  trial,  he  made  a 


626  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

few  remarks,  closing  as  follows  :  "  In  behalf  of  the  families  of  these  men  ;  in 
behalf  of  the  men  themselves  ;  in  behalf  of  thousands  and  hundreds  of 
thousands  of  people  who  sympathize  with  them  in  their  misfortunes,  I 
implore  your  Excellency  to  show  mercy  in  their  case." 

Elijah  M.  Haines,  ex-Speaker  of  the  Illinois  House  of  Representatives, 
said  :  "  I  do  not  come  here,  your  Excellency,  like  others,  to  appeal  to  the 
executive  of  this  State  to  exercise  an  act  of  clemency ;  neither  do  I  come 
here  representing  petitioners.  But  I  come  here  representing  a  sentiment 
appealing  to  the  executive  branch  of  the  government  for  an  act  of  justice." 
His  plea  was  based  simply  on  the  ground  of  justice,  not  policy,  and  he  held 
that  what  had  been  a  crime  years  ago  was  not  a  crime  now,  and  that  "this 
sentence,  at  this  time,  would  not  have  been  the  sentence  of  the  barbarous  race 
that  preceded  us."  He  held  that  no  conspiracy  had  been  proven,  and  that 
the  men  had  been  condemned  to  die  through  prejudice.  He  did  not  believe 
in  capital  punishment,  and  concluded  that  "the  peculiar  complication  of  this 
case  would  make  the  execution  of  these  men  hazardous  to  the  best  interests 
of  society." 

State  Senator  Streeter  made  a  short  address.  He  began  by  saying  : 
"We  are  not  here  to  favor  any  crime,  but  we  do  believe  that  this  case 
marks  an  epoch  in  our  history ;  that  you  and  I,  Governor,  and  the  people 
who  are  living,  probably  never  met  or  never  will  again  meet  an  emergency 
in  history  like  this.  It  is  almost  without  parallel."  He  then  pleaded  for 
clemency  on  the  ground  of  "  the  common  good  of  society,"  and  asked  the 
Governor  to  give  the  petition  a  careful  consideration. 

Messrs.  Bailey  and  Campbell,  representing  the  Trades  and  Labor 
Assembly  of  Quincy,  111.,  each  spoke  a  few  words  for  the  doomed  men, 
and  they  were  followed  by  William  Urban,  who  spoke  "for  the  German 
workingmen  of  North  Chicago,"  and  presented  a  set  of  resolutions  passed 
by  the  Central  Labor  Union. 

L.  S.  Oliver,  on  behalf  of  the  "Amnesty  Committee,"  made  a  few  state- 
ments and  presented  a  petition  containing  41,000  names. 

Mr.  Shullenberg,  of  Detroit,  Mich.,  said  he  represented  forty-five  or- 
ganizations, and  he  asked,  on  their  behalf,  that  executive  clemency  be 
extended. 

C.  G.  Dixon,  of  Chicago,  also  submitted  a  long  petition,  and  addressed 
the  Governor  at  some  length.  He  was  followed  by  Samuel  Gompers,  of 
New  York,  President  of  the  American  Federation  of  Labor,  who  went  into 
an  account  of  the  eight-hour  movement,  and  held  that  the  police  were 
responsible  for  the  Haymarket  riot.  He  said  that  thousands  would  consider 
that  the  men  had  been  executed  because  they  had  stood  up  for  free  speech 
and  free  assemblage,  and  maintained  that  throughout  the  civilized  world 
there  had  arisen  a  protest  against  the  execution  of  the  men.  He  concluded 
by  saying  that  the  throwing  of  that  bomb  had  killed  the  eight-hour  move- 


"FATAL  FACILITY  OF  SPEECH."       .  627 

ment,  and  that,  had  it  not  been  for  that,  it  would  have  been  successful  to  a 
great  extent. 

Other  addresses  were  made  by  Edward  King,  of  District  Assembly  49, 
of  New  York  ;  President  Quinn,  of  the  same  organization,  and  George 
Schilling.  The  various  delegations  then  withdrew  to  permit  the  relatives 
of  the  doomed  men  to  confer  personally  with  the  Governor,  and  then  each 
in  turn  gave  a  few  reasons  why  the  Governor  should  be  lenient. 

After  this  conference  Mr.  J.  R.  Buchanan  and  Mrs.  George  Schilling, 
accompanied  by  two  friends,  sought  an  audience  with  the  Governor  and 
presented  a  personal  letter  from  August  Spies.  In  that  letter,  dated 
November  6,  among  other  things  he  wrote  : 

"  I  care  not  to  protest  my  innocence  of  any  crime,  and  of  the  one  I  am 
accused  of  in  particular.  I  have  done  that,  and  leave  the  rest  to  the  judg- 
ment of  history.  ...  If  a  sacrifice  of  life  there  must  be,  will  not  my  life 
suffice  ?  The  State's  Attorney  of  Cook  County  asked  for  no  more.  Take 
this,  then  !  Take  my  life  !  I  offer  it  to  you  so  that  you  may  satisfy  the 
fury  of  a  semi-barbaric  mob,  and  save  that  of  my  comrades." 

This  extract  fully  indicates  the  whole  tenor  of  the  letter. 

Messrs.  Salter,  Lloyd  and  McConnell  next  visited  the  Governor  and 
spoke  on  behalf  of  the  men. 

Mr.  Edward  Johnson,  a  slate  and  stone  dealer  of  Chicago,  presented  a 
petition  on  behalf  of  Fielden's  former  employers,  numbering  thirty-one 
firms,  and  in  that  document  they  set  forth  that  they  had  known  Fielden  for 
fifteen  years  as  an  honest,  hard-working,  sober,  reliable  employe,  with  no 
brutal  or  bloody  instincts,  and  that  the  only  trouble  with  him  was  that  "  he 
was  cursed  with  a  gift  of  rude  eloquence,  a  fatal  facility  of  speech,  and  had 
a  consuming  desire  for  the  praise  and  applause  of  his  fellow-men,  and  in 
this  lay  the  cause  of  his  downfall." 

This  petition  was  accompanied  by  a  personal  letter  from  Fielden,  dated 
November  5,  1887.  After  speaking  of  his  earlier  years,  and  his  interest  in 
the  cause  of  workingmen,  the  letter  concludes : 

"  I  was  intoxicated  with  the  applause  of  my  hearers,  and,  the  more  vio- 
lent my  language,  the  more  applause  I  received.  My  audience  and  myself 
mutually  excited  each  other.  I  think,  however,  it  is  true  that,  for  sensa- 
tional or  other  purposes,  words  were  put  in  my  mouth  and  charged  to  me 
which  I  never  uttered ;  but,  whether  this  be  true  or  not,  I  say  now  that  I  no 
longer  believe  it  proper  that  any  class  of  society  should  attempt  to  right  its 
own  wrongs  by  violence.  I  can  now  see  that  much  that  I  said  under 
excitement  was  unwise,  and  all  this  I  regret.  It  is  not  true,  however,  that 
I  ever  consciously  attempted  to  incite  any  man  to  the  commission  of  crime. 
Although  I  do  admit  that  I  belonged  to  an  organization  which  was  engaged 
at  one  time  in  preparing  for  a  social  revolution,  I  was  not  engaged  in  any 
conspiracy  to  manufacture  or  throw  bombs.  I  never  owned  or  carried  a 
revolver  in  my  life  and  did  not  fire  one  at  the  Haymarket.  I  had  not  the 
slightest  idea  that  the  meeting  at  the  Haymarket  would  be  other  than  a 


628  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

peaceable  and  orderly  one,  such  as  I  had  often  addressed  in  this  city,  and 
was  utterly  astounded  at  its  bloody  outcome,  and  have  always  felt  keenly 
the  loss  of  life  and  suffering  there  occasioned. 

"  In  view  of  these  facts  I  respectfully  submit  that,  while  I  confess  with 
regret  the  use  of  extravagant  and  unjustifiable  words,  I  am  not  a  murderer. 
I  never  had  any  murderous  intent,  and  I  humbly  pray  relief  from  the  mur- 
derer's doom.  That  these  statements  are  true  I  do  again  solemnly  affirm 
by  every  tie  that  I  hold  sacred,  and  I  hope  that  your  Excellency  will  give  a 
considerate  hearing  to  the  merits  of  my  case,  and  also  to  those  of  my  im- 
prisoned companions  who  have  been  sentenced  with  me." 

Judge  Gary  and  Mr.  Grinnell  also  wrote  a  letter  setting  forth  this 
natural  desire  of  Fielden's  for  applause  and  saying  that  there  was  no  evi- 
dence showing  that  he  knew  of  any  preparations  to  throw  the  bomb.  They 
believed  him  to  have  been  an  honest  and  industrious  man  and  thought  exec- 
utive clemency  in  his  case  would  be  justifiable. 

A  letter  from  Schwab  was  also  presented  to  the  Governor.     It  was  short 
and  read  as  follows  : 

"  As  supplemental  to  the  petition  heretofore  signed  by  me,  I  desire  to 
say  that  I  realize  that  many  utterances  of  mine  in  connection  with  the  labor 
agitation  of  the  past,  expressions  made  under  intense  excitement,  and  often 
without  any  deliberation,  were  injudicious.  These  I  regret,  believing  that 
they  must  have  had  a  tendency  to  incite  to  unnecessary  violence  oftentimes. 
I  protest  again  that  I  had  no  thought  or  purpose  of  violence  in  connection 
with  the  Haymarket  meeting,  which  I  did  not  even  attend,  and  that  I  have 
always  deplored  the  results  of  that  meeting." 

This  was  accompanied  by  a  letter  from  Judge  Gary,  concurring  with 
State's  Attorney  Grinnell's  opinion  that  Schwab's  case  deserved  considera- 
tion, as  the  man  was  friendless  and  had  evidently  been  the  pliant  tool  of 
stronger-willed  men.  George  C.  Ingham  also  wrote,  saying  that  if  execu- 
tive clemency  was  shown  to  Fielden  and  Schwab  it  would  not  be  misplaced. 

While  the  case  was  thus  being  discussed  at  Springfield,  Parsons,  Lingg, 
Engel  and  Fischer  were  strongly  urged  by  their  friends  to  send  personal 
letters  appealing  for  clemency,  but  each  absolutely  refused.  They  wrote 
letters  to  the  Governor,  but  declared  that  they  would  not  accept  a  pardon 
unless  it  restored  them  to  full  liberty.  They  held  that  they  had  committed 
no  wrong,  and  hence  could  seek  no  clemency  except  that  which  would  re- 
lease them  from  imprisonment. 

On  the  same  day  that  the  delegations  appeared  befor  the  Governor,  Mr. 
Vere  V.  Hunt  went  before  Judge  Richard  J.  Prendergast,  of  the  County 
Court  in  Chicago,  and  filed  a  petition  to  try  the  sanity  of  Lingg.  He  gave 
as  witnesses  Dr.  James  G.  Kiernan,  George  E.  Detwiler,  Ferdinand 
Spies,  Ida  Spies,  Henry  Spies,  Chris  Spies,  Mr.  Kuttleman,  Gustav  Poch, 
Louis  Zetter,  Mr.  Linnemeyer  and  W.  Bentthin.  After  arguments,  Judge 
Prendergast  held  that,  in  view  of  the  judgment  of  the  Supreme  Court,  affirm- 
ing the  sentence  of  the  Criminal  Court,  he  had  no  jurisdiction.  The  next 


A  STARTLING  INCIDENT. 


629 


-day  Mr.  Hunt  presented  the  same  petition  to  Judge  Frank  Baker,  but,  after 
hearing  arguments,  the  court  declined  to  examine  into  the  question  of  the 
bomb-maker's  sanity. 

Another  curious  move  was  also  made  on  behalf  of  Parsons  on  the  day 
preceding  the  execution.  It  was  an  application  for  a  writ  of  habeas  corpus 
by  Attorney  Salomon,  and  was  presented  before  Judge  M.  F.  Tuley.  The 
.grounds  on  which  it  was  based  were  that  the  judgment  affirmed  by  the 
Supreme  Court  was  directed  against  seven  men  and  not  against  one,  and 
that  the  prisoner,  not  being  in  court  when  the  sentence  was  passed,  could 
not  be  executed  under  it.  He  also  claimed  that  the  death  warrant  was  not 
legal  because  it  did  not  run  in  the  name  of  the  people  of  the  State  of  Illi- 
nois. Judge  Tuley  said  the  court  had  no  power  to  correct  any  errors  of 
the  Supreme  Court,  and  that  the  prisoner  was 
legally  in  the  custody  of  the  Sheriff,  and  the  ap- 
plication would  accordingly  be  denied. 

While  favorable  results  were  being  anticipated 
by  some  as  to  the  Governor's  decision,  an  incident 
occurred  which  dampened  their  expectations  and 
somewhat  affected  public  sentiment  in  the  belief  of 
the  guilt  of  the  conspirators.  Although  it  proba- 
bly had  no  effect  on  the  Governor's  decision,  An- 
archists at  large  thought  it  would  highly  prejudice 
the  case  of  their  friends  at  his  hands.  This  inci- 
•dent  was  the  horrible  suicide  of  Louis  Lingg. 

While  the  Anarchists  were  confined  in  the 
Cook  County  Jail  they  were  quartered  in  that  por- 
tion of  the  premises  known  as  "murderers'  row." 
This  row  faces  south  on  the  first  gallery,  in  view 
of  the  entrance  to  the  jail  corridor,  and  had  been 
.so  designated  because  in  times  past  men  accused 
of  murder  and  awaiting  trial,  or  men  convicted  of  murder  and  awaiting  exe- 
cution of  sentence,  were  kept  in  the  cells  on  that  tier.  Lingg,  the  most 
defiant  Anarchist  of  them  all,  occupied  cell  No.  22  ;  Engel,  No.  23  ;  Spies, 
No.  24  ;  Schwab,  No.  26 ;  Fielden,  No.  27,  and  Fischer,  No.  28.  During 
Neebe's  detention,  before  being  taken  to  the  penitentiary,  he  occupied  cell 
No.  21.  All  the  prisoners  were  subjected  to  strict  prison  discipline.  The 
rules  of  the  jail  knew  no  relaxation  in  the  case  of  any  one  brought  into 
that  part  of  the  establishment,  and  each  regulation  was  carried  out  to  the 
very  letter. 

Jailor  Folz  is  a  veteran  in  the  service,  having  filled  the  jailorship  off  and 
on  for  twenty-two  years,  and  he  thoroughly  understands  all  the  requirements 
in  the  way  of  jail  discipline,  to  prevent  escapes  and  guard  against  suicides 
and  assaults.  I  know  him  well,  and  he  always  has  one  ear  and  one  eye  open 


JAILOR  FOLZ. 

From  a  Photograph. 


630  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

to  the  conduct  of  the  prisoners  and  the  other  eye  and  ear  for  his  own  security, 
like  a  sailor  who  gives  one-half  of  his  body  to  the  ship  and  reserves  the  other 
half  for  his  own  safety.  Where  so  many  desperate  characters  are  confined 
it  requires  the  utmost  vigilance  to  keep  them  under  control  and  restrain  them 
from  violent  outbreaks.  Men  whose  lives  have  been  almost  a  continual 
record  of  misdeeds,  crimes  and  murders  are  not,  as  a  rule,  easily  handled, 
and  the  wonder  is  that  there  have  been  so  few  to  create  trouble  in  Folz's 
bailiwick. 

One  of  the  rules  is  a  regular  inspection  of  all  the  cells  for  contraband 
articles  and  the  exclusion  of  all  implements  calculated  to  aid  a  prisoner  in 
effecting  his  escape.  Sometimes  a  revolver  may  be  found  during  these  in- 
spections ;  at  other  times  a  tiny  saw  for  cutting  the  bars,  and  then  again 
some  tool  for  cutting  through  the  flagstones  with  a  view  to  reaching  the  air- 
shaft  or  getting  into  the  sewer  underneath  ;  and,  though  rarely,  even  smug- 
gled poison  has  been  discovered. 

All  prisoners  are  carefully  searched  before  being  locked  up,  but  it  fre- 
quently happens  that  prisoners  are  permitted  to  talk  with  their  friends 
through  the  lawyers'  cage.  This  cage  is  an  inclosure  ten  by  sixteen  feet  in 
dimensions,  with  iron  bars  and  strong  wires,  and  while  it  would  seem  im- 
possible to  pass  anything  through  the  narrow  interstices,  now  and  then  an 
aperture  is  pried  open  wide  enough  to  pass  in  contraband  articles.  In 
this  way  many  things  have  been  found  smuggled  into  the  jail.  Food  and 
delicacies  handed  into  the  jail  office  for  prisoners  are  always  carefully 
examined,  and  this  precaution  was  particularly  exercised  in  the  case  of 
the  Anarchists  as  the  time  approached  for  their  execution. 

On  Sunday  morning,  November  6,  1887,  Mr.  Folz  gave  orders  about 
eight  o'clock  to  have  the  cells  of  the  Anarchists  searched,  and  Deputies 
John  Eagan  and  O.  E.  Hogan  were  detailed  for  that  purpose.  Lingg's  cell 
was  first  examined,  and  while  the  search  proceeded  he  was  locked  up  in 
the  "lawyers'  cage."  A  lot  of  revolutionary  books,  copies  of  the  Arbeiter- 
Zeitung  and  other  papers  were  taken  out  and  thrown  temporarily  in  the 
corridor.  In  one  corner  of  the  room  stood  a  ten-pound  starch-box,  in  one 
nook  of  which  there  was  a  kerosene  lamp,  about  which  again  some  onions 
were  piled.  Box  and  onions  were  placed  on  the  gallery  platform  for  the 
time  being. 

The  officers  were  next  about  to  proceed  to  a  search  of  Engel's  cell,  but 
just  before  doing  so  Hogan  happened  to  kick  box,  onions  and  all  over  the 
platform,  down  onto  the  main  floor.  At  the  time  some  of  the  prisoners, 
who  were  exercising  themselves  in  the  corridor,  got  curious  as  to  the 
contents  of  the  rubbish,  and,  in  the  hope  of  finding  something  they  might 
desire,  began  a  search  of  the  pile.  Some  of  them  seemed  particularly 
interested  in  something  they  had  discovered,  and  Hogan,  noticing  their 
intent  gaze,  stopped  to  look  at  the*m.  He  noticed  that  one  of  the  prisoners 


THE  SUICIDE  BOMBS.  631 

i 

had  something  strange  in  his  hands.  Eagan  also  noticed  the  same  thing 
and  started  on  a  run  down-stairs.  Arriving  at  the  place  where  the  knot  of 
prisoners  had  gathered,  he  found  that  the  curious  object  which  they  were 
scrutinizing  was  nothing  else  than  a  dynamite  bomb.  The  bomb,  it 
appears,  had  been  dashed  out  of  the  box  as  it  fell  on  the  floor  from  the 
gallery  platform  above,  and  interest  at  once  centered  in  the  innocent- 
looking  box.  Mr.  Eagan  found  therein  three  other  bombs,  and  they  were 
immediately  taken  to  Jailor  Folz's  office.  The  box  was  next  carefully 
examined,  and  it  was  found  to  have  a  false  bottom,  in  which  the  bombs  had 
been  concealed.  Some  six  days  before  this  box  had  been  brought  into 
the  jail,  and,  being  apparently  empty,  it  had  been  passed  in  to  Lingg.  It 
was  evident  that  it  had  been  made  according  to  Lingg's  instructions  by 
some  handy  carpenter  who  was  a  close  friend,  and,  judging  from  its 
construction,  it  seems  to  have  been  patterned  after  Lingg's  trunk,  which, 
it  will  be  remembered,  also  had  a  false  bottom,  and  in  whose  secret  apart- 
ment I  found  a  lot  of  dynamite,  together  with  a  coil  of  fuse  and  a  supply 
of  caps.  Either  the  bombs  were  in  the  box  at  the  time  it  was  brought  to 
the  jail,  or  they  must  have  been  smuggled  in  through  a  temporarily-forced 
opening  in  the  wire  cage.  The  officials  incline  to  the  former  theory. 

Lingg  was  a  most  interested  spectator.  It  was  evident  from  his  actions 
that  the  discovery  greatly  troubled  him.  His  face  became  almost  livid 
with  rage,  his  eyes  fairly  snapped  fire,  and  he  fumed  in  his  cage  like  an  im- 
prisoned beast  of  prey.  He  was  speechless  with  anger,  and  every  motion 
betrayed  an  energy  of  passion  that  was  fearful  to  behold. 

After  a  little  while  Lingg  was  taken  out  of  the  "lawyers'  cage,"  and 
thereafter  he  was  confined  in  a  cell  fixed  up  for  him  on  the  lower  floor,  where 
he  could  be  directly  under  the  eyes  of  the  officials,  who  by  this  time  had 
come  to  regard  him  as  a  very  dangerous  man.  At  ten  o'clock  on  the  same 
morning,  I  received  a  dispatch  from  the  Sheriff  asking  me  to  call  at  the 
jail  immediately.  Arriving  there,  I  met  Sheriff  Matson  and  Jailor  Folz,  and 
after  they  had  explained  the  circumstances  of  the  morning's  find,  the  four 
bombs  were  handed  to  me  for  examination.  I  found  that  they  were  all 
loaded  with  dynamite  of  the  regular  kind,  and  I  gave  it  as  my  opinion  that 
they  were  manifestly  intended  for  suicidal  purposes,  to  escape  the  gallows. 
I  could  not  believe  that  they  were  made  for  any  other  purpose.  Both  the 
Sheriff  and  the  Jailor  concurred  in  this  view,  and  they  so  expressed  them- 
selves to  outsiders,  although  sensational  reports  were  circulated  in  the 
newspapers  that  the  bombs  were  smuggled  in  to  be  used  especially  on  the 
day  of  the  execution,  to  blow  the  jail,  prisoners  and  visitors  to  the  four 
winds. 

I  took  charge  of  the  bombs,  ajid  subsequently,  at  the  station,  gave  them 
a  more  thorough  examination.  They  were  all  of  the  same  size,  being  six 
inches  long,  three-eighth  gas-pipe,  and  one  end  of  each  had  been  plugged 


632 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 


with  a  boiler  rivet  one  inch  long.  On  each  rivet  there  had  been  cut 
about  a  dozen  notches  with  a  sharp  chisel,  and  after  the  rivets  had  been 
inserted  hot  lead  had  been  poured  into  the  pipe  from  the  top,  thus  fasten- 
ing them  in  place.  A  wooden  plug,  through  which  a  hole  had  been  bored  in 
the  center  for  the  cap  and  fuse,  had  been  put  at  the  other  end  of  each  pipe  ; 
and  thus  plugged,  with  a  charge  of  dynamite  inside,  it  was  a  most  destruc- 
tive implement.  The  dynamite  used  was  of  the  regular  factory  make,  the 
percussion  cap  of  English  manufacture,  and  the  fuse  of  the  tar-cloth,  water- 
proof kind.  The  fuse  was  cut  scarcely  an  inch  long,  and  a  fuse  of  that 
length  would  explode  the  cap  as  soon  almost  as  it  was  ignited.  I  explained 
these  features  in  a  general  way  to  Sheriff  Matson  and  Jailor  Folz,  and  told 
them  that  with  such  a  short  fuse  no  one  using  one  of  these  deadly  contriv- 
ances could  light  it  and  then  throw  the  bomb  away  before  it  would  explode. 
It  might,  as  I  explained  to  them,  be  kept  about  the  body  or  inserted  in  a 
man's  mouth,  and  in  an  instant  after  being  lighted  an  explosion  would  follow. 

Hence  my  theory  was  that  they  were  designed  ex- 
clusively for  suicidal  purposes.  A  photographic  il- 
lustration of  the  suicide  bombs  appears  on  page  595. 
The  bomb  used  at  the  Haymarket  was  of  the 
kind  called  the  "  five  and  six  seconds  fuse."  The 
fuse  on  a  bomb  of  that  kind  was  cut  at  a  length  of 
four  inches,  and  the  instruction  to  Anarchists  in 
handling  one  of  them  was  to  count  four  just  as  soon 
as  the  fuse  caught  fire,  and  then  throw  it.  If  the 
bombs  found  in  Lingg's  cell  had  had  that  length 
of  fuse,  then  it  might  have  been  possible  that  they 
were  intended  for  general  destruction.  These 
bombs  had  evidently  been  made  under  instruc- 
tions from  Lingg.  He  was  the  only  one  who 
made  bombs  by  plugging  up  one  end  with  lead, 
and,  whoever  the  party  was  that  turned  them  out  for  him,  he  must  have  had 
some  prior  experience  with  Lingg  in  bomb-making.  That  could  be  plainly 
seen,  too,  in  the  way  the  fuse  had  been  fastened  in  the  caps.  It  was  also  mani- 
fest that  the  man  must  have  been  a  machinist.  But  no  clue  as  to  his  iden- 
tity could  be  secured,  and,  of  course,  Lingg  never  gave  the  slightest  hint  to 
any  of  the  officers,  or  even  to  his  associates. 

Thereafter,  as  might  have  been  expected,  Lingg  was  more  carefully 
watched  than  ever.  No  strange  visitors  were  permitted  to  see  him.  The 
discovery  of  the  explosives  had  created  an  intense  and  widespread  excite- 
ment, and  Sheriff  Matson  issued  most  stringent  orders  with  reference,  not 
only  to  Lingg,  but  to  all  the  other  confined  Anarchists.  By  these  orders 
the  public  was  measurably  reassured. 

The  bomb-maker  had  been  committed  to  cell  No.  u,  and  e^ery  article 


BENJ.  P.  PRICE. 


LOUIS   LINGO'S  TERRIBLE    DEATH. 


634  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

constituting  its  outfit  had  been  subjected  to  the  closest  inspection.  It 
seemed  certain  that  there  could  be  no  dynamite  in  that  cell.  Besides  this, 
Mr.  Benjamin  P.  Price,  the  Jail  Clerk,  made  it  his  special  business  to  look 
after  the  desperate  man,  and  there  seemed  no  possibility  of  danger  from 
that  quarter. 

But  on  the  morning  of  the  ioth  of  November,  at  8:45  o'clock,  the  officials 
as  well  as  occupants  of  the  jail  were  startled  by  the  sound  of  a  terrific  ex- 
plosion. Consternation  seized  everybody  for  the  moment.  Each  surmised 
that  some  sad  havoc  had  been  created  in  some  portion  of  the  jail,  and  that 
his  special  section  had  miraculously  escaped.  All  within  the  jail  precincts 
jumped  to  their  feet,  and  the  most  eager  inquiries  were  made  as  to  the  cause 
of  the  noise.  Even  the  inmates  of  the  cells  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of 
the  spot  where  the  explosion  had  occurred  thought  that  some  other  portion  of 
the  building  had  been  blown  up,  and  they  were  uncertain  whether  the  attack 
had  come  from  without  or  within. 

The  first  idea  credited  the  explosion  to  confederates  of  the  Anarchists 
on  the  outside.  This  was  a  perfectly  natural  conclusion.  All  sorts  of 
rumors  about  violent  demonstrations  and  forcible  attempts  at  rescue  of  the 
doomed  Anarchists  were  in  circulation  about  the  city,  and  the  instant  this 
detonation  was  heard  it  was  supposed  that  the  threats  had  been  finally  car- 
ried into  effect.  So  loud  was  the  report  that  people  passing  on  the  streets 
surrounding  the  jail  imagined  that  fearful  destruction  must  have  been 
created  inside.  But  after  the  first  flush  of  excitement  had  subsided,  the 
source  of  the  commotion  was  easily  and.  speedily  ascertained. 

The  explosion  had  occurred  in  Lingg's  cell.  The  night  before  Lingg 
had  appeared  in  one  of  his  complacent  moods,  and  when  the  death-watch 
eyed  him  closely  the  next  morning  nothing  unusual  was  discovered  in  his 
demeanor.  Lingg  seemed  to  be  resting  easily  on  his  couch,  and  there  was 
not  the  slightest  indication  that  anything  tragic  was  contemplated.  While 
the  death-watch,  Deputy  Sheriff  Osborne,  was  giving  his  attention  to  some- 
thing else  for  a  moment,  however,  Lingg  saw  his  opportunity,  rose  steal- 
thily from  his  bed,  seized  a  candle  that  flickered  dimly  in  a  corner  of  the 
cell,  and,  jumping  back  to  his  couch,  put  the  bomb  in  his  mouth  and 
applied  the  flame.  In  an  instant  a  loud  explosion  followed. 

Officials  were  soon  in  the  cell  and  found  Lingg  lying  on  his  side  on  the 
couch,  with  one  arm  thrown  over  his  head  and  the  other  resting  on  a  little 
table.  A  stream  of  blood  was  coursing  down  the  pillow,  and  pools  of  it 
had  gathered  upon  the  bedding.  The  deputies  raised  him  up  gently.  A 
ghastly  sight  met  their  gaze.  The  lower  jaw  had  been  almost  entirely 
blown  away,  the  upper  lip  was  completely  torn  to  shreds,  the  greater  part 
of  his  nose  was  in  tatters,  only  a  fragment  of  his  tongue  remained,  and 
every  vestige  of  front  teeth  had  disappeared.  What  remained  of  his 
cheeks  looked  like  flesh  torn  by  vultures,  and  every  jagged  part  bled  pro- 


LINGG'S  HORRIBLE  DEATH. 


635 


fusely.  The  inside  of  his  upper  jaw  was  horribly  lacerated.  It  looked  as 
though  no  man  could  survive  such  a  wound  for  a  moment  after  its  infliction. 
And  yet  the  bomb-maker  was  alive  and  breathing  regularly. 

Lingg  was  at  once  removed  from  the  cell  to  a  large  bath-room  near 
the  Jailor's  office,  and  made  as  comfortable  as  circumstances  would  permit. 
Drs.  Fenger,  Moyer  and  Bluthardt  were  at  once  sent  for,  and  they  re- 
sponded immediately.  They  applied  such  restoratives  as  medical  science 
suggested,  but  they  found  no  little  difficulty  in  stopping  the  bleeding  and 
preventing  the  blood  from  running  down  the  man's  throat  and  interfering 
with  his  breathing.  Now  and  then  he  coughed,  and  with  each  spell 
emitted  large  quantities  of  blood.  The  pallet  upon,  which  he  rested,  and 
the  floor  under- 
neath, were  satu- 
rated with  blood, 
and  its  strong 
flow  attested  a 
superb  physical 
condition  —  a 
wonderful  vital- 
ity. 

During  all  the 
operations  of  the 
surgeons  Lingg 
remained  perfect- 
ly conscious  and 
eye  d  them  as 
complacently  as 
though  they  had 
been  at  work  on 
some  other  pa- 
tient. He  showed 
no  concern  and 

never  quivered.  While  calmly  stretched  on  the  cot,  he  closely  observed  all 
who  entered  the  room  and  seemed  surprised  at  their  consternation.  It  was 
only  when  some  police  officers  entered  to  look  at  him  that  he  showed  signs 
of  nervousness,  and  then,  with  pantomimic  flourishes  of  his  hand,  he  indi- 
cated that  he  desired  them  to  leave.  The  signs  were  correctly  interpreted ; 
for  the  moment  the  officers  left  he  quieted  down  easily,  and  a  grateful  look 
from  his  eyes  expressed  his  satisfaction.  John  C.  Klein,  who  afterwards 
became  famous  for  the  active  part  he  took  in  the  troubles  in  the  island  of 
Samoa  —  readers  will  remember  that  there  was  a  great  deal  of  diplomatic 
correspondence  on  account  of  them,  that  there  was  even  talk  of  war  betwen 
the  United  States  and  Germany — was  at  that  time  a  reporter  for  one  of  the 


LINGO'S  LAST  WORDS. 
From  a  Photograph. 


636 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 


Chicago  dailies,  and  in  that  capacity  was  present  in  the  room.  While  still 
being  operated  upon,  Lingg  beckoned  to  Klein  for  pencil  and  paper,  and, 
these  being  handed  to  him,  he  wrote,  in  German  :  "  Please  support  my  back. 
When-  I  lie  down  I  cannot  breathe."  That  piece  of  paper,  stained  with 
Lingg's'  blood,  is  still  in  existence,  and  is  shown  in  the  engraving. 

Everything  was  done  to  alleviate  Lingg's  sufferings,  but  he  died  at  2:45 
that  afternoon. 

The  bomb-maker's  remains  were  placed  in  a  neat  coffin,  and  Bailiff 
Eagan  was  detailed  to  critically  examine  Lingg's  cell.  It  was  discovered 
that  when  Lingg  had  lighted  the  bomb,  which  had  been  placed  firmly 
between  the  teeth,  he  was  reclining  on  his  cot,  with  his  head  near  the  wall. 
This  was  indicated  by  the  fact  that  Eagan  found  portions  of  the  man's 
mustache,  pieces  of  the  tongue  and  shreds  of  flesh  clinging  firmly  to  the  wall 
nearest  where  the  head  had  rested.  A  piece  of  the  tallow  candle  which 
had  stood  before  its  tragic  use  in  a  corner  of  the  cell  was  found  in  the  bed, 
and  the  wall  where  the  head  had  lain  was  not  only  marred  by  the  almost 
direct  force  of  the  explosion,  but  thickly  bespattered  with  blood.  All  this 
indicated  unmistakably  the  means  Lingg  had  used  to  light  the  bomb  and 
the  position  he  had  assumed  when  applying  the  fatal  spark. 

The  bomb- used  was  undoubtedly  simi- 
lar to  the  lot  discovered  a  few  days  previ- 
ously.      But  how  it  became  separated  and 
in    what    manner    it    was    concealed    and 
smuggled  into  Lingg's  hands  after  he  had 
been  placed  in  a  new  cell  and  put  under 
strict  surveillance,  are  matters  of  conjec- 
ture.    My  own  theory  is  that  Lingg  had 
a   confidential  friend  among  the   smaller 
I  class  of  criminals.     To  such  a  friend  this 
1  bomb  was  intrusted  for  safe-keeping  in  the 
I  event  of  the  discovery  of  the  bombs  in  his 
own  cell,  and  when  they  were  found  he 
relied  on  that  trusted  friend  to  help  him 
to  escape  the  gallows.     In  no  other  way 
could  this  bomb  have  come  into  the  pos- 
JOHN  c.  KLEIN.  session  of   Lingg,  since   the  prisoner  had 

been  searched  several  times  and  nothing  found  upon  him.  A  confederate 
must  have  carefully  kept  the  bomb  and  smuggled  it  to  him  at  the  last 
moment.  Everything  indicated  that  the  bomb  had  been  part  of  the  dis- 
covered explosives,  and  its  use  fully  corroborated  the  opinion  I  had  given  to 
Sheriff  Matson  and  Jailor  Folz  at  the  time  of  the  find,  that  the  bombs  were 
only  intended  for  suicidal  purposes  and  had  been  brought  into  the  jail  for 
no  other  object.  At  the  time  this  opinion  was  given  I  was  severely  criti- 


GOV.   OGLESBY'S  ACTION.  637 

cised  by  Chief  Ebersold  and  others  —  the  newspapers  especially — for  ad- 
vancing such  a  theory.  They  maintained  that  the  bombs  had  been  brought 
in  to  be  thrown  at  the  time  of  the  execution,  so  as  not  only  to  kill  all  who 
might  become  spectators,  but  to  enable  the  Anarchists  to  escape  hanging 
by  death  in  the  general  destruction  around  them.  A  few  of  the  papers  even 
went  so  far  as  to  attribute  the  opinion  to  "Schaack's  stupidity." 

The  doomed  Anarchists  were  closely  watched  when  it  became  quite  ap- 
parent that  there  was  no  chance  of  their  escaping  the  gallows  either  through 
an  intervention  of  the  courts  or  through  executive  clemency.  Before  this, 
however,  some  latitude  had  been  allowed  them.  They  had  been  watched, 
of  course,  but  the  rigorous  scrutiny  subsequently  adopted  had  not  then 
prevailed.  Visitors  had  been  admitted,  and,  although  separate  conversa- 
tions had  not  been  permitted,  prisoners  and  friends  had  been  close  together. 
No  contraband  articles  had  ever  been  noticed,  however,  the  general  opinion 
among  the  jail  officials  being  that,  considering  the  prisoners  were  so  hope- 
ful of  good  results  from  the  labors  of  their  counsel,  such  a  thing  as  suicide 
was  not  contemplated  by  any  one  of  them. 

The  first  thing  to  arouse  Jailor  Folz's  suspicion  was  Engel's  action  one 
day  about  the  ist  of  November.  It  appears  that  at  that  time  Engel  was 
very  nervous  and  restless,  and  secured  some  morphine  to  quiet  his/ nerves. 
He  took  an  over-dose,  and  when  charged  with  having  deliberately  done  so 
with  suicidal  intent,  he  stoutly  maintained  that  he  had  taken  too  much  by 
mistake.  Folz  thought  no  man  could  take  such  a  dose  except  with  a  view 
to  suicide,  and  he  resolved  to  keep  a  close  watch  on  Engel  thereafter  and 
allow  him  no  medicine  save  what  was  administered  by  a  physician.  The 
others  were  also  more  closely  watched  after  that  episode.  All  were  searched 
at  stated  intervals,  as  I  have  already  mentioned. 

One  day,  while  Parsons  was  being  searched,  he  was  handed  a  common 
white  shirt  by  Otto  Folz,  a  son  of  the  Jailor.  Parsons  looked  at  it  for  a 
moment  and  then  exclaimed  : 

"  My  God  !  you  are  not  going  to  put  a  shroud  on  a  live  man  ?" 

After  the  bomb  discovery  the  doomed  Anarchists  were  removed  from 
their  old  cells  and  placed  on  the  lower  floor,  along  the  tier  containing 
Lingg's  cell.  Parsons  was  put  in  cell  No.  7  ;  Fischer,  No.  8,  and  Engel, 
No.  9.  When  Lingg  had  been  removed  to  the  bath-room,  his  comrades 
were  again  subjected  to  an  examinaton,  and  their  clothes  were  all  changed 
in  the  Jailor's  office.  While  this  change  was  being  effected,  Parsons  became 
greatly  agitated,  and  he  remarked  : 

"  If  I  only  had  one  of  the  bombs  Lingg  had  in  his  cell,  I  would  make 
very  short  work  of  all  this." 

Fischer  also  made  a  similar  remark.  He  said  that  he  was  ready  to  die 
at  any  time,  and  he  did  not  care  how  he  died.  He  was  very  defiant,  and 
showed  that  he  was  in  earnest  in  his  expressions. 


638  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

Late  in  the  afternoon  of  November  10,  Gov.  Oglesby  gave  his  decision 
on  the  various  applications  for  mercy.  It  reads : 

STATE  OF  ILLINOIS,  EXECUTIVE  OFFICE,  SPRINGFIELD,  Nov.  10. 

On  the  aoth  day  of  August,  1886,  in  the  Cook  County  Criminal  Court,  August  Spies 
Albert  R.  Parsons,  Samuel  Fielden,  Michael  Schwab,  Adolph  Fischer,  George  Engel  and 
Louis  Lingg  were  found  guilty  by  the  verdict  of  the  jury  and  afterward  sentenced  to  be  hanged 
for  the  murder  of  Mathias  J.  Began. 

An  appeal  was  taken  from  such  finding  and  sentence,  to  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  State. 
That  court,  upon  a  final  hearing  and  after  mature  deliberation,  unanimously  affirmed  the 
judgment  of  the  court  below. 

The  case  now  comes  before  me  by  petition  of  the  defendants,  for  consideration  as  Governor 
of  the  State,  if  the  letters  of  Albert  R.  Parsons,  Adolph  Fischer,  George  Engel  and  Louis 
Lingg  demanding  ' '  unconditional  release,"  or,  as  they  express  it,  "liberty  or  death,"  and  pro- 
testing in  the  strongest  language  against  mercy  or  commutation  of  the  sentence  pronounced 
against  them,  can  be  considered  petitions. 

Pardon,  could  it  be  granted,  which  might  imply  any  guih  whatever  upon  the  part  of  either 
of  them,  would  not  be  such  a  vindication  as  they  demand.  Executive  intervention  upon  the 
grounds  insisted  upon  by  the  four  above-named  persons  could  in  no  proper  sense  be  deemed 
an  exercise  of  the  constitutional  power  to  grant  reprieves,  commutations  and  pardons,  unless 
based  upon  the  belief  on  my  part  of  their  entire  innocence  of  the  crime  of  which  they  stand 
convicted. 

A  careful  consideration  of  the  evidence  in  the  record  of  the  trial  of  the  parties,  as  well  as 
of  all  alleged  and  claimed  for  them  outside  of  the  record,  has  failed  to  produce  upon  my  mind 
any  impression  tending  to  impeach  the  verdict  of  the  jury  or  the  judgment  of  the  trial  court 
or  of  the  Supreme  Court,  affirming  the  guilt  of  all  these  parties. 

Satisfied,  therefore,  as  I  am,  of  their  guilt,  I  am  precluded  from  considering  the  question 
of  commutation  of  the  sentences  of  Albert  R.  Parsons,  Adolph  Fischer,  George  Engel  and 
Louis  Lingg  to  imprisonment  in  the  penitentiary,  as  they  emphatically  declare  they  will  not 
accept  such  commutation.  Samuel  Fielden,  Michael  Schwab  and  August  Spies  unite  in  a 
petition  for  "executive  clemency."  Fielden  and  Schwab,  in  addition,  present  separate  and 
supplementary  petitions  for  the  commutation  of  their  sentences.  While,  as  said  above,  I  am 
satisfied  of  the  guilt  of  all  the  parties,  as  found  by  the  verdict  of  the  jury,  which  was  sustained 
by  the  judgments  of  the  courts,  a  most  careful  consideration  of  the  whole  subject  leads  me  to 
the  conclusion  that  the  sentence  of  the  law  as  to  Samuel  Fielden  and  Michael  Schwab  may  be 
modified  as  to  each  of  them,  in  the  interest  of  humanity,  and  without  doing  violence  to  public 
justice. 

As  to  the  said  Samuel  Fielden  and  Michael  Schwab,  the  sentence  is  commuted  to  imprison- 
ment in  the  penitentiary  for  life. 

As  to  all  the  other  above-named  defendants,  I  do  not  feel  justified  in  interfering  with  the 
sentence  of  the  court.  While  I  would  gladly  have  come  to  a  different  conclusion  in  regard  to 
the  sentence  of  defendants  August  Spies,  Adolph  Fischer,  George  Engel,  Albert  R.  Parsons 
and  Louis  Lingg,  I  regret  to  say  that  under  the  solemn  sense  of  the  obligations  of  my 
office  I  have  been  unable  to  do  so.  RICHARD  J.  OGLESBY,  Governor. 

This  removed  the  last  hope  of  the  Anarchists.  Spies  said  he  had  been 
prepared  for  the  worst,  and  that  he  had  only  signed  the  petition  of  Fielden 
and  Schwab  for  clemency  at  the  solicitation  of  Miss  Van  Zandt. 

On  the  next  morning  after  the  Governor's  decision  Fielden  and  Schwab 
were  removed  to  the  penitentiary  at  Joliet. 


CHAPTER  XXXVI. 

The  Last  Hours  of  the  Doomed  Men  —  Planning  a  Rescue  — The  Feeling 
in  Chicago  —  Police  Precautions  —  Looking  for  a  Leak  — Vitriol  for  a  Detective  — 
Guarding  the  Jail  — The  Dread  of  Dynamite  —  How  the  Anarchists  Passed  their  Last 
Night  — The  Final  Partings  —  Parsons  Sings  "  Annie  Laurie  "  —  Putting  up  the  Gallows 

—  Scenes  Outside  the  Prison  —  A  Cordon  of  Officers— -  Mrs.  Parsons  Makes  a  Scene  — 
The  Death  Warrants — Courage  of  the  Condemned  —  Shackled  and  Shrouded  for  the 
Grave  — The  March  to  the  Scaffold  —  Under  the  Dangling  Ropes  — The  Last  Words  — 
' '  Hoch  die  Anarchic  !  " — "  My  Silence  will  be  More  Terrible  than  Speech  "  —  "  Let  the 
Voice  of  the  People  be  Heard  "  —  The  Chute  to  Death  —  Preparations  for  the  Funeral 

—  Scenes  at  the  Homes  of  the  Dead  Anarchists  — The  Passage  to  Waldheim  —  Howell 
Trogden  Carries  the  American  Flag  —  Captain  Black's  Eulogy  — The  Burial  —  Speeches 
by  Grottkau  and  Currlin  — Was  Engel  Sincere  ?  —  His  Advice  to  his  Daughter  —  A  Curi- 
ous Episode  —  Adolph  Fischer  and  his  Death-watch. 

THE  Anarchists  of  Chicago  now  became  desperate.  Many  of  them  had 
calculated  on  the  worst  for  some  time,  and  they  had  formed  into  small 
groups  to  be  better  able  to  plot  for  their  imprisoned  friends  with  the  least 
possible  danger  of  police  detection.  While  assembling  in  large  bodies, 
they  had  discovered  that  many  of  their  secrets  were  in  my  possession,  and 
after  the  decision  of  the  Illinois  Supreme  Court  they  realized  that  it  was 
essential  to  the  success  of  any  movement  they  might  decide  upon  to  keep 
all  knowledge  of  it  within  the  circle  of  true  and  trusted  men.  The  leading 
lights  in  the  order  accordingly  resorted  to  private  residences,  as  I  have 
already  stated. 

Sometimes  they  were  joined  in  meetings  of  a  general  nature  by  some 
who  had  previously  been  anti-Anarchists,  but  who  since  the  decision  of  the 
Illinois  court  had  secretly  expressed  sympathy  with  the  condemned  men. 
Becoming  emboldened  by  what  they  thought  to  be  a  growing  sentiment  in 
favor  of  the  prisoners,  these  secret  abettors  finally  threw  off  their  masks, 
and,  openly  expressing  their  views,  many  of  them  speedily  lost  the  esteem 
and  friendship  of  neighbors  by  whom  they  had  previously  been  highly  re- 
garded. With  a  view  to  aiding  to  effect  a  general  change  in  public  senti- 
ment, some  of  these  sympathizers  even  threw  open  their  doors  to  Anarchists, 
as  I  have  indicated  in  a  prior  chapter.  But  whenever  some  risky  project 
was  contemplated  the  small  bands  of  conspirators  saw  to  it  that  none  but 
avowed  and  tried  adherents  of  the  red  flag  were  present. 

It  was  at  this  time  that  the  police  -discovered  the  plot  to  release  the 
doomed  men,  and  one  day  Detective  Schuettler  learned  of  a  place  where 
numerous  secret  conferences  were  being  held  from  time  to  time.  He  was 
under  orders  of  Mr.  Ebersold,  who  had  taken  him  away  from  the  Chicago 
Avenue  Station  with  a  view  to  crippling  my  force,  but  nevertheless  the 
detective  found  a  way,  even  while  engaged  in  other  directions,  to  keep  a 

639 


640  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

keen  eye  on  secret  revolutionary  movements.  He  had  been  too  long  in  the 
service  to  lose  his  interest  in  things  Anarchistic,  and  he  resolved  to  get  at 
the  bottom  of  the  rumored  clandestine  gatherings. 

Learning  that  star-chamber  sessions  were  being  held  in  the  room  of  an  old- 
time  Communist  named  Theodore  Appell,  at  No.  234  West  Division  Street, 
Schuettler  at  once  rented  an  adjoining  room.  In  this  appartment  there  was 
a  closet,  and  after  reconnoitering  about  the  premises  at  a  favorable  oppor- 
tunity, he  discovered  that  by  cutting  a  hole  in  the  closet  wall  he  could 
obtain  a  good  view  of  those  who  might  be  present  at  future  meetings.  A 
hole  was  accordingly  cut.  This  gave  him  a  fine  chance  both  to  see  and 
hear.  Everything  worked  nicely  for  a  time,  but  finally  the  conspirators 
became  suspicious,  as  they  found  their  secrets  getting  beyond  their  own 
circle,  and,  satisfied  that  the  leakage  was  not  due  to  members  in  their  own 
set,  they  instituted  a  search.  The  result  was  that  the  officer's  peep-hole  was 
discovered.  That  closed  their  deliberations  in  that  place,  but  they  resolved 
to  take  revenge  on  the  man  who  had  thus  obtruded  his  attentions  upon 
them.  For  this  purpose  they  decided  to  hold  a  mock  meeting  in  the 
old  quarters,  and  then  and  there,  when  they  were  satisfied  that  the  con- 
cealed individual  had  his  eye  at  the  hole,  to  discharge  a  syringe  filled  with 
vitriol.  This  would  destroy  the  eye-sight  as  well  as  disfigure  for  life  the 
face  of  the  man  who  had  dared  to  intrude  on  their  secrecy.  I  learned  of  this 
plan,  however,  and  warned  the  officer.  Schuettler  never  again  went  near 
that  closet.  But  he  had  already  gathered  all  the  information  that  was 
needed. 

The  conspirators  left  the  place  like  young  birds  leave  the  old  nest,  with 
a  flop  and  a  flourish,  never  to  return ;  but  we  had  learned  that  they  had  in 
view  the  liberation  of  their  friends  in  jail. 

This  information  put  the  authorities  on  their  guard,  and  it  is  possible 
that  this  timely  discovery  averted  a  jail  delivery. 

But  the  Anarchists  did  not  lose  hope.  When  they  learned  that  the 
United  States  Supreme  Court  had  refused  to  interfere  with  the  execution 
they  became  more  desperate  than  ever.  Where  before  they  had  been 
revengeful,  they  now  were  frantic,  and  their  schemes  now  embraced  more 
drastic  and  destructive  measures.  .They  considered  propositions  looking  to 
a  blowing-up  of  the  jail  building  with  dynamite,  and  in  the  turmoil  and 
confusion  incident  to  the  wreckage  of  a  part  of  the  building  and  the 
destruction  of  life  within  they  contemplated  a  rush  to  the  untouched 
portion  containing  their  comrades,  whom  they  would  thus  rescue  from  the 
hands  of  the  law.  This  diabolical  plot  was  earnestly  debated,  and  about 
the  time  the  reds  became  satisfied  that  the  Governor  would  not  step  in 
between  their  convicted  leaders  and  the  gallows  they  even  went  so  far  as 
to  advocate  an  explosion  that  would  not  only  rob  the  gallows  of  its  victims, 
but  kill  those  whom  curiosity  might  assemble  about  the  jail  a  short  time 


PLOTS  ON  THE  OUTSIDE. 


641 


before  the  expected  event.  If  their  comrades  must  die,  they  should  not 
die  alone.  The  disgrace  of  an  execution  must  be  averted,  and  a  terrible 
lesson  imparted  to  the  enemies  of  Anarchy. 

But  the  jail  officials  joined  m^  in  most  rigid  measures  to  prevent  the 
execution  of  each  and  all  of  the  plots,  and  officers  and  detectives  were 
stationed  in  goodly  numbers  about  the  building,  night  and  day,  to  watch 
the  movements  of  suspicious  characters.  When  the  decision  of  the 
Governor  was  finally  announced 
this  vigilance  was  redoubled,  and 
we  made  sure  that  no  secret 
mines  had  been  constructed  under 
any  of  the  sidewalks  surrounding 
the  building  or  across  under  the 
alley  on  the  west  side  of  the  jail 
structure. 

It  was  not  only  the  liberation 
of  the  imprisoned  Anarchists  that 
was   aimed  at    in    the    numerous 
conspiracies  which   came   to   our 
knowledge  about  this  time.     One 
plot  which    was   reported   to   me 
embraced  a  wanton  scheme  of  in- 
cendiarism   and    pillage,    and    in 
order  to  facilitate  this,  it  was  pro- 
posed to  cut  off  the  water 
supply  of  the  city  by  demol- 
ishing the  stand-pipe  in  the 
Water -works    tower.        In 


some  manner  the  conspira-  <£n 

tors  had  learned  the  exact 

spot  in  the  tower  where  a 

charge  of  dynamite  would 

accomplish  the  most  effec-  THE  CHICAGO  WATER-WORKS. 

tive  execution,  and  the  re-  From  a  Photograph. 

ports  brought  to  me  showed  that  this  project  was  debated  most  minutely. 

For  the  space  of  two  months  we  were  required  therefore  to  keep  extra  guard 

over  the  source  of  Chicago's  water  supply,  and  the  contemplated  attack  of 

the  reds  was  not  attempted. 

While  the  plots  on  the  outside  of  the  jail  were  thus  met  with  vigilance, 
the  doomed  conspirators  within  appeared  quiet  and  resigned.  They  re- 
ceived the  Governor's  decision  with  extraordinary  composure,  and,  having 
felt  throughout  that  day  that  they  must  face  the  inevitable  on  the  morrow, 
they  busied  themselves  in  arranging  their  earthly  affairs,  writing  letters 


642  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

to  friends  and  relatives  and  giving  directions  as  to  the  disposition  of  per- 
sonal matters  and  the  publication  of  their  autobiographies  and  other  manu- 
scripts. Early  in  the  evening  they  received  their  immediate  friends  and 
relatives  to  bid  them  farewell,  and  through  all  that  trying  ordeal  they 
remained  unmoved.  Tears  coursed  down  the  blanched  faces  of  wives,  sis- 
ters and  daughters  as  the  last  loving  words  were  spoken,  but  no  emotion 
of  despair  or  grief  seemed  to  agitate  the  men.  They  were  solemn  and  stoical 
in  their  demeanor,  and  their  efforts  were  mainly  directed  to  administering 
words  of  cheer  and  consolation.  When  the  final  parting  had  taken  place, 
they  returned  to  their  cells,  and  their  last  night  on  earth  was  varied  with 
letter- writing  and  chats  with  the  death-watch.  None  of  them  retired  early. 
Parsons  did  not  seek  his  couch  till  after  midnight,  and  then  it  was  some 
time  before  the  rapid  thoughts  coursing  through  his  brain  would  permit 
him  to  sleep  Before  morning  he  broke  the  stillness  of  his  surroundings  by 
singing  a  favorite  song  of  his  earlier  days — "Annie  Laurie."  The  clear 
tones  echoing  down  the  corridor  startled  all  then  awake,  and  prisoners  and 
death-watch  eagerly  inclined  their  heads  to  catch  every  word  and  note. 
When  Parsons  drew  near  the  closing  stanza,  his  voice  tripped  and  hesi- 
tated, unmistakably  showing  that  his  feelings  were  giving  way  to  the  recol- 
lections of  former  times. 

Spies  lay  down  to  rest  at  a  late  hour,  but  his  thoughts,  as  he  chatted  with 
his  death-watch,  seemed  busy  with  the  events  that  had  brought  him  to  a 
murderer's  doom.  He  denounced  the  verdict  as  iniquitous,  and  declared 
that  the  people  would  shortly  see  the  error  of  hanging  men  for  seeking  the 
welfare  of  the  laboring  classes. 

Fischer  was  the  quietest  and  most  self-composed  of  all,  and  he  had  very 
little  to  say  "even  to  his  death-watch.  He  soon  apparently  fell  into  a  slum- 
ber and  seemed  to  rest  easily. 

Engel  was  also  remarkably  self-possessed,  and  he  was  the  last  to  retire 
to  his  couch  —  not  because  of  thoughts  of  the  morrow  occupying  his  mind, 
but  for  another  reason,  as  will  appear  further  along. 

During  the  latter  part  of  the  night,  if  any  one  of  them  had  happened  to 
be  awake,  the  horrible  preparations  for  the  execution  could  have  been 
distinctly  heard.  Around  the  corner,  in  the  corridor  north  of  the  one  in 
which  their  cells  were  located,  the  gallows  were  being  placed  in  position, 
and,  even  though  the  sounds  of  the  hammer  were  subdued,  the  echo  plainly 
told  the  character  of  the  work  the  carpenters  were  engaged  upon.  It  was 
the  same  scaffold  on  which  the  three  Italians  had  two  years  before  atoned 
for  the  death  of  a  murdered  countryman,  and  on  which  the  murderer 
Mulkowsky  had  also  paid  the  penalty  for  his  foul  crime.  It  was  a  large 
structure — large  enough  to  have  dropped  seven  men  had  the  original 
sentence  of  the  trial  court  been  carried  into  full  execution.  At  the  end  of 
each  rope  one  hundred  and  eighty  pound  weights  were  attached,  so  as  to 


PREPARING  FOR  DEATH. 


643 


give  a  heavier  fall,  and,  thus  arranged,  by  daylight  the  trap  of  death  was 
ready  for  its  victims. 

When  morning  dawned,  the  four  Anarchists  arose  early,  but  each  seemed 
to  have  had  a  restful  night.  Their  demeanor  had  not  changed  perceptibly 
from  that  of  other  mornings.  After  their  ablutions  they  perused  the  morn- 
ing papers  and  subsequently  partook  of  breakfast,  brought  in  from  a  neigh- 
boring restaurant.  They  ate  quite  heartily,  and  then  each  turned  his  atten- 
tion again  to  letter-writing.  Their  communications  were  mainly  directed  to 
their  families  and  to  friends  in  the  city,  and  some  to  Anarchists  in  other 
parts  of  the  country,  and  very  nearly  the  last  they  penned  were  directed  to 
the  Sheriff  and  to  the  Coroner  and  had  reference  to  the  disposition  of  their 
bodies  and  personal  effects  after  death. 

During  the  fleeting  morning  hours,  the  Anarchists  were  visited  by  the 
Rev.  Mr.  Bolton,  of  the  First  Methodist  Episcopal  Church  of  Chicago, 
who  came  to  assist  ni  their  spiritual  preparation  for  death,  but  while  each 
received  him  courteously,  they  all  declined 
his  kindly  proffered  ministrations.  They 
had  no  faith  in  the  gospel  and  frankly  told 
the  clergyman  that  they  did  not  desire  his 
services.  They  wanted  to  die  as  they  had 
lived,  with  no  faith  in  God  or  man  as  exalted 
above  general  humanity.  Some  of  them 
even  went  into  discussion  with  the  clergy- 
man, stoutly  combatting  every  point  he  made 
to  reach  their  hearts ;  but  the  talk  always 
ended  as  it  had  begun  —  in  a  positive  refusal 
to  accept  any  spiritual  guidance  or  advice. 
The  Rev.  Mr.  Bolton  was  forced  to  retire 
without  having  made  any  impression,  and 
the  men  treated  the  whole  matter  afterwards 
in  a  most  indifferent  and  flippant  manner. 

While  the  unfortunates  on  the  inside  were  apparently  unmoved  by  their 
impending  fate,  commotion  and  excitement  prevailed  on  the  outside  of  the 
jail.  At  a  very  early  hour  in  the  morning  a  contingent  of  the  police  force, 
numbering  three  hundred  men,  was  detailed  to  preserve  order  and  keep  away 
from  the  immediate  vicinity  of  the  building  all  persons  not  having  proper 
credentials  or  not  properly  vouched  for.  Across  Michigan  and  Illinois 
Streets,  on  the  east  side  of  Clark  Street,  and  on  Dearborn  Avenue  at  its 
intersections  with  the  two  first-named  streets,  stout  ropes  were  stretched, 
and  within  the  inclosure  thus  formed  and  at  the  barriers  squads  of  police- 
men were  marching  up  and  down  with  glistening  bayonets  and  Winchester 
rifles.  There  were  also  policemen  in  and  about  the  Criminal  Court  and 
jail  building  and  on  the  roof,  commanding  the  streets  below  in  all  direc- 


CANUTE  R.  MATSON. 
From  a  Photograph. 


644  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

tions.  There  was  thus  a  most  complete  arrangement  to  meet  any  unex- 
pected attack  or  any  violent  hostile  demonstration. 

As  the  hour  approached  for  the  execution  the  streets  beyond  the  ropes 
became  crowded  with  people  of  all  grades  and  descriptions,  impelled  by 
curiosity ;  but  they  were  all  kept  moving  by  policemen  scattered  along  the 
thoroughfares  amongst  them,  so  that  no  groups  might  gather  and  under  the 
excitement  of  the  moment  precipitate  a  row  or  a  riot.  Along  toward  ten 
o'clock  Mrs.  Parsons,  dressed  in  mourning  and  accompanied  by  her  two 
children,  presented  herself  at  the  ropes  and  demanded  admittance  to  see 
her  husband  "murdered  by  law."  She  was,  of  course,  delicately  refused, 
and  then  she  endeavored  to  create  a  scene,  but  the  police  promptly  called 
a  patrol  wagon  and  sent  her  to  the  Chicago  Avenue  Station,  where  she  was 
detained  until'after  the  execution.  During  the  forenoon  thousands  of  peo- 
ple passed  in  the  vicinity  of  the  building,  but  the  only  satisfaction  they 
received  for  their  pains  was  a  sight  of  the  somber  walls  of  the  jail  at  a  dis- 
tance. Taking  the  crowd  as  a  whole,  it  was  remarkably  orderly,  although 
there  was  more  or.  less  subdued  muttering  among  the  Anarchists  who  had 
sought  the  vicinity  only  to  find  themselves  ordered  to  "move  on."  These 
generally  sought  solace  for  their  wounded  feelings  in  neighboring  saloons, 
where  they  cast  dire  imprecations  upon  the  police,  promising  to  be  avenged 
in  time. 

Within  the  jail  everything  was  quiet,  and,  except  for  the  presence  of 
those  who  had  come  to  witness  the  execution,  there  seemed  to  be  no  special 
indication  of  the  tragedy  to  be  enacted.  The  officials  moved  about  quietly 
while  making  the  preliminary  arrangements,  and  the  unfortunate  Anarchists 
smoked,  wrote  hasty  notes  and  chatted  at  intervals  with  their  attendants. 

At  11:30  o'clock  Sheriff  Matson,  accompanied  by  Deputies  Hartke, 
Cleveland,  Spears  and  Peters,  County  Physician  Moyer  and  Jailor  Folz, 
started  from  the  jail  office,  and  repaired  to  the  cell  occupied  by  Spies.  The 
iron-barred  door  was  opened,  and  Spies  advanced  to  meet  the  Sheriff. 
Mr.  Matson  at  once  proceeded  to  read  the  death  warrant.  Spies  listened 
with  folded  arms,  and  there  was  no  indication  of  nervousness  nor  trace  of 
emotion.  His  feelings  could  not  be  divined  from  his  demeanor.  The  facial 
muscles  remained  unmoved,  and  no  color  rose  to  flush  the  usual  paleness 
of  the  cheeks,  nor  was  the  pallor  of  his  face  heightened  when  the  last  fear- 
ful words  of  the  warrant  had  been  read.  The  Sheriff  was  visibly  agitated, 
and  his  voice  was  at  times  tremulous.  On  the  conclusion  of  the  .reading 
Spies  merely  bowed  his  head  slightly,  and  then  stepped  out  into  the  corridor 
in  obedience  to  the  deputies'  request.  Around  his  chest  was  placed  a  leather 
belt  about  an  inch  and  a  half  wide,  with  which  to  pinion  his  arms  just  above 
the  elbows,  and  his  hands  were  handcuffed  behind  his  back.  Then  a  white  mus- 
lin shroud  was  thrown  over  him  and  fastened  slightly  at  the  neck  and  waist. 

While  these  details  were  being  carried  out,  the  Sheriff  was  at  Fischer's 


THE  EXECUTION. 


646  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

cell,  and  the  same  programme  of  preparation  was  gone  through  with.  The 
Anarchist  was  manacled,  pinioned  and  shrouded,  and  he  gazed  upon  each 
operation  with  curious  interest,  but  with  no  sign  of  perturbation  or  weak- 
ness. Now  and  then  he  faintly  smiled,  and  he  seemed  more  concerned 
about  the  trepidation  of  the  deputies  than  about  his  own  situation. 

Meantime  the  death  warrant  had  been  read  to  Engel,  who  was  soon 
arrayed  in  the  habiliments  of  death.  He  stood  it  all  unflinchingly,  and 
seemed  even  less  concerned  than  his  comrades.  There  was  also  an  entire 
absence  of  affected  indifference. 

Parsons  was  the  last  to  step  out  of  his  cell,  and,  as  he  stood  receiving 
the  ghastly  paraphernalia,  he  endeavored  to  display  no  sign  of  fear.  He 
bore  up  well,  although  he  evidently  wrestled  with  his  inner  feelings. 

The  solemn  march  to  the  scaffold  began  with  the  Sheriff  in  the  lead. 
In  the  east  corner  of  the  north  corridor  stood  the  scaffold.  Below  and 
before  it  were  benches  for  the  two  hundred  spectators.  The  death  proces- 
sion moved  slowly  and  with  measured  tread.  As  it  neared  the  corner  the 
footfalls  became  distinctly  audible  to  those  assembled.  When  the  shuf- 
fling of  feet  on  the  iron  stairway  leading  to  the  first  gallery,  which  was  on  a 
level  with  the  gallows,  was  heard,  the  buzz  of  conversation  ceased,  and 
every  eye  was  centered  on  the  spot  whence  the  Anarchists  would  be  first 
seen.  It  was  only  a  moment,  and  then  Spies,  Fischer,  Engel  and  Parsons, 
one  after  the  other,  came  into  view,  each  with  a  deputy  by  his  side.  Having 
reached  their  respective  places  on  the  trap,  they  faced  the  spectators. 
Spies,  the  moment  he  caught  sight  of  the  audience,  gave  it  a  contemptuous 
look,  and  thereafter  his  eyes  seemed  centered  on  some  invisible  object  down 
the  corridor  above  the  heads  of  the  spectators.  Fischer  merely  looked 
down  for  a  moment  on  the  uncovered  heads  below,  and  then  his  eyes  wan- 
dered in  various  directions.  Engel  seemed  the  most  unconcerned  of  all, 
and  swept  the  audience  with  a  cool  glance  as  though  it  might  have  been 
composed  of  friends.  Parsons  was  superbly  stiff,  and  his  gaze,  after  a  snap 
at  those  below,  firmly  set  itself  in  the  direction  of  the  cell  tiers. 

As  soon  as  those  on  the  platform  had  taken  the  positions  assigned,  the 
lower  limbs  of  the  four  Anarchists  were  pinioned.  This  was  done  very 
quickly.  The  nooses  dangling  overhead  were  then  lifted  from  their  hooks, 
and  Spies  was  the  first  to  have  the  rope  placed  around  his  neck.  The 
noose  had  been  slipped  a  little  too  tight,  and,  noticing  the  uneasiness  it  gave 
him,  the  deputy  instantly  loosened  it  a  trifle.  Spies  gave  a  faint  smile  in 
acknowledgment  of  the  kindness  and  again  seemed  at  ease.  Not  a  tremor 
was  visible  during  the  adjustment  of  the  rope.  Another  deputy  next  placed 
the  rope  around  the  neck  of  Fischer,  who,  to  facilitate  its  proper  adjustment, 
bent  his  tall  form  slightly  and  received  it  with  head  inclined  until  the  knot 
rested  in  its  proper  place  under  the  left  ear.  Engel  received  the  noose  as 
if  it  had  been  a  decoration  about  to  be  placed  upon  his  shoulders  by  friendly 


THE  TRAGIC  END.  647 

hands,  and  several  times  he  turned  his  head  around  to  exchange  a  word  or 
two  with  the  deputy,  accompanying  his  whispered  utterances  with  a  smile. 
Parsons  stood  unmoved  when  his  turn  came,  and  appeared  entirely  in- 
different to  the  operation.  Loose-fitting  white  caps  were  now  produced, 
and,  as  these  came  in  sight,  Fischer  and  Engel  turned  their  heads  slightly 
to  the  left  and  spoke  a  second  to  their  respective  deputies.  Spies  first, 
Fischer  next,  then  Engel,  and  Parsons  last,  was  the  order  in  which  the  caps 
were  adjusted,  and  the  heads  had  no  sooner  been  enveloped,  shutting  out 
forever  the  light  of  day,  than  all  knew  that  the  fatal  moment  had  arrived. 
During  all  the  preliminary  preparations  not  a  relaxation  of  nerve  or  an 
expression  of  anguish  or  despair  had  been  observed.  Now  the  tension  of 
silence  was  painful.  But  suddenly  there  broke  from  the  lips  of  Spies  an 
exclamation  that  startled  the  auditors  as  if  by  a  shock. 

"  You  may  strangle  this  voice,"  said  he,  in  clear  but  subdued  tones,  "but 
my  silence  will  be  more  terrible  than  speech." 

Spies  had  scarcely  uttered  his  last  words,  when  Fischer  shouted  : 
"  This  is  the  happiest  moment  of  my  life.     Hoch  die  Anarchic  /" 
Engel  immediately  caught  up  the  sentiment,  and  in  a  strong  voice,  and 
with  a  pronounced  German  accent,  cried : 
"Hurrah  for  Anarchy  !  " 

Parsons  then  lifted  his  voice,  and  in  firm,  deliberate  tones,  exclaimed  : 
"O  men  of  America  !" 

Then,  lowering  his  voice  to  an  appealing  accent : 
"  Mr.  Sheriff,  may  I  be  permitted  to  say  a  few  words  ?  " 
Raising  his  voice  again,  without  waiting  for  an  answer,  and  continuing  in 
the  same  breath,  he  said  : 

"O  men  of  America,  let  the  voice  of  the  people  be  heard." 
The  last  word  had  barely  escaped  his  lips,  when  the  signal  was  given  to 
the  unknown  and  hidden  man  in  the  sentry-box  back  of  the  platform,  the 
rope  controlling  the  trap  was  cut,  and  four  bodies  shot  downward  into  space. 
The  intervals  between  the  adjustment  of  the  caps,  the  utterances  and  the 
drop  were  only  a  few  moments,  but  they  were  moments  that  seemed  like 
hours.  The  first  instant  after  the  drop,  the  bodies  all  seemed  motionless, 
but  immediately  one  after  the  other  began  violent  contortions,  the  limbs  con- 
tracted, the  breasts  swelled  with  spasms,  and  the  arms  shook  convulsively. 
It  was  fully  eight  minutes  before  the  last  was  limp  and  lifeless.  The  bodies, 
however,  were  left  hanging  for  twenty-six  minutes,  and  then  they  were 
deposited  in  plain  coffins,  ready  to  be  turned  over  to  their  relatives.  The 
jury  selected  by  the  Sheriff  to  pass  upon  the  death,  as  required  by  law,  next 
viewed  the  remains  and  then  signed  the  usual  legal  certificates.  Those 
composing  the  jury  were  Dr.  Ferdinand  Henrotin,  Dr.  Denslow  Lewis, 
Dr.  G.  A.  Hall,  Dr.  Harry  Brown,  Dr.  J.  B.  Andrews,  Dr.  M.  W.  Thomp- 
son, John  N.  Hills,  William  B.  Keep,  ex-Sheriff  John  Hoffman,  Edwin 


648 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 


Wynn,  George  Lanz,  George  M.  Moulton,  John  L.  Woodward  and  H.  JL. 
Anderson. 

It  was  subsequently  ascertained  that  the  necks  of  none  of  the  Anarchists 
had  been  broken,  and  that  death  had  come  in  each  case  through  strangula- 
tion. 

Within  an  hour  and  a  half  the  coffins  were  removed,  the  bodies  of  Spies, 
Parsons  and  Fischer  being  receipted  for  by  a  committee  of  the  Central 
Labor  Union,  and  those  of  Engel  and  Lingg  by  a  friend  of  Mrs.  Engel.  The 
body  of  Lingg  had  reposed  in  the  women's  department  of  the  jail.  Shortly 
before  his  death,  the  bomb-maker  had  expressed  the  wish  that  his  body  be 
allowed  to  repose  by  the  side  of  Engel's,  and  that  it  be  given  in  charge  of 
Engel's  family,  as  he  himself  had  no  relatives  in  America. 
P"  The  remains  of  Spies,  Fischer  and  Par- 

sons were  taken  to  an  undertaking  estab- 
lishment at  No.  596  Milwaukee  Avenue, 
and  those  of  Engel  and  Lingg  to  a  similar 
place  at  No.  186  Milwaukee  Avenue,  and 
there  costly  and  ornamental  coffins  were 
provided  after  the  bodies  had  been  first 
embalmed.  Subsequently  they  were  re- 
moved to  the  houses  of  their  respective 
relatives,  and  arrangements  were  at  once 
set  on  foot  for  a  tremendous  demonstra- 
tion at  the  funeral,  the  following  Sunday. 

No  sooner  had  each  coffin  been  taken 
to  the  relatives  than  hundreds  of  Anarchists 
flocked  in  to  view  the  remains.      Others, 
too  —  men,   women  and  children,   moved 
JOHN  A.  ROCHE.  by  morbid  curiosity  —  crowded  in  to  view 

From  a  Photograph.  the  dead.       The  families  were  in  almost 

constant  tears,  and  deep  were  the  lamentations  over  the  fate  of  their  loved 
ones.  Mrs.  Parsons  was  in  paroxysms  of  grief  and  had  to  be  almost  forci- 
bly removed  from  beside  the  bier  of'  her  husband.  Her  curses  were  loud 
against  the  police,  and  she  strenuously  refused  all  comfort.  At  the  Spies 
residence  there  were  copious  tears,  and  no  one  was  more  deeply  moved 
than  Miss  Van  Zandt.  The  sorrow  of  Mrs.  Engel  and  her  daughter  was 
more  subdued,  but  nevertheless  keen  and  poignant.  It  was  the  same  at 
Fischer's  home. 

Meantime  the  preparations  for  the  funeral  went  on,  and  the  committee 
having  it  in  charge  determined  that  it  should  be  conducted  with  the  utmost 
pomp,  ceremony  and  display.  They  desired  that  on  this  occasion  the  red 
flag  should  again  be  unfurled  and  wave  over  the  bodies  of  those  whom  they 
regarded  as  martyrs.  The  police  learned  of  it,  and  when  a  committee 


THE  FUNERAL  PROCESSION.  649 

waited  upon  Mayor  Roche  to  secure  the  necessary  permission  for  the  pro- 
cession, he  set  his  face  firmly  against  the  red  flag. 

"The  American  flag, "said  he,  "is  good  enough  for  us,  and  it  is  good 
enough  for  you.  If  that  flag  don't  suit  you,  I  am  sorry.  No  red  flag  shall 
ever  take  its  place  while  I  am  Mayor  of  Chicago." 

Sunday,  November  13,  came,  and  every  Anarchistic  organization  in 
the  city  turned  out  to  attend  the  funeral.  The  procession,  which  started  at 
an  early  hour,  first  called  at  the  Spies  residence,  No.  154  Bryson  Street, 
for  the  coffin  of  the  editor,  and  then  moved  on  to  Mrs.  Parsons'  resi- 
dence at  No.  785  Milwaukee  Avenue.  After  the  coffin  of  Parsons  had  been 
placed  in  the  hearse,  Fischer's  house  was  reached,  and  next  that  of  Engel, 
and  when  all  the  hearses  were  in  line,  the  entire  funeral  procession  pro- 
ceeded down  Milwaukee  Avenue,  thence  to  Lake  Street,  and  thence  along 
Fifth  Avenue  to  the  depot  of  the  Wisconsin  Central  Railway.  At  each  of 
the  houses  of  the  executed  Anarchists  the  cortege  had  been  joined  by 
friends  and  by  various  societies  of  which  the  dead  had  been  members,  and 
with  these  accessions  the  procession,  as  it  finally  moved  on  to  its  destina- 
tion, numbered  not  less  than  six  thousand.  The  hearses  were  loaded  down 
with  flowers,  wreaths  and  other  floral  tributes,  and  each  was  followed  by 
carriages  containing  the  mourners.  Close  behind  the  Spies  hearse  was  a 
carriage  containing  Mrs.  and  Miss  Van  Zandt,  mother  and  daughter,  and 
Mrs.  Spies,  the  mother,  and  Miss  Gretchen,  the  sister  of  the  deceased.  All 
along  the  line  of  march,  the  sidewalks  were  thronged,  and  there  must  have 
been  over  fifty  thousand  persons  who  viewed  the  procession  as  it  passed. 
Hundreds  had  gathered  at  the  residences  before  the  procession  started,  and 
when  they  joined  the  throngs  already  on  Milwaukee  Avenue  the  streets 
became  almost  impassable.  Policemen  were  stationed  at  the  various  street 
corners,  and  these  gave  the  processionists  ample  room  to  move  unimpeded. 
The  procession  did  not  lack  music,  several  bands  having  been  engaged, 
and  the  "  Marseillaise"  and  "  Annie  Laurie"  were  the  airs  most  frequently 
heard. 

The  absence  of  the  red  banner  on  the  street  was  commented  on,  but 
with  a  seeming  defiance  of  the  Mayor's  orders  two  red  flags  decked  the 
coffins  of  Engel  and  Lingg.  What  was  still  more  significant  was  the  fact 
that  not  a  single  flag  of  the  Union  was  borne  by  the  procession.  It  was 
only  when  the  Anarchists  reached  Lake  Street  that  the  red,  white  and  blue 
was  unfurled  to  the  breeze,  and  then  it  was  done,  not  by  an  Anarchist,  but 
by  Howell  Trogden,  a  veteran  of  the  civil  war.  It  was  a  small  emblem  in 
size,  and  of  cheap  material,  but  he  held  it  high  above  his  head  and  proudly 
carried-  it  before  the  cortege,  clear  down  to  the  depot,  greatly  to  the  dis- 
comfiture and  chagrin  of  the  reds.  When  remonstrated  with  by  some  one 
who  was  in  the  crowd  that  had  gathered  about  him  and  cheered  him  on  the 
•way,  he  defiantly  exclaimed  in  plain,  though  perhaps  not  elegant,  language  : 


650  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

"  What,  furl  the  ensign  of  the  nation  I  fought  for  ?  Not  much  !  You 
bet  your  life,  I'll  carry  this  flag  and  I'll  kill  the  first  man  who  tries  to  wrest 
it  from  me.  I'll  shed  my  blood  to  keep  it  there." 

And  the  flag  was  kept  there. 

Arriving  at  the  depot,  the  various  organizations  boarded  the  trains  in 
waiting,  and  shortly  after  one  o'clock  all  were  under  way  to  Waldheim  Ceme- 
tery, situated  some  nine  miles  west  of  Chicago.  It  was  a  gloomy,  cold  day, 
but  nevertheless  an  immense  concourse  of  people  followed  the  remains  to 
the  vault  in  which  they  were  temporarily  deposited.  Those  who  had  im- 
mediate charge  of  the  funeral  arrangements  were  Frank  A.  Stauber,  H. 
Linnemeyer,  George  Schilling,  R.  M.  Burke,  Julius  Leon,  Edwin  Goettge, 
Charles  F.  Seib,  Ernst  Litzman,  H.  Ulharn,  F.  G.  Bielefeld,  William 
Urban,  Dr.  Ernst  Schmidt  and  T.  J.  Morgan,  all  members  of  the  Defense 
Committee  and  the  Amnesty  Association. 

After  the  coffins  had  been  placed  in  the  vault,  Capt.  W.  P.  Black  took  a 
position  near  the  entrance  and  delivered  the  funeral  oration.  In  concluding 
his  address,  he  said,  speaking  of  a  day  "when  righteousness  should  reign"  : 

"We  look  forward  to  that  day.  We  hope  for  it.  We  wait  for  it,  and 
with  such  a  hope  in  our  hearts  can  we  not  bring  the  judgment  of  charity  to 
bear  upon  any  mistakes  of  policy  or  action  that  may  have  been  made  by  any 
of  those  who,  acknowledging  the  sublime  and  glorious  hope  in  their  hearts, 
rushed  forward  to  meet  it  ?  We  are  not  here  this  afternoon  to  weep.  We 
are  not  here  to  mourn  over  our  dead.  We  are  here  to  pay  by  our  presence 
and  our  words  the  tribute  of  our  appreciation  and  the  witness  of  our  love. 
I  loved  these  men.  I  knew  them  not  until  I  came  to  know  them  in  the  time 
of  their  sore  travail  and  anguish.  As  months  went  by  and  I  found  in  the 
lives  of  those  with  whom  I  talked  the  witness  of  their  love  for  the  people, 
of  their  patience,  gentleness  and  courage,  my  heart  was  taken  captive  in 
their  cause.  For  this  I  have  no  apology.  If  any  of  you  feel  that  the  tears 
are  coming  listen  to  the  last  words  spoken  by  one  of  these,  our  dead. 

"  '  Go  not  to  my  grave  with  your  mourning,  with  your  lamentations  and 
tears,  with  your  forebodings  and  fears.  When  my  lips  are  dumb,  do  not 
thus  come.  Bring  no  long  train  of  carriages ;  no  hearse  with  waving 
plumes,  with  the  gaunt  glory  of  death  illumed  ;  but  with  hands  on  my  heart 
let  me  rest.  Ye  who  are  left  on  this  desolate  shore,  there  still  to  suffer 
alone,  deeply  do  I  pity  you.  For  me  no  more  are  the  hardships,  the  bit- 
terness, heartache  and  strife,  the  sadness  and  sorrow  of  life,  but  the  glory 
of  the  divine,  that  is  mine.  Poor  creatures,  afraid  of  the  darkness,  who 
groan  at  the  sight  of  the  anguish  in  our  silent  night,  go  to  my  tomb.  Peal 
no  solemn  bell  —  I  am  well.' 

"  It  has  been  said  that  these  men  knew  no  religion.  I  repel  the  charge. 
I  know  but  one  religion  —  the  religion  which  seeks  to  manifest  itself  by  its 
service  of  God  — or  of  the  supreme  good  —  by  its  service  of  humanity  in  its 
anguish  and  its  hours  of  despair.  And  one  of  these,  our  dead,  while  within 
the  very  gloom  of  approaching  death,  gave  in  these  words  :  '  My  religion 
is  this :  To  live  right.  To  do  right  is  to  live  right,  and  the  service  of 
humanity  is  my  worship  of  God.' 

"  I  remember  that  back  in  the  centuries  it  was  written  in  words  that  shall 


THE  ORATION  AT  WALDHEIM.  651 

never  perish  :  '  He  that  doeth  righteousness  is  righteous,  even  as  He  is. 
righteous.-'  There  is  no  conception  possible  to  humanity  of  that  which  we 
call  God  other  than  the  conception  which  sets  our  life  aflame  ;n  the  service 
of  our  fellow-men.  But  I  must  not  keep  you.  There  is  no  necessity  for  mul- 
tiplying words  in  such  a  presence  as  this.  There  are  times  when  silence  is 
more  terrible  than  speech  ;  when  men  moving  to  the  supreme  issue  of  life 
can  say,  standing  with  their  feet  on  earth  and  their  hands  reaching  out  into 
the  unknown,  in  a  sublime  burst  of  enthusiasm  :  '  This  is  the  happiest 
moment  of  my  life '  (the  last  words  of  Fischer),  and  then  in  that  hour  can 
cheer  for  the  cause  to  which  they  have  given  their  lives  (as  Engel  did),  and 
men  in  that  hour,  forgetting  themselves,  can  speak  of  the  voice  of  the  peo- 
ple (Parsons'  last  words)  until  utterance  is  silenced  forever,  what  need  is 
there  to  stand  by  such  men  and  multiply  words  ? 

"  I  say  that  a  mistake  may  well  be  forgotten  in  the  glory  of  the  purpose 
which  we  condemn  —  it  may  be  through  undue  haste.  I  say  that  whatever 
of  fault  may  have  been  in  them,  these,  the  people  whom  they  loved  and  in 
whose  cause  they  died,  may  well  close  the  volume  and  seal  up  the  record 
and  give  our  lips  to  the  praise  of  their  heroic  deeds  and  their  sublime  self- 
sacrifice." 

Some  weeks  afterwards  arrangements  were  made  for  the  final  interment 
of  the  bodies.  A  suitable  lot  had  been  purchased  with  money  collected  by 
the  "Defense  Committee,"  and  accordingly  on  Sunday,  the  i8th  of  Decem- 
ber, 1887,  the  Anarchists  were  invited  out  to  Waldheim  to  witness  the  last 
rites  over  the  dead  conspirators.  It  was  a  cold,  chilling  day,  and  only 
about  a  thousand  people  were  in  attendance.  The  remains  of  the  five 
Anarchists  were  removed  from  the  vault,  the  coffins  opened  and  the  bodies 
viewed  by  all  who  desired.  They  were  then  placed  in  one  grave,  and  a 
heavy  flagstone  was  lowered  and  firmly  cemented  to  protect  them.  The 
orators  on  this  occasion  were  Mr.  Buchanan,  of  Chicago,  Paul  Grottkau, 
of  Milwaukee,  and  Albert  Currlin,  of  St.  Louis.  The  tenor  of  Grottkau's 
speech  may  be  judged  from  the  following  extract: 

"  Those  cold  clods  of  clay  were  the  first  offerings  required  at  our  hands,. 
but  they  will  not  be  the  last.  Our  lords  believed  that  with  them  they  could 
slaughter  the  idea  and  ideals  they  represent.  They  imagined  that  the  five- 
fold gallows  would  forever  choke  liberty.  How  they  have  succeeded  the 
future  will  show.  Let  them  erect  their  gallows,  put  them  up  by  the  million, 
and  they  will  never  destroy  the  glorious  principles.  Not  all  their  revolvers, 
their  armories  of  bayonets  and  Catling  guns,  not  all  their  bristling  rows  of 
cannon,  can  conquer  us.  ('  Bravo  ! '  '  Bravo  ! ')  From  this  land  the  fame 
of  our  martyrs  and  our  principles  will  go  out  to  the  whole  world.  Our  stran- 
gled ones  are  put  at  the  head  of  the  column.  Their  names  will  ever  be  the 
brightest  on  history's  page.  Party  hate  or  sectional  strife  cannot  dim  their 
laurels.  They  were  the  champions  of  degraded  and  plundered  humanity. 
They  fought  long  and  manfully  for  us ;  they  died  to  serve  us  ;  and  more 
than  that  man  cannot  do.  It  but  remains  for  us  to  do  our  duty  as  they  did 
theirs.  We  must  be  moved  by  their  spirit.  All  mean  personal  desires  must 
depart  from  us.  We  must  continue  our  organization.  We  must  be  un- 
swervingly loyal  to  the  principles  they  taught  us  —  the  great  principles  that. 


652  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

will  free  the  wretched  and  enslaved  proletarians  and  drive  all  injustice  from 
the  face  of  the  earth.  Brothers,  they  (pointing  to  the  five  coffins)  have  done 
their  duty  ;  let  us  do  ours." 

Currlin  closed  his  address  as  follows  : 

"We  have  been  constantly  bought,  sold  and  delivered  at  the  ballot-box' 
(Applause.)  These  heroes  and  true  men  had  well  considered  the  folly  of 
relying  on  the  ballot,  and  with  firm  hearts  and  resounding  voices  had  pointed 
out  the  road  to  the  thinking  and  the  brave. 

"  They  are  gone.  Shall  the  sacrifice  of  these  noble  lives  be  fruitful  or  not  ? 
It  will,  it  must  be.  Let  the  dreadful  act  cement  us  together.  Let  us  be 
loftier,  firmer  than  ever.  You  have  your  Golgotha.  See  to  it  that  you  have 
your  Easter,  and  have  it  soon.  You  owe  it  to  yourselves  and  your  families 
that  you  ever  revere  these  dead.  If  at  any  time  you  become  soul-weary  or 
discouraged,  make  a  pilgrimage  to  this  hallowed  spot  and  be  reinvigorated 
for  the  strife.  Let  the  prison,  even  the  gallows,  be  powerless  to  overturn 
your  purpose.  Let  us  struggle  for  the  right,  for  justice,  freedom,  and  true 
fraternity  until  the  nations  of  the  earth  are  of  us  and  with  us,  until  the  peo- 
ples are  regenerated,  and  clean  hands  and  clean  hearts  have  authority  to 
rule."  (Applause.) 

With  the  final  burial  of  the  dead,  it  may  perhaps  be  well  to  inquire 
whether  one  of  them  continued  to  believe  in  Anarchy  when  he  saw  that  there 
was  no  escaping  from  his  fate.  That  one  about  whose  faith  there  is  most 
doubt  is  Engel. 

It  is  frequently  the  case  that  men  condemned  to  death,  either  on  the  gal- 
lows or  otherwise,  make  a  powerful  effort  to  die  bravely,  and  that,  whatever 
may  have  been  their  true  feelings,  the  truth  dies  with  them.  It  is  seldom 
that  any  one  reveals  from  the  bottom  of  his  heart  his  true  sentiments.  In 
this  case,  Engel  was  a  man  known  to  have  been  sober  and  sincere,  who 
believed  that  everything  he  said  was  true  and  right,  and  who  expressed  his 
opinions  freely  before  all  his  people.  He  professed  the  same  sentiments  to 
the  public  up  to  the  moment  of  his  death,  his  last  words  being,  "  Hurrah  for 
Anarchy  !  "  Yet  he  felt  differently.  It  is  a  well-known  fact  that  people  sen- 
tenced to  death  adhere  until  the  last  second  to  the  position  that  they  are 
right  in  their  opinions  or  doctrines,  or  they  simulate  innocence.  Now,  aS  to 
Engel,  it  had  been  shown  by  the  evidence  that  he  had  frequented  many 
places  at  night,  to  attend  Anarchist  meetings,  and  at  many  of  them  he  deliv- 
ered addresses.  On  some  of  these  occasions  he  was  accompanied  by  his 
only  daughter,  a  bright  young  girl  about  fifteen  or  sixteen  years  of  age,  and 
she  often  heard  him  utter  sentiments  which  she  ought  not  to  have  heard. 
But  the  girl  could  not  help  it.  She  was  there,  and  she  had  to  listen.  After 
these  meetings  they  would  walk  home  together,  and  the  daughter's  company 
was  always  a  source  of  great  pleasure  to  Engel.  She  was  also  greatly  attached 
to  her  father,  and,  naturally,  whatever  she  heard  him  say  she  regarded  as 
true,  having  the  fnost  implicit  faith  in  him.  Engel  knew  all  this,  and  many 
rstormy  nights  she  would  brave  the  weather  to  be  at  his  side  at  meetings  he 


EN  GELS  TRUE  SENTIMENTS. 


653 


felt  himself  obliged  to  attend.  She  would  cling  to  his  arm,  and  through 
snow  and  storm  they  would  face  the  elements.  When  Engel's  last  night  on 
earth  came,  he  asked  the  Sheriff  and  Jailor  to  permit  his  beloved  daughter 
to  remain  with  him  during  the  night,  and,  the  officials  having  satisfied  them- 
selves that  no  sinister  purpose  was  in  view,  the  wish  was  granted.  This  was 
the  night  of  November  10,  and  young  Mary  kept  her  father  cheerful  com- 
pany during  the  long  hours.  Engel  seemed  to  have  had  something  on  his 
mind,  but  he  refrained  from  saying  anything  until  shortly  before  the  time 
for  her  departure.  It  was  evident  that  Engel  had  a  deep  solicitude  for  her 
welfare,  in  spite  of  his  pretended  stolidity.  In  theory  he  had  always  ex- 
pressed the  greatest  admiration  for  Louise  Michel,  and  on  every  occasion 
he  had  lauded  that  Frenchwoman  for  her  bravery  in  suffering  imprisonment 
and  readiness  to  sacrifice  her  life  for  Anarchy.  But  he  regarded  theor)'  and 
practice  as  separate  and  distinct,  and  in  the  face  of  death  his  thoughts 
concerned  them- 
selves with  the 
future  of  his  dear 
child.  Should  she 
espouse  Anarchy 
and  follow  in  his 
footsteps,  taking 
up  his  work  where 
he  had  left  off? 
This  is  what  agi- 
tated Engel,  and 
he  soon  decided 
the  issue.  With 
a  serious  and  earn- 
est manner,  and  in 
a  very  strong  voice,  he  said  in  German  : 

"  Mein  liebes  Kind,  kummere  dich  nicht  um  Anarchic.  Du  siehest  wie 
esmir  geht.  Und  vergesse  diese  Worte  nicht  so  lange  du  lebst."  (Trans- 
lated :  "  My  dear  child,  do  not  trouble  yourself  about  Anarchy.  You  see 
my  situation.  Do  not  forget  these  words  as  long  as  you  live."  ) 

I  am  happy  to  record  this  to  Engel's  credit.  He  was  conscious  that  he 
had  been  in  the  wrong  for  some  time,  and  he  had  the  manhood  to  warn  his 
daughter  not  to  embrace  Anarchy.  He  wished  her  to  maintain  a  good 
character  and  grow  up  to  be  a  good  woman. 

The  words  I  have  given  are  true  to  the  letter,  just  as  they  were  spoken 
by  Engel  to  his  daughter,  at  the  time  I  have  stated,  and,  no  matter  how 
strenuously  Anarchists  may  deny  this,  it  will  still  remain  the  truth.  I  will 
even  add  that  I  have  no  doubt  that  Engel's  comrades  entertained  similar 
sentiments. 


KIERLAN'S   SOUVENIR. 


654  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

The  other  doomed  Anarchists,  however,  kept  their  own  counsel,  and  no 
one  seems  to  have  been  able  to  probe  their  real  feelings.  Spies  and  Par- 
sons were  decidedly  reserved,  and  Fischer  had  a  severe  demeanor,  which 
only  relaxed  to  intimate  and  trusted  friends.  A  slight  exception  to  his  rule 
was  made  in  his  conduct  toward  his  death-watch,  John  B.  Kierlan.  In 
speaking  of  Fischer,  Kierlan,  who  was  a  deputy  in  the  jail  building,  says  : 

"At  the  beginning  of  February,  1887,  I  was  detailed  as  death-watch  to 
Fischer.  When  I  first  went  on  watch  Fischer  did  not  care  much  for  my 
company,  but  after  a  week  or  so  we  got  to  be  friends.  He  asked  me  to 
play  cards  with  him,  and  I  often  joined  him  in  a  game.  We  played 
for  imaginary  and  invisible  beers.  Sometimes  I  would  lose,  and  then 
again  he  would  be  the  loser.  The  one  who  lost  generally  wanted  sat- 
isfaction, and  the  next  night  we  would  '  saw  off '  the  games,  and  in 
this  way  we  were  accustomed  to  spend  our  evenings  together  until 
the  last  few  nights  preceding  November  nth.  Fischer  was  at  this  time  in 
cell  No.  28,  second  row.  He  became  greatly  attached  to  me,  and  was 
always  pleased  to  see  me.  He  had  more  confidence  in  me  than  in  any  other 
officer  in  the  building,  and  I  was  with  him  nearly  all  the  morning  of  Nov- 
ember nth.  When  it  was  nearly  eleven  o'clock  that  morning  he  said  : 

'"Well,  John,  what  about  the  beer  you  owe  me?  ' 

"I  was  so  greatly  astonished  that  I  could  not  answer  him.  Then 
Fischer  threw  his  arm  around  my  neck  and  said  : 

"'Dear  John,  we  must  part.' 

"At  the  same  time  he  kissed  my  cheek.  This  was  a  trying  moment  for 
me,  as  I  had  become  greatly  attached  to  him.  While  I  knew  him,  he 
never  used  bad  language  or  said  anything  unbecoming  a  gentleman.  He 
asked  me  : 

' '  'John,  will  you  remember  me  ?' 

"  '  I  said  :     '  Yes,  but  I  would  like  to  have  something  to  remember  you  by.' 

"  He  then  pulled  out  a  card  from  his  pocket  and  wrote  these  words  : 

"  'Liberty  or  death.  Adolph  Fischer,  Cook  County  Jail,  November  n, 
1887.' 

"This  card  was  given  to  me  forty-five  minutes  before  he  died,  and  I  am 
positive  that  these  were  the  last  words  he  wrote  in  his  life." 

A  fac-simile  of  the  card  appears  on  another  page. 

The  Freiheit  of  March  i6th  prints  what  it  calls  Lingg's  literary  testa- 
ment. It  is  stated  in  the  introduction  to  the  article  that  while  in  prison  the 
bomb-maker  carved  a  handsome  little  casket,  which  shortly  before  his  death 
he  presented  to  Johann  Most  as  a  souvenir.  In  a  secret  compartment  of 
this  casket  was  contained  a  small  book,  on  the  leaves  of  which  Lingg  had 
inscribed  his  sentiments,  and  from  which  the  following  is  extracted  : 

"What  is  Anarchy? 

"A  man-worthy  existence  for  the  entire  term  of  life,  guaranteed  to  every 


UNHANGED  MISCHIEF-MAKERS.  655 

one  through  complete  individual  liberty,  all  human  needs  being  supplied  by 
means  of  equal  participation  in  the  enjoyment  of  all  the  products  of  the 
community. 

"  Free  society  (Anarchy)  finds  its  limits  only  in  those  of  the  earth. 

"The  object  of  Anarchy  is  to  secure  the  greatest  possible  happiness  to  all. 

"This  object  is  attained  through  the  total  extermination  of  all  domina- 
tion. 

"  Domination  is  personified  in  exploiters  (Ausbeuter)  and  tyrants. 

"The  extermination  of  these,  in  view  of  their  sources  of  power,  can  best 
be  accomplished  by  means  of  dynamite. 

"After  such  extermination  the  workingmen  will  organize  according  to 
their  inclinations,  for  protection  and  consumption. 

"Centralization  —  /.  e.,  subordination  of  the  different  groups  of  produc- 
tion and  consumption  under  a  clique  composed  of  individuals,  or  even 
under  a  majority  of  society — is  not  advisable,  because  in  that  way  another 
domination  would  be  established,  and  such  would  make  illusory  the  stated 
purpose  of  free  society  —  Anarchy." 

In  writing  this  book  I  have  endeavored  at  all  times  to  be  fair  and  honest. 
While  I  have  done  everything  in  my  power  and  made  use  of  every  faculty 
which  God  has  given  me  to  ferret  out  and  to  combat  Anarchy,  and  while  I 
believe  now,  as  I  always  have  believed,  that  the  men  who  suffered  death  at 
the  hand  of  justice  in  the  Cook  County  Jail  deserved  their  fate,  I  also  be- 
lieve that  there  are  those  unhanged,  and  who  probably  never  will  be  hanged, 
who  are  morally  as  guilty,  and  who  deserve  even  a  harsher  fate  than 
befell  the  men  whose  lives  the  law  demanded.  For  these  cowards  —  selfish, 
sneaking  conspirators  as  they  are,  who  fight  from  ambush  and  take  no 
risks — would  not  deserve  even  the  sympathy  of  the  poor  fools  whom  they 
lead  to  ruin.  I  firmly  believe  that  Engel,  Lingg  and  Fischer  were  at  least 
sincere  in  their  convictions  and  honest  in  their  belief  and  in  their  expres- 
sions. Spies,  I  think,  was  led  to  his  fate  by  vanity  and  a  consuming  desire 
for  notoriety. 

In  my  investigations  I  of  course  looked  carefully  into  the  antecedents  of 
all  the  Anarchists  who  were  arrested  by  my  command,  and  I  will  say  right 
here  that  not  a  dishonest  act,  as  regards  the  rights  of  property,  was  laid  to 
the  door  of  any  one  of  them.  Lingg,  particularly,  was  scrupulously  honest 
and  conscientious  in  his  dealings  with  his  fellow-man.  The  day  after  the 
Haymarket  massacre  he  found  himself  penniless,  and  for  that  reason  refused 
at  first  to  partake  of  the  food  offered  him  at  Seliger's  table. 

"  I  cannot  partake  of  what  belongs  to  you  and  your  wife,"  he  said,  "nor 
of  what  I  cannot  pay  for.  You  are  as  poor  as  I  am." 

"You  must  share  with  us  as  long  as  we  have  food,"  replied  Seliger  ;  but 
it  was  only  after  considerable  urging  that  Lingg  consented  to  appease  his 
hunger. 

While  apparent  bravery  in  facing  death  on  the  gallows  counts  for  noth- 
ing  I  have  seen  craven  cowards  meet  their  doom  like  stage  heroes  —  I 

believe  that  Lingg,  Engel  and  Fischer  would  have  died  calmly  and  bravely 


656  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

even  without  the  stimulants  which  are  always  administered  to  the  condemned 
before  the  fatal  moment,  and  which  were,  of  course,  administered  to  the 
four  men  before  they  were  led  to  the  fatal  trap  which  hurled  them  into  eter- 
nity. Lingg,  particularly,  during  the  entire  term  of  his  confinement,  through 
the  long  months  of  the  trial,  and  up  to  the  very  day  when  he  so  tragically 
took  his  own  life,  showed  a  consistency  and  a  determination  which  would 
have  been  heroic  had  he  not  been  the  dupe  of  designing  men  who  saw  in 
the  ardor  of  his  temperament  and  in  the  resistless  force  of  his  enthusiastic 
energy  the  means  to  further  and  carry  out  iniquitous  plots  with  which  they 
had  not  the  courage  to  openly  identify  themselves.  I  repeat  again,  there 
are  those  still  unhanged,  who  are  even  now  parading  before  a  credible  public 
as  apostles  of  the  cause  of  labor,  and  whose  cowardice  keeps  them  out  of 
the  reach  of  law,  who  deserve  the  greater  share  of  public  odium.  Some  of 
these,  and  others  like  them,  are  still  at  work  in  our  midst,  and  in  the  midst 
of  all  communities  in  which  the  revolutionists  see  a  chance  of  making  prop- 
aganda out  of  differences  between  employers  and  employed.  I  hope  that 
one  result  of  my  book  may  be  to  open  the  eyes  of  honest  workingmen  to  the 
fact  that  those  who  preach  violence  and  those  who  stir  up  trouble  and 
intensify  discontent  are  the  enemies  of  honest  labor. 


CHAPTER  XXXVII. 

Anarchy  Now  —  The  Fund  for  the  Condemned  Men's  Families  —  $10,000 
Subscribed  — The  Disposition  of  the  Money  — The  Festival  of  Sorrow  —  Parsons'  Post- 
humous Letter  — The  Haymarket  Monument  —  Present  Strength  of  the  Discontented  — 
7,300  Revolutionists  in  Chicago  —  A  Nucleus  of  Desperate  Men  — The  New  Organization 
—  Building  Societies  and  Sunday-schools  — What  the  Children  are  Taught  —  Education 
and  Blasphemy  —The  Secret  Propaganda  —  Bodendick  and  his  Adventures — "The 
Rebel  Vagabond" — The  Plot  to  Murder  Grinnell,  Gary  and  Bonfield  —  Arrest  of  the 
Conspirators  Hronek,  Capek,  Sevic  and  Chleboun  —  Chleboun's  Story  —  Hronek  Sent 
to  the  Penitentiary. 

THE   question  which  will  naturally  present  itself  to  the  reader  at  this 
time  is :  What  is  the  present  condition  of  Anarchy  in  Chicago  ?     Has 
the  frightful  fate  of  the   convicted  conspirators  proven  a  salutary  lesson  to 
the  others,  or  is  the  propaganda  still  maintained  ? 

Unfortunately  these  questions  must  be  answered  in  a  manner  not  calcu- 
lated to  allay  public  apprehension. 

After  the  death  and  the  burial  of  the  executed  leaders  there  was  a  period 
of  quietness  among  the  Anarchists.  They  seemed  stunned  by  the  blow 
which  had  been  leveled  at  them,  but  the  impression  soon  wore  away,  and  in 
a  short  time  they  were  as  rampant  as  ever. 

Their  first  work  was  to  provide  for  the  families  of  the  dead,  and  for  this 
purpose  a  fund  of  $10,000  was  speedily  raised.  Of  this  amount,  strange  to 
say,  $4,000  has  been  invested  in  four  per  cent.  Cook  County  bonds.  This 
amount  was  intended  as  a  reserve  fund  for  the  support  of  the  families,  and 
the  rest  of  the  money  they  are  paying  out  in  weekly  installments  to  the 
families.  On  New  Year's  Day  of  1888  each  of  the  families  was  presented 
with  $202  in  cash,  and  loans  have  been  made  to  Mrs.  Parsons,  Mrs.  Fielden 
and  Mrs.  Engel  to  the  amount  of  $400  in  each  case.  These  loans  are  de- 
ducted in  small  amounts  from  the  weekly  allowances  to  these  women. 
Later  in  the  year  funds  were  found  to  send  Mrs.  Parsons  on  a  lecturing 
tour  to  England,  an  adventure  which  did  not  prove  a  conspicuous  success 
if  the  reports  are  to  be  believed,  for  the  English  discontents  showed  marked 
•disapproval  of  Mrs.  Parsons'  dynamite  appeals. 

Money  is  still  being  collected  for  a  monument  at  Waldheim  Cemetery 
which  shall  be  the  shrine  of  Anarchist  pilgrimages  from  every  part  of  the 
country.  In  this  connection  the  revolutionists  have  established  a  "  Festival 
of  Sorrow,"  as  they  curiously  call  it,  upon  the  anniversary  of  the  execution. 

In  the  proceedings  of  commemoration  held  at  the  cemetery  on  November 
n,  1888,  the  most  interesting  episode  was  the  reading  of  the  following 
letter  from  Albert  R.  Parsons  to  his  children,  which  had,  by  his  instructions, 
remained  sealed  for  a  year.  It  ran  as  follows  : 

657 


658  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

DUNGEON  No.  7,  COOK  COUNTY  JAIL,  CHICAGO,  ILL.,  November  9,  1887. — To  My 
Darling,  Precious  Little  Children,  Albert  R.  Parsons,  Jr.,  and  his  Sister,  Lulu  Eda  Parsons: 
As  I  write  this  word  I  blot  your  names  with  a  tear.  We  never  meet  again.  Oh,  my  chil- 
dren, how  deeply,  dearly  your  papa  loves  you.  We  show  our  love  by  living  for  our  loved 
ones  ;  we  also  p rove  our  love  by  dying,  when  necessary,  for  them.  Of  my  life  and  the  cause 
of  my  unnatural  and  cruel  death  you  will  learn  from  others.  Your  father  is  a  self-offered 
sacrifice  upon  the  altar  of  liberty  and  happiness.  To  you  I  leave  the  legacy  of  an  honest  name 
and  duty  done.  Preserve  it,  emulate  it.  Be  true  to  yourselves,  you  cannot  then  be  false  to 
others.  Be  industrious,  sober  and  cheerful.  Your  mother!  Ah,  she  is  the  grandest,  noblest 
of  women.  Love,  honor  and  obey  her.  My  children,  my  precious  ones,  I  request  you  to. 
read  this  parting  message  on  each  recurring  anniversary  of  my  death  in  remembrance  of  him 
who  dies  not  alone  for  you,  but  for  the  children  yet  unborn.  Bless  you,  my  darlings.  Fare- 
well. Your  father,  ALBERT  R.  PARSONS. 

It  was  a  somewhat  disappointing  epistle,  for  all  the  Anarchists  had  ex- 
pected a  sensational  document,  as  the  result  of  such  a  theatrical  instruction. 

On  the  other  hand  the  people  of  Chicago  have  not  been  idle.  A  monu- 
ment to  the  memory  of  the  murdered  policemen  will  soon  grace  Haymarket 
Square  as  a  lasting  memorial  to  the  brave  men  who  fell  in  the  line  of  duty, 
and  as  showing  the  gratitude  of  the  city  to  its  defenders. 

The  pedestal  for  the  police  monument  was  completed  long  before  the 
figure  was  ready  to  be  placed.  The  foundation  was  begun  and  finished  in 
December,  1888.  The  cost  of  the  pedestal,  with  railings,  light  supports, 
and  everything  complete,  in  readiness  for  the  figure,  aggregated  $5,000. 
The  contract  price  for  the  pedestal  was  $3,500.  This  was  increased  to 
$4,000  by  minor  changes  and  extra  work.  The  railings,  electric  lights  and 
supports,  and  placing  the  figure  in  position,  will  add  another  $1,000.  The 
figure  itself  will  make  the  value  of  the  monument  $10,000. 

The  pedestal  sits  on  a  circular  sub-base  of  dressed  granite,  sixteen  feet 
nine  inches  in  diameter,  elevated  two  steps  above  the  foundation.  A  base 
of  dressed  granite  with  Ionic  cornices  rests  on  the  center  of  this  circular 
sub-base.  The  central  cube,  decorated  with  a  shield  on  which  is  the  coat  of 
arms  of  the  city,  supports  a  block  bearing  an  inscription  giving  the  date  of 
the  riot  and  appropriate  sentiments.  Worked  around  these  inscriptions 
are  branches  and  leaves  of  oak,  indicative  of  strength.  By  a  graceful  series 
of  Ionic  cornices  the  pedestal  ascends  to  the  base  of  the  figure,  the  height 
from  the  foundation  being  seven  feet  six  inches.  The  pedestal  is  oblong,, 
extending  north  and  south  across  the  circular  base.  Two  arms  of  granite 
extending  from  the  base  unite  on  either  side  the  granite  base  of  the  posts 
which  support  the  lights. 

The  designer  of  the  figure  which  surmounts  the  pedestal,  and  which 
represents  a  police  officer  in  full  uniform  with  his  arm  extended,  is  Charles 
F.  Batchelder. 

All  of  these  are  facts  directly  connected  with  and  growing  out  of  the  trial 
of  the  case.  I  come  now  to  the  present  status  of  Anarchy.  The  authorities 
have  recognized  the  constant  menace  which  the  existence  of  this  conspir- 


THE  HAYMARKET  MONUMENT. 


660  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

acy  conveyed  to  the  cause  of  law  and  order,  and  consequently  the  malcon- 
tents have  been  watched  with  unceasing  vigilance.  Their  meetings,  their 
plottings,  their  purposes,  their  plan  of  organization  and  their  system  of 
propaganda  we  know  nearly  as  well  as  they  know  it  themselves. 

The  Socialists  themselves  estimate  their  numbers  in  Chicago  at  75,000 
men,  women  and  children.  As  Socialism  is  the  parent  of  Anarchy  —  the 
two  are  identical  in  their  ultimate  aims,  differing  only  in  tactics  —  these 
figures  are  significant. 

The  number  of  Anarchists  in  Chicago  to-day  is  not  far  from  7,300 
men  and  women.  Of  these  there  are  thirty-five  known  to  us  to  be  des- 
perate men,  ready  to  commit  murder,  arson  or  any  other  crime  to  revenge 
themselves  upon  the  officers  and  the  magistrates  who  were  concerned  in 
bringing  about  the  hanging  of  their  leaders.  These  are  the  most  danger- 
ous conspirators  in  the  body,  and  it  may  easily  be  believed  that  rather  close 
attention  is  paid  to  their  movements.  Next  to  these  comes  a  collection  of 
some  275  men  who  are  at  heart  dynamiters,  and  who  would  be  ready  to 
plunge  into  a  revolt  at  any  moment  if  they  were  not  held  back  by  the  more 
prudent  counsels  of  the  others.  These  men  are  dangerous.  Next  to  these 
there  is  a  body  of  about  5,000  Anarchists,  who  would  join  in  a  revolt  if  they 
could  persuade  themselves  or  be  persuaded  that  there  was  any  real  chance 
for  success  ;  but  they  are  as  a  rule  careful  of  themselves,  and  they  are  not 
going  to  rush  to  the  gallows  if  they  can  help  it.  Only  in  a  time  of  great 
public  tumult  are  they  to  be  really  feared.  I  place  in  still  another  category 
a  body  of  2,000  "sympathizers" — men  upon  whom  neither  the  Anarchists 
nor  society  could  rely.  They  are  a  doubtful  class,  and  might  easily  be  led 
one  way  or  the  other  by  a  decided  victory  on  either  side  in  a  time  of  real 
struggle. 

Many  women  are  to  be  found  in  each  of  these  classifications,  from  the 
most  desperate  up.  There  are  about  forty  "  women-workers "  so  called 
who  are  engaged  in  the  Anarchic  propaganda  in  the  city,  six  of  them 
being  lecturers.  They  are  doing  a  great  deal  of  harm. 

The  present  plans  of  the  reds,  as  broadly  stated  by  one  of  the  open 
leaders,  contemplate  the  use  of  every  force  in  society —  "the  force  of  educa- 
tion, the  force  of  agitation  and  the  force  of  arms  ;  the  first  now  and  always  ; 
the  second,  with  great  care  and  judgment ;  the  last,  when  the  time  shall 
arrive  for  a  strike  at  liberty."  The  reds  throughout  the  world  have  learned 
a  lesson  from  the  failure  of  Spies  and  his  companions,  and  while  their  aims 
and  sentiments  are  unchanged,  their  plans  have  undergone  considerable 
modification. 

A  new  system  of  organization  has  also  been  developed.  They  met  at 
first  in  little  groups  of  five  or  ten,  fearing  to  gather  in  larger  numbers  in  the 
excited  times  following  the  hanging.  It  was  proposed  to  organize  ward 
clubs,  but  this  was  negatived  because  the  politicians  would  mix  up  with 


PRESENT  ORGANIZATION.  66 1 

them  to  get  their  votes,  and  thus  destroy  the  secrecy  that  they  wanted. 
Their  demand  was  for  some  sort  of  an  organization  enabling  many  people 
to  meet  together  without  attracting  suspicion  or  inviting  investigation 
by  the  police,  and  this  they  succeeded  in  doing  by  getting  up  a  Building 
Society.  This  was  followed  by  another  and  another  in  different  parts  of  the 
town.  They  charge  an  initiation  of  ten  cents,  none  but  approved  and 
guaranteed  Anarchists  are  admitted,  and  the  societies  are  working  in  full 
force,  although  I  doubt  whether  they  will  greatly  contribute  to  the  material 
improvement  of  Chicago.  The  Anarchists  are  a  very  quarrelsome  lot,  and 
they  often  get  into  serious  disputes  with  each  other,  and  thus  one  party,  to 
get  revenge,  would  often  come  to  me  with  information  on  his  enemy.  This 
has  been  stopped  by  the  "Building  Association,"  which  maintains  com- 
mittees to  settle  all  quarrels  between  members. 

Aside  from  a  majority  of  the  thirty-two  organizations  affiliated  with  the 
Central  Labor  Union,  the  reds  of  late  have  been  propagating  the  revolu- 
tionary cause  through  the  following  societies  : 

1.  The  Workingmen's    Defense  Association,  composed  chiefly  of  men, 
of  which  Fred  Bentthin  is  secretary.     This   same   organization  raised  the 
money  to  defend  the  reds  who  were  tried  for  the  conspiracy  to  assassinate 
Judges  Gary  and  Grinnell,  Bonfield  and  others. 

2.  The   Pioneer  Aid   and  Relief  Society,    composed  chiefly  of  women. 
This  institution  came  into  existence   immediately  after  the  arrest  of  the 
Anarchists  in  May,  1886. 

3.  A.    R.    Parsons  Assembly  No.    i.     This  is  a  reorganization  of  the 
suspended  or  expelled  Assembly  1307,  once  known  as  the  Sons  of  Liberty. 
It  has  always  been    a  hotbed  of  Anarchy,    and  is  now  composed  of  An- 
archists almost  exclusively.     Its  membership  is  composed  of  such  revolu- 
tionary  lights  as  Oliver,    Holmes,    Snyder,    Brown,   Glasgow,   and  other 
fire-brands.     Snyder  and  Brown  were  arrested  at  the  time  of  the  Haymarket 
massacre  and  held  in  custody  for  months. 

4.  The  English  branch  of  the  Socialistic  Labor  party,  Waverly  Hall, 
122  Randolph  Street. 

5.  The  German  branch  of  the  Socialistic  Labor  party,  54  West  Lake 
Street. 

6.  The  Socialistic  Publishing    Society,    which    controls    the    Arbeiter- 
Zeitung  on  the  communistic  plan  and  devotes  all  surplus  to  the  cause  of  the 
social  revolution. 

7.  The  "  Arbeiter-Bund,"  or  Working  People's  Confederation,  recently 
organized  at  636  Milwaukee  Avenue.   This  is  the  most  violent  public  organ- 
ization of  Anarchists  in  Chicago. 

It  was  the  Arbeiter-Bund  which,  through  its  attorneys,  applied  to  Judge 
Tuley  only  a  short  time  ago  for  an  injunction  to  restrain  the  police  from 
interfering  with  meetings  of  Socialists  and  Anarchists.  While  the  in- 


662  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

junction  was  not  technically  granted,  still  the  decision  was  such  as  to  render 
the  police  powerless  to  interfere  with  their  gatherings.  The  Chancellor's 
opinion  is  too  lengthy  to  print  here,  but  it  was  made  on  a  broad  construc- 
tion of  the  constitutional  provision  guaranteeing  free  speech.  I  am  not  a 
lawyer,  and  I  will  not  attempt  to  say  that  the  learned  Chancellor  misunder- 
stands the  law  or  the  Constitution,  but  it  does  seem  that  there  ought  to  be 
some  provision  which  should  make  it  unsafe  or  impossible  for  bloody-minded 
revolutionists  to  preach  their  foreign  doctrine  in  open  defiance  of  a  respect- 
able and  law-abiding  community. 

The  impudence  shown  by  the  Anarchists,  extreme  Socialists  and  other 
enemies  of  society  in  claiming  redress  under  the  law  would  seem  ridiculous 
if  it  were  not  contemptible.  These  agitators  shout  "  throttle  the  law,"  and 
then  complain  that  their  meetings  are  suppressed  contrary  to  law.  At  their 
meetings,  in  their  speeches,  and  in  other  ways  they  cover  the  courts  and 
judges  with  opprobrium,  and  then  apply  to  the  courts  for  restraining  orders 
forbidding  the  police  to  interfere  with  their  meetings.  With  yells  and 
screeches  in  foreign  tongues  they  declare  that  the  Constitution  shall  be 
destroyed,  and  then  complain  that  they  are  denied  freedom  of  speech  in 
violation  of  the  Constitution.  Putting  themselves  outside  the  law  and  de- 
manding its  destruction,  they  at  the  same  time  demand  its  protection. 

Other  forms  of  public  organization  are  the  "  Schulgemeinde  "  of  the 
Northwest  Side,  and  the  "  Arbeiter  Bildungs-Verein."  The  two  last-named 
seem  to  have  for  their  special  object  the  establishment  and  maintenance 
of  "Sunday  schools." 

Of  all  this  more  will  be  said  hereafter,  but  first  I  will  call  attention  to 
the  fact  that  the  organizations  named  are  only  what  appear  on  the  surface. 
Underlying  and  controlling  all  these  is  the  secret  organization,  which  in 
Chicago  consists  of  an  "invisible  committee."  It  must  be  understood 
that  the  movement  toward  the  object  to  which  the  Internationale  looks 
forward  —  the  social  revolution  —  is  local,  national,  and  international,  and 
it  is  probable  that  the  committee  for  Chicago  was  appointed  from  the 
headquarters  of  the  Internationale  in  New  York,  at  the  suggestion  of  that 
arch-conspirator  and  migchief-maker,  Johann  Most.  The  "  invisible  com- 
mittee," although  they  have  full  direction  of  the  movement  in  Chicago, 
are  supposed  to  be  unknown  to  the  mass  of  the  order.  They  work  indi- 
vidually, and  not  as  a  body,  and  always  quietly.  Their  identity  they  hold 
sacredly  secret.  It  is  only  when  open  revolutionary  work  has  actually 
begun  that  they  are  to  come  to  the  front.  In  the  meantime,  the  open 
workers  and  agitators  report  to  the  individual  "invisibles,"  and  act  under 
their  advice.  The  "  invisibles "  themselves  make  it  a  point  to  practice 
moderation  in  their  public  utterances  to  divert  suspicion.  The  old-time 
centralized  organization,  the  reds  believe,  led  to  the  detection  and  con- 
viction of  their  leaders,  after  the  failure  of  the  Haymarket  plot,  and  this 


THE  SE CRE  T  A  GITA  TORS.  663 

it  was  that  made  the  new  plan  not  only  advisable  but  necessary.      Decen- 
tralization is  now  the  ruling  principle. 

The  public  agitators  are  such  people  as  Currlin,  Holmes,  Morgan, 
Mikolanda,  Grottkau,  Mostler,  Bergman,  G.  Smith,  Poch,  Mittag,  Ment- 
zer  and  others.  They  declare  themselves  openly  as  Anarchists  and  agi- 
tators. They  are  of  course  well  known  to  the  police,  and  consequently 
they  are  on  the  lookout  not  to  come  in  contact  with  us.  They  only  enlist 
recruits,  however.  The  secret  agitators  visit  public  meetings  occasionally, 
but  they  very  seldom  do  any  talking.  Nobody  notices  them,  and  this  is 
what  they  want.  They  are  seldom  members  of  any  "  Verein,"  and  they 
form  acquaintances  on  the  street,  in  shops  or  saloons,  but  always  with 
the  utmost  caution  until  they  have  gained  confidence.  They  meet  at 
private  houses  in  parties  of  three  or  four,  agitating  wherever  they  can 
gain  a  point.  When  charged  with  being  Anarchists  they  .deny  it,  and 
to  throw  off  suspicion  some  of  them  even  go  regularly  to  church.  Among 
these  there  are  fanatics  who  would  do  almost  anything  to  gain  their  ends. 
I  know  a  great  many  of  this  class,  and  I  would  not  believe  it  if  I  did  not 
know  of  my  own  knowledge  that  they  are  Anarchists  of  the  purest  water. 
They  are  the  most  harmless-looking  men  in  Chicago. 

The  open  and  public  movement  still  goes  on  under  cover  of  the  cause 
of  labor.  The  plan  of  campaign  is,  so  far  as  the  public  associations  and 
meetings  are  concerned,  to  teach  Anarchy  ;  to  create  in  the  minds  of  Social- 
istic adherents  a  hatred  of  all  law  and  of  all  religion,  and  to  inspire  a  spirit 
of  revenge  for  the  execution  of  Spies  and  his  comrades.  Their  teachings 
are  carried  out  by  speeches  more  or  less  incendiary. 

The  most  potent  factor  for  evil  in  Chicago  to-day,  as  heretofore,  is  the 
Arbeit er-Zeitung.  When  this  paper  was  first  established  it  was  delivered 
secretly  through  alleyways  and  at  back  doors.  Now  it  has  a  circulation 
of  7,000  copies  daily.  Time  was  when  the  daily  tirades  of  abuse  scattered 
broadcast  by  that  sheet  were  viewed  with  indifference  by  the  English- 
speaking  press  of  this  city.  That  was  in  the  seed-time  of  "theoretic" 
and  "  practical "  Anarchy  in  Chicago.  Then  the  dire  meaning  of  it  all 
escaped  the  bulk  of  the  population.  It  was  said  —  and  the  saying  was 
flaunted  in  the  faces  of  the  sullen  hordes  until  it  acted  like  the  red 
rag  on  an  infuriated  bull  — that  all  this  talk  would  end  where  it  be- 
gan—  in  talk.  The  paper  is  more  readable  and  interesting  now  than  it 
ever  was.  Its  present  editorial  staff  is  an  abler  one,  and  understands  bet- 
ter on  occasion  how  to  convey  its  meaning  without  expressing  it  in  so 
many  plain  words.  It  comprises  not  only  some  of  the  old-time  writers  — 
men  like  Paul  Grottkau  and  Albert  Currlin  —  but  it  has  now  at  its  head  a 
man  of  infinitely  more  cunning  and  ability  than  ever  distinguished  Au- 
gust Spies. 

Editor  Jens  Christensen,   a  native  of  the  formerly  Danish  province  of 


664  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

Schleswig,  is  a  good-looking  young  German,  and  bears  quite  a  resem- 
blance to  his  predecessor  in  personal  appearance.  He  is  thoroughly  pro- 
ficient not  only  in  German,  but  also  in  English,  French,  and  all  the  Scan- 
dinavian tongues,  is  a  scientifically  trained  man,  and  has  at  command  an 
arsenal  of  facts,  arguments  and  deductions  to  be  marshaled  up  in  defense 
of  his  specious  pleadings. 

Christensen  was  at  one  time  a  Socialist  candidate  for  the  German 
Reichstag,  and  is  now  in  constant  and  confidential  correspondence  with 
the  leading  European  prophets  of  destruction.  Although  he  has  been 
in  America  less  than  a  year,  he  has  inspired  in  his  disciples  within  that 
short  time  a  degree  of  confidence  which  Spies  never  possessed.  He  has 
not  the  easy  address  of  Spies  in  dealing  with  a  crowd,  and  he  is  at  all 
times  a  better,  more  logical  and  more  forcible  writer  than  orator ;  but  he  is, 
for  all  that,  the  best  public  speaker  the  destructionists  of  this  city  have 
within  their  ranks  to-day.  He  is  more  suave  than  impassioned  in  his 
speech  —  reserved  and  self-possessed,  and  never  at  a  loss  for  a  reply. 
He  is  a  zealot  and  a  fanatic  in  the  cause  he  has  espoused,  and  he  is  prob- 
ably the  only  Socialist  in  Chicago  who  can  give  a  scientific  basis  for  every 
dogma  he  announces,  and  a  proof  for  every  word  he  utters. 

Since  Christensen's  arrival  here  he  has  been  in  a  newspaper  warfare 
with  Johann  Most.  He  attacked  Most,  charging  him  with  being  an  injury 
to  the  cause  of  the  revolution  by  his  bad  judgment  and  radical  plans  of 
dynamite  and  other  methods  for  the  application  of  physical  force.  Most 
has  been  striking  back  in  his  characteristic  way,  and  this  has  brought 
Christensen  into  considerable  prominence.  Moreover,  he  is  a  writer  with 
great  executive  ability.  He  is  a  man  of  strong  convictions,  evident 
courage,  but  is  quite  a  diplomat,  and  does  not  propose  to  follow  his 
"comrades"  to  the  gallows  by  any  slip  of  the  pen  or  tongue  if  he  can 
help  it.  Christensen  is  a  Socialist,  not  an  Anarchist,  he  says,  and  yet 
he  declares  with  a  good  deal  of  frankness  that  Socialists  and  Anarchists 
are  pretty  much  the  same,  so  far  as  the  result  sought  is  concerned,  the 
only  essential  differences  being  in  the  tactics  used  to  reach  the  object 
aimed  at. 

Such  a  man,  it  will  be  readily  seen,  when  once  started  in  the  wrong 
path,  is  a  much  more  dangerous  foe  than  the  hot-headed,  rather  selfish, 
openly  ambitious  Spies.  And  he  shows  his  power  in  nothing  better  than  in 
his  manner  of  conducting  the  avowed  organ  of  all  the  destructionists.  Since 
his  advent,  this  afternoon  sheet  has  set  the  ferment  of  social  agitation  going 
again  until  the  movement,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  is  to-day  in  reality  more  for- 
midable than  it  was  three  years  ago,  for  now  it  is  directed  by  a  cautious, 
self-contained  man  who  weighs  every  step  before  advising  it,  and  who  in  all 
things  considers  the  question  of  expediency  first. 

The  paper  he  presides  over  is  a  daily  proof  of  his  skill  and  of  his  capa- 


ANOTHER  MEPHISTOPHELES.  665 

city  for  doing  harm.  !<•  spreads  the  old  doctrine  of  destruction  and  social 
upheaval,  but  it  does  so  in  a  much  more  insidious,  in  a  more  guarded,  and, 
probably,  in  a  more  effective  manner.  There  is  a  general  policy  laid  down, 
and  that  is  never  deviated  from.  Every  line  that  goes  into  the  reading 
columns  of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  has  to  serve  a  purpose.  That  purpose  is  ta 
teach  a  lesson,  to  serve  as  one  more  grain  of  disgust  with  the  existing  state 
of  things,  to  render  the  reader  more  weary  of  the  society  of  to-day.  Every 
piece  of  news  is  bent  to  that  end  —  distorted,  falsified,  or  magnified — so  as 
to  "point  a  moral  or  adorn  a  tale."  If  a  laborer  has  been  cheated  out  of 
his  wages,  for  instance,  by  his  employer,  a  general  deduction  as  to  all  em- 
ployers is  made.  If  a  wealthy  thief  escape  more  or  less  merited  punish- 
ment, the  sharp  edge  of  sarcasm  and  of  lament  over  the  futility  of  trying  to 
regenerate  this  world  by  any  but  "radical"  means  is  again  used.  Every 
piece  of  rascality,  in  fact, /on  the  part  of  well-to-do  or  highly  placed  men, 
every  misstep,  every  error,  every  unwise  law  and  every  unwise  application 
of  a  wise  one  —  all  of  these  things  and  many  more  are  seized  and  made  to 
serve  the  purpose  of  this  personally  smooth  and  amiable  Mephistopheles, 
and  are  dished  up  to  his  benighted  readers,  peppered,  salted  and  seasoned 
with  Chile  sauce,  to  make  them  palatable. 

Thus  the  paper  acts  on  that  vast  body  of  half  or  wholly  discontented,  on 
all  those  who,  with  or  without  their  own  fault,  are  not  as  well  off  as  they  might 
be,  on  all  those  thousands  who  sympathized  or  still  sympathize  with  the 
dread  fate  of  the  eight  Anarchists  arrested  after  the  Haymarket  slaughter, 
as  a  constant  irritant,  distorting  everything  to  their  mental  eye  and  keeping 
them  forever  in  an  irritable  mood  and  in  a  sort  of  self-made  purgatory  which 
embitters  even  their  hours  of  rest  and  recreation.  That  this  sort  of  effect 
cannot  go  accumulating  in  the  minds  of  many  thousands  of  men  and  women 
and  children  without  finally  producing  something  tangible,  an  explosion,  is- 
self-evident  and  needs  no  emphasizing.  Did  space  permit,  I  should  like  ta 
give  here  extracts  to  show  how  insidious  and  subtle  the  poison  which  is 
daily  instilled  into  the  minds  of  these  readers. 

Mr.  Currlin,  qx-editor  of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung,  is  known  as  the  wandering 
missionary  of  Anarchy.  He  is  busily  engaged  in  the  propagation  of  rev- 
olutionary ideas.  His  style  of  oratory  and  the  general  drift  of  his  senti- 
ments may  be  gathered  from  quotations  heretofore  given  in  this  book. 

George  Schilling  would  strenuously  object  to  being  called  an  Anarchist. 
But  he  admits  being  a  Socialist.  When  asked  a  short  time  ago  if  he 
expected  another  outbreak  as  the  result  of  existing  revolutionary  forces,  he 
said  : 

"  I  expect  something  of  the  kind  about  the  end  of  the  present  century  — 
say  in  ten  years.     Society  is  just  now  dormant,  like  a  river  frozen  in  winter 
time,  but  some  night  there  will  be  a  mighty  crack  in  the  ice,  and  under  the 
warming  influences  of  evolutionary  forces  there  will  be  a  mighty  upheaval. 


'666  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

There  will  no  doubt  be  a  squall  or  two  before  that  time,  but  the  great  event 
will  not  come,  in  my  judgment,  much  sooner.  There  will  be  lots  of  men 
and  women  who  will  not  be  able  to  see  beyond  the  squall,  and  they  will 
think  the  time  has  arrived.  It  will  come,  not  as  the  result  of  a  conspiracy 
of  Anarchists,  but  as  a  conspiracy  of  all  the  evolutionary  forces  of  society." 

Mrs.  Lucy  Parsons  is  still  an  active  exhorter  in  the  cause.  She  is  sim- 
ply irrepressible,  and  has  made  herself  obnoxious  to  the  more  peaceable  and 
conservative  Socialists.  To  the  ordinary  hearer  her  harangues  would  seem 
ridiculous,  were  it  not  for  the  fact  that  the  loss  of  a  husband  by  death  on 
the  gallows  naturally  creates  sympathy,  even  for  a  fanatic. 

"Prison  bars  nor  the  scaffold  shall  ever  prevent  me  from  speaking  the 
truth,"  she  exclaimed  at  a  Sunday  afternoon  meeting  of  Socialists  at 
Waverly  Hall  a  few  months  ago.  "  The  ballot  is  useless  as  a  remedy,  and 
a  change  in  the  present  condition  of  the  wage  slave  will  never  be  brought 
about  peacefully.  Force  is  the  only  remedy,  and  force  will  certainly  be 
used." 

This  meeting  had  been  called  to  listen  to  a  paper  by  Prof.  Charles 
Orchardson  on  "Salvation  from  Poverty."  The  speaker,  deprecating  the 
incendiary  arguments  and  appeals  to  forceful  measures  on  the  part  of  what 
were  known  as  Anarchists,  said  that  Anarchy  never  would  improve  the  con- 
dition of  society.  He  devoted  himself  principally  to  the  private  ownership 
of  land,  and  claimed  that  more  frauds  had  been  committed  in  that  name 
than  in  any  other.  Fire  and  murder  were  the  sole  right  and  title  of  the 
original  owners  of  the  land,  and  no  original  robbery  could  be  tortured  into 
a  righteous  transaction.  The  owner  of  the  land  was  the  owner  of  the  in- 
habitants. Land  in  Chicago  originally  worth  $i  an  acre  was  now,  in  some 
localities,  worth  perhaps  $1,000,000  an  acre.  The  people  made  this  value, 
but  the  land-owner  reaped  the  benefit  of  the  advance  the  people  had  cre- 
ated. A  land  speculator  was  nothing  but  a  land  peculator,  and  held  the 
people  at  his  mercy.  The  three  evils  of  society  to-day,  the  speaker  said, 
were  private  enterprise,  the  competitive  system  and  private  ownership  of 
land.  The  first  remedy  to  be  applied  was  the  education  of  the  people. 
Another  remedy  was  to  adopt  the  single-tax  theories  of  Henry  George  and 
to  establish  the  Australian  method  of  secret  voting,  so  that  the  employ^ 
could  fearlessly  deposit  his  ballot  without  fear  of  discharge  from  his  em- 
ployer. This  method  would  also  abolish  the  buying  and  selling  of  votes. 
Then  men  should  be  elected  to  represent  the  people  in  the  halls  of  legisla- 
tion and  to  resist  the  encroachments  of  the  capitalists  and  monopolists. 
Private  ownership  in  land  should  be  abolished,  and  the  capitalists  should 
be  compelled  to  stop  the  work  of  increasing  poverty  by  curtailing  the  pro- 
ductions of  the  labor  of  man. 

During  the  discussion  which  followed  the  reading  of  Prof.  Orchardson's 
paper,  the  ringing  voice  of  Mrs.  Parsons  was  heard  in  the  rear  of  the  hall. 


MRS.  PARSONS1   ORATORY.  667 

She  had  entered  late,  and  few  were  aware  of  her  presence,  but  she  was 
greeted  with  loud  applause  as  she  rapidly  and  defiantly  made  her  way 
to  the  front  of  the  platform.  She  said  : 

"'I  did  not  hear  the  beginning  of  this  lecture  to-day,  but  I  heard 
it  last  evening  at  599  Milwaukee  Avenue.  I  have  heard  what  he  had  to 
say  about  the  Anarchists,  and  I  want  to  say  to  him  and  to  everybody  else 
that  it  is  about  time  to  give  the  Anarchists  a  rest.  Are  there  not  enough 
of  them  dead  ?  Do  you  need  to  go  into  their  graves  and  aid  the  detec- 
tives in  their  work  of  digging  up  their  memories  for  abuse  and  obloquy  ? 
Last  night  the  Professor  was  asked  what  remedy  he  would  propose  if  the 
men  elected  to  the  legislature  betrayed  their  trust  and  sold  out  their 
poor  constituents,  and  he  then  said  his  remedy  would  be  to  organize  secret 
societies  and  assassinate  the  men  who  proved  unfaithful  to  their  trusts. 
He  need  not  deny  this,  for  I  have  witnesses  here  to  prove  that  he  said 
this.  And  now  to-day  he  throws  his  slings  at  Anarchy.  Anarchy,  as  I 
understand  it,  is  one  of  the  most  beautiful  theories,  and  I  do  not  agree 
with  the  speaker  when  he  favors  assassination.  I  hold  human  life  too 
sacred,  and  do  not  believe  in  assassinating  the  men  who  sell  out.  Before 
they  talk  about  Anarchy  let  them  define  it.  It  is  a  philosophy  which 
they  do  not,  or  will  not,  understand.  .  .  -  , 

"  Men  talk  about  revolution  as  if  it  were  a  terrible  thing.  Every  one 
present  is  a  revolutionist  because  he  is  poor.  Every  man  who  lives  in  a 
tenement-house  and  wants  to  secure  a  better  home  is  a  revolutionist, 
because  the  beneficial  change  means  a  revolution  in  his  very  life.  I 
know  I  have  to  be  careful  what  I  say  nowadays,  but  I  assert  that  any 
and  all  means  are  justified  in  order  to  get  rid  of  the  present  system  of 
wage  slavery.  (Loud  applause.)  Any  means,  I  say.  If  the  ballot  will 
accomplish  that  purpose,  adopt  it ;  but  if  it  will  not,  let  us  adopt  some 
more  potent  means.  (Applause.) 

"The  speaker  has  argued  in  favor  of  Australian  laws,  but  I  know  the 
same  state  of  society  exists  there  that  exists  here,  and  the  laws  furnish  no 
remedy.  Does  any  one  suppose  that  the  capitalists  —  your  masters  —  will 
ever  permit  you  to  peacefully  take  their  lands  from  them  while  they  can 
invoke  the  aid  of  a  policeman's  club  or  a  Gatling  gun  ?  The  ballot-box 
is  useless  to  reform  the  evils  of  society,  and  there  is  'not  a  State  Socialist 
living  who  believes  that  a  reform  can  be  brought  about  peaceably.  They 
all  admit  it,  but  they  claim  that  it  is  not  policy  to  say  so.  .1  am  not  afraid 
to  say  what  I  believe,  whether  it  leads  me  to  prison  bars  or  the  scaffold. 
The  capitalists  never  have  relinquished  anything  until  they  were  com- 
pelled to,  and  they  will  not  now,  unless  they  have  a  change  of  heart,  or 
something  of  that  sort.  But  go  on  voting.  Vote  for  what  you  want,  but 
don't  forget  that  the  Bill  of  Rights  gives  every  man  the  right  to  keep  and 
bear  arms,  and  when  you  want  to  vote  take  your  little  musket  to  the  polls 
with  you,  and  then  your  vote  will  be  counted  —  not  before.  Take  the 
ballot ;  but  first  put  an  idea,  a  strong  arm  and  determination  behind, 
and  then  buy  yourselves  good  Winchester  rifles.  Then  you  will  be  pre- 
pared to  fight  for  your  rights.  Men  who  are  armed  are  bound  to  be  free, 
and  you  are  all  wage  slaves  to-day  because  you  are  not." 

Here  the  applause  was  almost  deafening.  Mrs.  Parsons  paused  and 
gazed  around  the  room. 


668  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

"  I  do  not  care,"  said  she,  "whether  there  are  any  policemen  or  de- 
tectives here  or  not,  or  whether  the  newspapers  want  to  come  out  with 
sensational  head-lines  about  me.  Go  on  voting,  and  in  ten  years  you  will 
find  yourselves  where  I  am  now.  You  will  be  no  further  advanced,  and 
then  you  will  have  to  come  to  the  revolution  of  force  which  I  advocate  now. " 

Her  voice  rang  out  strong  and  clear,  and  as  she  finished  it  seemed  evi- 
dent from  the  loud  applause  that  followed  that  the  majority  of  those  present 
were  in  full  accord  with  her  sentiments. 

Professor  Orchardson  then  replied  to  his  critic.  He  claimed  that  Mrs. 
Parsons  had  begun  by  picturing  Anarchy  as  one  of  the  most  lovely  and 
beautiful  conditions  imaginable,  but  before  she  had  finished  she  had  ad- 
vocated murder,  force,  carbines  and  every  violent  measure  conceivable. 
She  had  claimed  that  Anarchy  did  not  mean  war,  and  in  the  same  breath  had 
urged  that  all  means  were  justifiable  to  secure  it.  "  A  man  who  undertakes 
to  philosophize  upon  this  question,"  said  he,  "  soon  becomes  contaminated 
by  that  horrible  theory  Anarchism." 

A  few  hisses  were  heard  about  the  room. 

"I  see  I  have  no  sympathy  here,"  he  continued,  "and  I  here  declare 
that  if  I  live  I  will  never  speak  again  where  Anarchists  are  admitted  and 
permitted  to  speak." 

Here  a  storm  of  hisses  and  loud  cries  of  "Shame  "  were  heard  on  all 
sides,  and  for  a  moment  it  seemed  as  if  trouble  was  imminent.  The  chair- 
man, however,  succeeded  in  restoring  order,  and  the  speaker  was  about  to 
continue  his  remarks,  when  he  was  interrupted  by  Mrs.  Parsons. 

"  Did  you  not  advocate  assassination  in  your  lecture  last  night?"  she 
asked. 

"I  did  not.  I  simply  said  that  if  humanity  had  sunk  so  low  that  men 
would  sell  themselves  out,  secret  societies  should  be  formed  for  the  purpose 
of  bringing  retribution  on  the  men  who  had  betrayed  their  trusts." 

"  You  said  assassination,"  shouted  Mrs.  Parsons,  "and  I  can  prove  it. " 

"  I  never  did  and  never  will  advocate  the  vicious,  horrible  and  blood- 
thirsty ideas  of  the  Anarchists,  that  made  it  so  hard  to  argue  the  Socialistic 
question  before  the  people,"  concluded  the  Professor,  in  evident  disgust; 
"and  I  again  repeat  that  I  never  will  attend  another  meeting  where  such 
ideas  are  advocated." 

As  the  speaker  took  his  seat,  he  was  warmly  cheered  by  a  number 
present,  but  there  was  a  loud  murmur  of  dissent  from  the  rear  of  the  room, 
where  Mrs.  Parsons  sat  surrounded  by  her  friends. 

The  most  conspicuous  feature  of  the  propaganda  of  the  Internationale 
in  Chicago  to-day  is  the  Sunday  school  movement.  There  are  now  four  of 
these  schools  in  successful  and  established  operation,  and  a  number  of 
others  are  fairly  started. 

The  first  was   opened  in    the  spring    of   1888,  at  Lake  View,   by  the 


670  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

"Socialistic  Turn-Verein."  The  second  was  begun  in  August,  1888,  at 
Jefferson,  by  the  Turn-Verein  "  Fortschritt. "  The  third  was  commenced  in 
September,  at  "Thalia  Hall,"  by  the  "Arbeiter  Bildungs-Verein"  of  the 
Northwest  Side,  and  the  fourth  was  started  at  58  Clybourn  Avenue,  by  the 
"Arbeiter  Bildungs-Verein  "  of  the  North  Side.  The  school  at  Lake  View 
is  frequented  by  about  190  children  ;  the  school  of  the  Turn-Verein  "  Fort- 
schritt "  has  from  forty  to  fifty  pupils  ;  the  school  of  the  Northwest  Side  was 
visited  on  Sunday,  December  9,  1888,  by  230  children,  and  this  Verein  will 
have  to  rent  another  hall,  as  the  present  one  is  not  large  enough  to  accom- 
modate all  the  pupils.  The  North  Side  school  was  attended  by  about  100 
children  on  the  same  day.  All  schools  are  under  the  supervision  of  the  one 
organized  on  December  9,  1888,  at  Aurora  Turn  Hall.  The  mam  mission 
of  this  school  is  the  organization  of  others.  It  can  easily  be  seen  that  the 
schools  now  established  are  prospering,  because  the  number  of  pupils  is 
increasing  from  day  to  day.  The  schools  are  of  Socialistic  and  Anarchistic 
origin.  Nothing  is  taught  relating  to  dynamite  or  bombs.  The  German 
language  is  used  in  all  the  schools,  and  all  the  ordinary  branches  of  educa- 
tion are  embraced  in  the  curriculum,  but  underneath  and  above  all  is  the 
spirit  of  contempt  for  law  and  religion.  The  children  are  instructed  that 
religion  is  nothing  but  a  humbug  ;  that  there  exists  no  God  and  no  devil,  no 
heaven  and  no  hell,  and  that  Christianity  is  only  a  preventive  system 
adopted  by  the  capitalists  to  rule  the  working  people  and  keep  them  under. 
After  this  they  are  to  be  taught  the  spirit  of  revolution.  In  all,  the  main 
point  is  agitation  for  Socialism  and  Anarchy. 

As  showing  the  spirit  of  the  Anarchist  Sunday  schools,  I  append  the 
following  appeal  for  Christmas  presents  from  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  of  Decem- 
ber 7,  1888.  It  seems  to  me  that  it  leaves  very  little  to  be  said,  except  per- 
haps to  point  out  that  58  Clybourn  Avenue  is  a  low-class  groggery,  and  that 
it  was  in  the  very  room  in  which  the  school  is  held  that  the  Anarchists  who 
were  to  carry  out  Engel's  plan  on  the  4th  of  May,  1886,  secured  their  sup- 
plies of  dynamite  and  bombs  : 

Christmas  Presents  for  the  Scholars  of  the  Sunday  School  of  the  North  Side. 

The  "Arbeiter  Bildungs-Verein"  of  the  North  Side  held  a  meeting  December  3d,  and 
adopted  the  following  :  A  presentation  of  Christmas  presents  and  a  lottery  for  the  children 
of  the  Sunday  school  will  be  held  at  58  Clybourn  Avenue  on  Christmas  day.  Every  one  is 
invited  who  has  an  interest  in  taking  from  the  clergy  the  power  over  our  little  ones,  and  who 
will  help  us  to  educate  our  children  to  become  useful  persons  —  also  parents,  their  friends 
and  business  people  who  are  willing  to  contribute  a  small  sum  of  money  for  the  benefit  of 
this  noble  cause.  Leave  your  contributions  for  the  presentation  of  Christmas  presents  or  for 
the  dressing  of  the  Christmas  tree  for  the  dear  little  ones  until  Saturday,  December  22,  with 
the  committee,  No.  58  Clybourn  Avenue. 

Receipts  for  presents  will  be  published  in  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung. 

ARBEITER  BILDUNGS-VEREIN. 

Dr.  E.  G.  Kleinoldt,  who  lives  at  591  Sedgwick  Street,  is  one  of  the 
chief  teachers.  He  is  an  enthusiast  in  instructing  innocent  children  that 


IRRELIGIOUS  SUNDAY  SCHOOLS.  6;r 

there  is  no  God  and  no  hereafter.  He  tells  his  small  charges  that  priests- 
and  ministers  alike  are  swindlers,  and  there  are  in  this  city  fathers  who 
bring  their  children  to  the  rear  of  a  beer  saloon  on  Sundays  to  be  taught 
such  doctrine  by  a  drunkard. 

On  Saturday  night,  December  i,  1888,  a  dance  was  in  progress  in  Yon- 
dorf's  Hall.  Officer  Lorch,  of  my  command,  called  in  to  see  what  kind  of  a 
gathering  it  was.  Entering  the  hall,  he  saw  Kleinoldt  with  three  young 
men,  talking  very  busily.  The  officer  approached  near  enough  to  hear  that 
Kleinoldt  was  talking  about  dynamite,  and  finally  heard  him  tell  the  young 
men  how  to  make  bombs,  explaining  the  process  in  the  same  manner  as- 
Engel  had  done.  He  also  suggested  that  if  his  hearers  would  make  bombs 
and  put  them  under  "the  leafers  of  policemen,"  it  would  make  the  "  blood- 
hounds" jump.  The  officer  approached  Kleinoldt  and  said: 

"  This  is  not  an  Anarchist  meeting.     Stop  your  talk,  or  I  will  put  you  out." 

Kleinoldt  made  some  insulting  remarks,  and  the  officer  took  him  by  the 
back  of  the  neck  and  pushed  him  out  of  the  hall.  This  was  the  last  of  him 
there  for  that  night,  but  the  young  men  he  had  been  talking  to  were  not 
Anarchists.  One  of  the  three  followed  him  out  on  the  sidewalk  and  there 
met  a  friend  whom  he  told  what  Kleinoldt  had  advised.  The  newcomer, 
who  happened  to  carry  a  large  turkey,  was  a  little  under  the  influence  of 
liquor  himself,  but  was  sober  enough  to  oppose  Anarchy.  He  followed 
Kleinoldt,  struck  him  with  the  turkey,  knocked  him  down  and  broke  his 
eye-glasses,  apparently  for  the  purpose  of  demonstrating  to  the  worthy  ped- 
agogue that  all  people  who  drink  too  much  beer  are  not  necessarily  Anar- 
chists. 

This  man  Kleinoldt  was  interviewed  a  short  time  ago  by  a  reporter  of 
the  Chicago  Herald.  While  other  Anarchist  pedagogues  are  loth  to  com- 
municate their  plans  and  doings,  Kleinoldt  talked  readily,  and  what  he  said 
seems  to  me  sufficiently  interesting  to  repeat  here. 

"We  do  not  teach  Socialism  or  Anarchism  in  our  Sunday-schools,  and 
the  newspapers  do  us  an  injustice  when  they  say  so,"  said  Dr.  Kleinoldt. 
"  The  object  of  our  Sunday  schools  is  to  keep  the  children  away  from  the 
influence  of  the  Jesuits,  who  teach  the  Bible,  religious  songs,  and  church 
doctrine,  subjects  that  are  very  distasteful  to  us  who  are  Socialists.  I  was 
one  of  the  prime  movers  in  the  project  to  organize  schools  to  be  held  on 
Sundays  all  over  the  city,  which  shall  be  open  to  children  of  all  parents  who 
are  opposed  to  the  hurtful  influences  of  church  instruction.  While  it  is 
possibly  true  that  most  of  those  in  attendance  are  the  offspring  of  Socialists 
and  Anarchists,  still  it  is  by  no  means  restricted  to  them,  for  in  one  school, 
at  58  Clybourn  Avenue,  as  well  as  others,  you  will  find  those  whose  fathers 
have  no  sympathy  with  our  advanced  ideas  on  sociology." 

"  What  do  you  teach  at  these  schools  ?  "  asked  the  reporter. 

"  Our  course  takes  in  reading,  writing,  natural  history,  geography,  liter- 


672  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

ature,   general  history  and  morality  —  so  much  of  ethics  as  young  minds 
are  capable  of  receiving." 

"And  you  do  not   teach   the  tenets  of  Anarchy?  "  queried  the  reporter. 

"By  no  means.  We  say  nothing  of  bombs,  dynamite,  overthrow  of 
kingdoms,  uprooting  of  our  present  social  system,  or  anything  of  that  kind. 
What  would  be  the  use  of  it  ?  If  you  had  a  correct  appreciation  of  the 
principles  of  Anarchy  and  Socialism  you  would  readily  understand  that  the 
questions  are  too  grave  for  the  apprehension  of  juvenile  minds.  Later  on 
—  well,  that  is  something  else." 

"Still,  Doctor,  your  teachers  are  thoroughly  imbued  with  these  senti- 
ments, and  it  would  be  only  natural  for  you  to  desire,  if  you  are  honest  in 
your  convictions,  that  these  young  people  should  grow  up  in  your  peculiar 
faith." 

"That  is  another  matter,"  replied  Dr.  Kleinoldt,  regarding  the  reporter 
fixedly  through  his  spectacles.  "  As  the  twig  is  bent  the  tree's  inclined. 
We  are  honest  in  what  we  profess,  else  why  should  we  profess  at  all,  since 
we  have  nothing  to  gain  but  obloquy,  in  the  present  at  least  ?  Being  honest 
and  believing  that  our  teachings  are  best  for  the  human  family,  we  should 
be  strange  beings  indeed  if  we  were  not  anxious  to  have  our  children  grow 
up  into  our  faith.  What  I  have  said  is,  and  I  repeat  it,  that  we  do  not  teach 
Anarchistic  or  Socialistic  principles  to  the  pupils  in  our  Sunday  schools." 

The  reporter  here  read  to  the  Doctor  a  paragraph  from  one  of  the 
Chicago  dailies  to  the  effect  that  at  the  school  held  in  the  rear  of  Rachau 
Bros',  saloon,  corner  of  Lincoln  Avenue  and  Halsted  Street,  the  day  before, 
a  teacher  had  dilated  upon  the  death  of  Spies  and  Parsons,  declaring  they 
were  murdered  by  the  capitalists  and  that  they  were  martyrs. 

"  Of  that  I  know  nothing.  All  I  know  is  that  such  is  not  the  design 
of  our  schools.  Such  talk  is  not  heard  at  our  school  in  the  rear  of  the 
saloon  at  58  Clybourn  Avenue.  We  use  the  same  books  that  are  used 
in  the  day  schools,  and  what  we  teach  is  as  I  have  told  you  before  — 
only  this  and  nothing  more." 

"Put  since  your  teachers  hold  to  these  peculiar  views,  and  since  chil- 
dren have  investigating  minds — being  eager  to  ask  questions  —  is  there 
anything  to  prevent  teachers  from  defining  their  views  even  if  they  do 
not  enter  into  arguments  to  demonstrate  the  tenableness  of  their  position  ?  " 

"  I  repeat  again,  there  are  many  children  in  attendance  upon  our  schools 
whose  parents  are  not  Anarchists  or  Socialists.  Those  who  are  hear  these 
opinions  at  their  homes.  Those  who  are  not  do  not  hear  them." 

"True;  but  there  are  some,  doubtless,  in  every  class,  who  have  heard 
at  their  homes  the  teachings  of  Anarchy  or  Socialism  ;  they  may  ask  ques- 
tions. Is  there  anything  to  prevent  the  teachers  from  replying  to  them 
in  such  manner  as  to  indoctrinate  the  others  in  this  faith  ? " 

"  It  is  possible,  I  admit.      But  I  say  again,  it  is  not  so  in  our  school. 


PEDAGOGUE  KLEINOLDT. 


673 


FRANK  CHLEBOUN. 
From  a  Photograph. 


Indeed,  most  of  the  children  are  too  small  to  know  anything  about  such 
matters.  You  will  say  time  will  correct  that.  I  add  that  our  primary 
object  is  the  education  of  the  young  people.  We  teach  in  German  alto- 
gether, because  the  children  learn  English  in  the  public  schools.  They 
all  attend  the  latter,  because  it  is  a  primary 
principle  with  us  that  it  is  education  alone  that  j 
can  make  men  free.  In  addition  to  the  studies 
named,  we  teach  music  and  singing,  and  we 
hold  a  session  at  58  Clybourn  Avenue  in  the 
afternoon  of  each  Sunday,  when  teachers  from 
the  Workingmen's  Educational  Society  —  an 
art  organization  —  teach  them  drawing." 

The  Doctor  is  a  short,  thick-set,  mild- 
mannered  man,  possessed  of  a  gentle  voice, 
and  is,  apparently,  about  thirty-five  years  old. 
He  spoke  carefully,  and  without  excitement. 
"  Let  me  tell  you  further,"  he  said,  after 
a  brief  pause,  "we  do  not  teach  anything  of 
what  is  termed  religion,  because  we  do  not 
believe  in  that.  We  do  teach  morals,  the  duties  we  owe  to  our  neighbors, 
the  great  principles  of  right  and  wrong.  We  desire  the  children  to  grow 
up  into  Socialists,  that  they  may  be  worthy  successors  of  their  parents ; 

but  we  do  not  think  the  Sunday  school  we 
have  organized  is  the  proper  place  to  incul- 
cate such  doctrines." 

"  Because  your  pupils  are  too  young  ?" 
asked  the  reporter. 

"Yes,  and  because,  as  I  have  said,  the 
parents  of  some  of  the  children  do  not  hold 
to  our  views,  and  it  is  our  desire  to  bring 
into  our  fold  as  many  as  possible,  thus  sav- 
ing as  many  as  we  can  from  the  evil  influ- 
ences of  the  church." 

"You  say  you  teach  music  and  songs. 
Do  these  include  sacred  music  ?  " 

"  Our  music  and  songs  are  strictly  secu- 
lar ;   we  have   nothing  to  do  with  anything 
FRANK  CAPEK  connected  with  the  churches." 

From  a  photograph  taken  by  the  Police.  Dr.  Kleinoldt  may  be  correct  in  his  state- 

ment that  the  school  at  58  Clybourn  Avenue  has  not  taught  Anarchy,  yet 
it  is  nevertheless  true  that  at  least  two  of  the  school's  enthusiastic  teachers 
have  dilated  upon  the  "  martyrdom  "  of  Spies,  Parsons,  Fischer  and  Engel, 
declaring  that  they  died  for  a  glorious  cause,  and  that  those  officials  who 


674  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

were  instrumental  in  their  arrest,  and  those  who  took  part  in  the  trial  and 
at  the  execution,  are  guilty  of  the  vilest  of  crimes.  At  one  of  the  schools, 
a  teacher  even  went  so  far  as  to  allude  to  the  Savior  as  the  lazy  loafer  of 
Nazareth.  It  will  not  demand  a  very  close  reading  "  between  the  lines  "  of 
the  interview  with  Dr.  Kleinoldt,  however,  to  find  out  that,  whatever  the 
motive  of  those  who  have  inaugurated  this  movement,  the  ultimate  result 
will  be  the  same  as  though  the  open  and  expressed  object  were  the  dis- 
semination of  those  views  now  universally  regarded  among  civilized  nations 
as  subversive  of  all  government.  The  schools  are  organized  for  the  purpose 
of  sowing  in  the  minds  of  innocent  children  the  seeds  of  atheism,  dis- 
content and  lawlessness. 

The  Sunday  school  movement  is  only  one  feature  of  the  general  plan  of 
the  revolutionists.  The  Socialists  fear  as  heartily  as  they  hate  the  church, 
and  of  late  they  have  had  especial  reason,  from  their  standpoint,  for  both. 
Both  Catholic  and  Protestant  churches  located  in  German,  Bohemian  and 
Polish  sections  have  recently  extended  their  facilities  for  reaching  the  youth 
of  their  nationalities,  and  hundreds  of  children  have  been  gathered  into 
Christian  schools  on  Sundays,  thus  taking  them  for  a  brief  while  on  that 
day  from  the  squalid  streets  upon  which  they  roam  without  restraint,  and 
bringing  them  in  contact  with  Christian  influences.  Even  scores  of  chil- 
dren of  Socialistic  parents  have  had  this  experience.  The  great  aim  of  the 
Internationals  now,  as  always,  is  to  increase  their  numerical  strength.  To 
do  this  they  hold  it  necessary  to  establish  secular  Sunday  schools  wherein 
the  principles  of  Socialism  will  be  taught  and  where  children  will  be 
made  to  despise,  though  they  may  obey,  the  laws. 

It  need  only  be  added  here  that  all  the  schools  of  the  Socialists  now 
in  operation  in  Chicago  are  held  either  in  the  rear  or  in  the  basements  of 
beer  saloons. 

Judge  Tuley,  in  his  decision  on  the  application  for  an  injunction,  stated 
that  "there  are  Christian  Anarchists. "  I  venture  the  assertion,  however, 
that  the  learned  jurist  has  never  seen  one  of  that  class.  I  know  that  I  have 
not,  and  I  never  expect  to  see  one.  Christianity  and  Anarchy  are  entirely 
opposite.  While  it  is  possible  of  course  that  a  man  professing  the  religion 
of  Christ  should  be  blinded  by  the  plausible  preachings  of  the  Anarchists, 
still  the  hallucination  would  be  only  temporary.  Religion  and  Anarchy,  as 
I  understand  and  have  seen  it,  do  not  and  never  will  go  together. 

The  conspirator   Hronek,  at  his  trial,  was  asked  if  he  believed  in  God. 

"  I  have  never  seen  him,"  was  the  reply. 

Scratch  the  hide  of  an  Anarchist,  and  you  will  find  an  infidel  or  a  fool. 
An  intelligent  human  being  cannot  reconcile  the  violent  doctrines  of  An- 
archy with  any  form  of  Christianity. 

Charles  L.  Bodendick,  twenty-five  years  old,  5  feet  4  inches  tall,  weighing 
150  pounds,  was  arrested  by  Officer  Hanley  for  robbing  Justice  White,  March 


THE  REBEL   VAGABOND: 


675 


18,  1886,  and  was  held  to  the  Criminal  Court  in  $1,500  bonds.  He  was  tried 
and  sentenced  to  the  penitentiary  in  Joliet  for  one  year.  During  his  trial  ic 
was  demonstrated  that  he  was  a  thorough  Anarchist.  The  Arbeiter-Zeitung 
then  called  him  a  "crank"  and  said  that  he  was  crazy.  Before  he  was 
arrested,  however,  he  had  made  his  home  about  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung  office, 
and  at  that  time  he  had  been  looked  on  as  a  valuable  man.  The  poor  fel- 
low had  kept  hanging  around  there,  reading  their  misleading  trash,  until 
he  was  destitute  and  a  vagrant.  The  next  steps  were  robbery  and  the 
penitentiary. 

After  his  release  from  prison  Bodendick  came  back  to  the  city,  and,  roam- 
ing about  from  place  to  place,  finally  fell  into  his  old  ways  again,  living  on 
wind  and  Anarchy.  He  grew  more 
desperate  even  than  before  his  ar- 
rest. He  wanted  to  manufacture 
something  stronger  than  dynamite. 
A  card  was  given  to  him  by  Dyer 
D.  Lum,  and  he  called  at  the  Public 
Library  for  the  "Techno-Chemical 
Receipt  Book,"  K  4314.  On  page 
30  of  this  book  Bodendick  learned 
what  he  knew  of  the  make-up  of 
explosives.  He  admitted  that  he 
wanted  to  use  sulphur,  saltpeter 
and  soda  potash.  He  also  procured 
other  books  on  explosives,  and  he 
finally  purchased  a  quantity  of  ma- 
terial and  went  to  his  room  to  ex-  CHARLES  L.  BODENDICK. 

periment.       But    before     he     had  From  a  Photograph  taken  by  the  Police. 

learned  very  much  he  was  arrested.  Bodendick  was  kept  in  the  Central  Sta- 
tion in  the  sweat-box  for  two  weeks.  He  was  defiant  at  first,  but  finally  sent 
word  to  the  Inspector  that  he  wanted  to  talk  with  him.  He  was  brought  to  the 
office,  and  after  he  had  given  a  lot  of  information,  and  promised  to  leave  the  city 
at  once,  he  was  released.  The  Anarchists  claim  that  he  never  did  "squeal." 
This  Bodendick  was  an  odd  genius.  Here  is  verbatim  et  literatim  a 
poem  in  which  he  melodiously  voiced  his  sentiments  some  years  ago : 

THE  REBELL-VAGABOND. 

I  live  and  will  take  the  right, 
To  demand  of  the  world  abundance  ; 
To  do  so,  I'm  prepared  to  fight 
the  world  and  all  its  Dungeons. 

Your  a  Loafer,  says'"  the  upper  ten," 
You  aught  to  go  to  Prison. 
But,  who  are  the  priveledged  ones 
To  loaf  ?  the  toilers  lot  dissmissend  ? 


676  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

I'  ve  toiled  hard,  sometime  ago, 
From  early  morn  till  late. 
That  I  aint  worth  some  millions  now 
Is  really  too  bad. 

You  see,  a  generous  toiling  man 
Gets  never  much  ahead  ; 
For  which  a  rascal  allways  can 
Rob  men  of  life  and  (e)state. 

7-10  from  what  I  have  produced 

You  took  in  your  possessions 

While  the  toiling  part  you  have  reduced 

To  crime  and  degradations. 

Not  only  this,  nay  vamper  like 
Do  suck  the  Blood  of  men 
And  with  the  bones  you  take  the  hide 
But,  things  get  to  an  end. 

That  time  I  was  quiet  ingnorant 
of,  who  was  my  enemy  real, 
That  I've  become  to  you  a  torment 
Is  only  the  result  you  feel. 

I'll  work  for  life  and  liberty, 
For  thiefs  like  you  I  wont 
The  courage  that  is  left  in  me 
Makes  me  a  Rebell-Vagabond. 

The  most  serious  recent  development  of  the  spirit  of  revolt  and  disorder,, 
however,  is  that  shown  in  the  attempt  of  the  men  Hronek  and  Capek  to 
assassinate  Judges  Gary  and  Grinnell  and  Inspector  Bonfield. 

In  July  of  1888,  Judge  Grinnell  sent  for  me  and  told  me  that  he  had 
been  informed  by  a  Bohemian  citizen  that  there  was  a  conspiracy  afoot  to 
murder  himself,  Gary  and  Bonfield,  and  that  he  thought  there  was  something 
in  the  information.  It  appears  that  there  were  three  Bohemian  Anarchists, 
John  Hronek,  Frank  Capek  and  Frank  Chleboun,  who  had  determined  to 
avenge  the  "martyrdom,"  as  they  called  it,  of  the  Anarchist  leaders. 
Chleboun  was  never  in  real  sympathy  with  the  others,  and  when  the  affair 
began  to  grow  very  serious  he  went  to  a  Bohemian  friend  and  confided  to 
him  the  plot.  This  gentleman  at  once  advised  Judge  Grinnell.  Among 
the  details  was  the  fact  that  three  men  had  examined  the  Judge's  house  on 
July  4th,  with  a  view  to  blowing  it  up  if  a  good  opportunity  offered,  and 
the  Judge  remembered  having  seen  three  suspicious-looking  men  loitering 
about  Aldine  Square  on  that  day.  They  had  eyed  him  so  strangely  that 
his  attention  was  attracted  to  them.  This  fact  made  him  attach  much 
weight  to  the  story  he  had  been  told.  The  Judge  wished  me  to  conduct  the 
investigation,  but  the  suspects  all  lived  in  Inspector  Bonfield's  district,  and 
I  urged  that  the  inquiry  should  be  made  by  him,  of  course  promising  to  co- 
operate as  heartily  as  I  could.  After  this  Bonfield,  the  Judge  and  I  had  a. 


THE  HRONEK  CONSPIRACY.  677 

conference  in  which  we  went  over  the  whole  ground.  We  had  all  the  facts 
in  the  case  pretty  well  in  hand.  On  the  morning  of  July  i7th,  Bonfield  was 
ready  to  strike,  and  the  arrests  were  made.  On  the  evening  before  warrants 
were  sworn  out  for  these  three  men,  and  at  4  A.M.  Bonfield  drove  Lieut. 
Elliott  past  Hronek's  house,  2952  Farrell  Street,  so  that  he  might  know  it. 
Officers  Rowan,  Miller,  Nordrum,  Murtha,  Styx  and  Meichowsky  assisted 
in  the  arrests. 

In  describing  what  followed  Inspector  Bonfield  said  : 

"  We  had  reason  to  believe  that  Hronek,  who  only  occupied  the  two  rear 
rooms  of  a  two-story  frame  dwelling,  had  dynamite,  a  revolver  and  a  formid- 
able-looking dagger,  which  we  had  been  told  was  poisoned.  We  had  also 
been  given  to  understand  that  Hronek  was  a  reckless  fellow  of  the  Lingg 
type  and  would  offer  a  desperate  resistance,  and  for  that  reason,  in  order 
not  to  jeopardize  the  lives  of  any  of  our  men,  we  thought  it  prudent,  instead 
of  entering  the  house,  to  catch  him  unawares  when  he  came  out  early  in  the 
morning.  At  the  side  of  the  house  is  a  covered  stairway  leading  from  the 
ground  to  Hronek's  rooms,  and  about  seven  o'clock  we  saw  our  man  come 
down  these,  and  he  was  immediately  arrested  by  Officers  Nordrum  and  one 
or  two  others.  Leaving  one  or  two  men  to  watch  the  house,  we  took  the 
prisoner,  who  appeared  utterly  indifferent,  and  astonished  perhaps,  to  the 
nearest  patrol-box,  called  the  wagon,  and  sent  him  to  Deering  Street  Sta- 
tion, whence  he  was  removed  to  the  Central  Station  later  on. 

"We  then  searched  the  house,  and  in  a  sort  of  closet  we  found  a  small 
quantity  of  dynamite  in  the  original  JEtna  No.  2  packages.  In  the  bed-room 
we  found  our  information  to  be  true,  for  under  the  pillow  on  which  Hronek 
had  a  short  time  previous  been  sleeping  we  found  a  vicious-looking  dagger, 
in  a  leather  sheath,  and  a  revolver.  In  addition  to  these  we  also  found  in 
the  rooms  several  bombs,  some  of  which  are  empty  and  some  of  which  are 
loaded.  -The  bombs  are  made  of  cast-iron  piping,  plugged  at  each  end. 
The  pipe  had  been  made  for  some  other  purpose  and  turned  to  that  use,  and 
the  bombs  were  four  or  five  inches  long  and  about  an  inch  and  a  half  in 
diameter." 

Frank  Capek  was  arrested  at  his  home,  498  West  Twentieth  Street,  at 
the  same  time  as  was  Frank  Chleboun,  who  was  found  at  Zion  Place. 
Capek's  house  was  not  searched,  as  it  was  known  that  he  had  made  away 
with  the  dynamite  that  he  had  had  there. 

The  arrests  caused  the  greatest  excitement  in  the  city  as  soon  as  it 
became  generally  known  what  was  the  charge. 

About  the  truth  of  it  there  could  be  no  doubt.  Hronek  was  a  desperate 
fellow,  quite  ready  and  willing  for  any  violence.  He  was  an  enthusiastic 
Anarchist,  and  a  great  admirer  of  the  "martyrs,"  as  he  called  them,  and  he 
had  a  regular  arsenal  of  explosives  and  weapons. 

Chleboun's  story  was  a  singular  one.  He  was  a  tailor  who  had  come  from 
Bohemia  to  Chicago  in  1882.  He  met  Hronek  shortly  after  the  Haymarket 
riot,  and  the  two  struck  up  an  acquaintanceship.  With  Frank  Capek  they 
discussed  Anarchy  and  the  trial  of  the  leaders,  and  all  went  well  as  long  as 


678 


ANARCHY  ANDANARCHISTS. 


they  confined  themselves  to  theory  and  beer. 
Chleboun  was  one  of  those  weak-minded  people 
who  like  to  play  at  conspiracy,  but  he  soon  found 
that  he  had  allied  himself  with  desperate  and  dan- 
gerous men  and  that  the  chances  were  altogether 
in  favor  of  his  own  neck  paying  the  penalty  for  his 
comrades'  work.  This  alarmed  him,  and  he  seems 
to  have  tried  to  draw  away  from  them.  But  they 
would  not  let  him.  For  a  time  he  lent  them  money 
and  tried  to  get  along  with  them,  but  they  made 
his  life  a  burden  to  him.  In  October,  1887,  he 
t  wanted  to  visit  the  old  country,  and  desired  to  take 
'  out  citizen's  papers  before  he  left.  It  shows  the 
relations  between  the  men,  that  Hronek  and  Capek  would  not  help  him  to 
get  naturalized  until  he  had  formally  agreed  to  the  plot  to  kill  Grinnell, 
Gary  and  Bonfield.  They,  also  demanded  $25  from  him,  and  he  paid  it. 
He  returned  from  Europe  in  December,  and  they  at  once  pounced  on  him 


again.  The  poor  fellow 
way  to  turn,  and  he 
thing  by  making  a  clean 
The  trial  of  the 
came  on  in  the  Novem- 
oners  secured  a  sever- 
was  tried,  Capek's  trial 
next  term.  On  the 
the  story  of  the  con- 
and  in  detail,  and  a 
ination  failed  to  shake 
way.  He  showed  how 


did  not  know  which 
finally  did  the  wisest 
breast  of  the  whole  plot, 
would-be  assassins 
ber  term,  but  the  pris- 
ance,  and  only  Hronek 
being  deferred  until  the 
stand  Chleboun  told 
spiracy  at  great  length 
very  severe  cross-exam- 
his  testimony  in  any 
Hronek  had  planned 


the  murder  of  the  three  men  coolly  and  deliberately ;  how  he  had  provided 
dynamite  made  up  into  tin  bombs,  and  in  other  ways,  and  had  secured 
a  poisoned  dagger,  as  well  as  a  pistol.  Capek  seemed  to  concur  in  what 
the  others  did,  but  Hronek  was  the  undoubted  leader.  Among  other 
things  Hronek  told  them  was  that  he  had  met 
Inspector  Bonfield,  and  had  had  a  safe  chance  to 
kill  him,  but  that  he  had  had  no  arms  with  him 
and  could  not  do  it.  Hronek  was  very  angry  over 
his  disappointment.  Chleboun  described  the  visit 
of  the  three  men  —  himself,  Hronek  and  Capek  — 
to  Judge  Grinnell's  house  in  Aldine  Square,  and 
the  reconnoissance  they  made. 

Dynamite  was  in  the  possession  of  all  the  par- 
ties, and  on  one  occasion  a  man  named  Janaus- 


JOHN  HRONEK'S  TRIAL. 


679 


chek  tried  to  get  Chleboun  to  give  him  an  order  on  Mikolanda,  one  of  the 
open  leaders,  for  some  of  the  stuff.     This  was  not  done,  however. 

Hronek,  in  his  own  testimony,  steadily  denied  any  purpose  of  killing  either 
of  the  threatened  gentlemen,  but  under  the  skillful  cross-examination  of  Mr. 
Elliott  he  failed  to  convince  the  jury  that  his  possession  of  the  bombs,  which 


iUHL 

Stoop, 

Outs,  A, 
Trunk, 


Head,    Igth 


Vydth 
Mh.>..... 


U.foot;.. 
jytidF 
Lit.,  f 
Fore  A 


Lwidth^y 
..P.«ul 


Ma.f.ned. 

'  :«.«th. 


.•f^cjfer  .C0jni)i«xio. 


Measured  at  CHICAGO,  ILL, 


Jtemeasured,  1  

I^/«» 
/»»rf  Where, 


ft Sg^z... 


JOHN  HRONEK'S  PORTRAIT  AND  DESCRIPTION —  I. 
Showing  the  New  Method  of  Recording  Criminals  for  Identification. 

he  claimed  had  been  left  at  his  house  by  a  man  named  Karefit,  was  innocent. 
In  fact,  the  testimony  against  him  was  too  strong,  and  it  was  corroborated 
in  many  places  even  by  his  own  admissions,  and  the  jury  found  him  guilty. 
He  was  sentenced  to  twelve  years  in  the  penitentiary. 


680 


ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 


The  trial  was  watched  closely  by  the  general  public  as  well  as  by  An- 
archists, and  among  those  of  the  red  fraternity  who  found  admission  to  the 
court-room  there  were  many  curious  characters.  Some  of  these  were 
sketched  by  an  artist  of  my  acquaintance,  and  three  of  his  sketches  are  given 
on  page  678.  They  are  truthful  representations  of  men  who  have  not  yet  sat 
for  our  rogues'  gallery  photographer,  but  their  associations  warrant  the  fear 
that  they  will  some  day  have  their  pictures  taken  at  the  expense  of  the  tax- 
payers. 


Dept  of  Police,  City, of  Chicago.    DateofAvrtst 


No.  Times  Arrested 
Crinil Specialty 


NOTE.—  Please  follow  strictly  Book  of  Instructions,  not  only  as  to  me 
Scars,  etc.     See  pages  65  to  8  1     Use  abbreviations  as  given 


ment  and  general  description,  but  also  particularly  as  to  Marks, 
struction!. 


JOHN  HRONEK'S  PORTRAIT  AND  DESCRIPTION  —II. 
Showing  the  New  Method  of  Recording  Criminals  for  Identification. 

Portraits  of  Hronek  taken  by  the  police  photographer  are  shown  here, 
and  a  slightly  reduced  fac-simile  of  the  form  now  used  by  the  Police  Depart- 
ment for  identifying  criminals.  Formerly  only  front  view  photographs,  as 


JOHN  HROXEK'S  TRIAL.  681 

a  rule,  were  to  be  found  in  rogues'  gallery  collections.  The  new  method  is 
a  vast  improvement,  and  the  reader  will  note  from  the  details  of  the  blank 
that  it  provides  all  the  necessary  data  for  perfect  and  unmistakable  identi- 
fication. 

The  case  against  Hronek  was  conducted  by  Judge  Longenecker,  the 
State's  Attorney,  and  by  Mr.  Elliott,  and  was  followed  with  the  closest 
attention  by  the  people  of  Chicago,  as  it  displayed  in  unmistakable  colors 
to  what  a  pitch  of  desperation  the  Anarchist  conspirators  in  this  city  can 
bring  themselves. 

Let  us  hope  that  the  lesson  will  prove  a  salutary  one. 


CHAPTER  XXXVIII. 

The  Movement  in  Europe  —  Present  Plans  of  the  Reds  —  Stringent  Meas- 
ures Adopted  by  Various  European  Governments  —  Bebel  and  Liebknecht  —  A  London 
Celebration  —  Whitechapel  Outcasts — "Blood,  Blood,  Blood  !  "  —  Verestchagin's  Views 
—  The  Bulwarks  of  Society  —  The  Condition  of  Anarchy  in  New  York,  Philadelphia, 
Pittsburg,  Cincinnati,  St.  Louis  and  other  American  Cities  —  A  New  Era  of  Revolution- 
ary Activity  —  A  Fight  to  the  Death  —  Are  we  Prepared  ? 

AS  regards  the  present  plans  and  movements  of  the  reds  in  Europe,  of 
course  it  is  almost  impossible  to  obtain  an  adequate  conception  here. 
It  is  known,  however,  that  the  French,  German,  English  and  Belgian  gov- 
ernments have  only  recently  adopted  most  stringent  measures,  the  effect  of 
which  will  undoubtedly  be  to  send  some  very  undesirable  immigrants  to  our 
hospitable  shores. 

Notwithstanding  the  measures  taken  by  the  French  Government,  it  is 
reported  as  tolerably  certain  that  the  Revolutionary  Congress  will  meet  at 
Paris,  although  there  is  a  pressure  to  have  the  date  of  the  session  delayed 
until  October.  Much  will  depend,  probably,  upon  the  proceedings  of  the 
proposed  meeting  of  German,  Swiss  and  Austrian  Socialists  at  Zurich  the 
coming  summer. 

With  all  their  talk  of  universal  brotherhood  and  a  grand  combination  of 
the  proletariat  of  every  nation  against  tryanny,  race  hatreds  are  very  strong 
among  the  Socialists  of  Europe.  A  French  Communist  would  be  more 
likely  to  cut  a  German  Socialist's  throat  than  labor  with  him  for  the  over- 
throw of  the  common  oppressor. 

The  social  conference  soon  to  convene  at  The  Hague,  it  is  said,  will  ask 
the  German  leaders  to  take  the  decisive  step  of  annulling  the  Zurich  meet- 
ing, in  order  to  give  the  Paris  congress  the  more  importance  and  avoid 
giving  any  possible  offense  by  such  action  as  may  be  taken  there.  It  is  well 
known  that  Bebel,  Liebknecht  and  their  immediate  followers  have  no  par- 
ticular love  for  the  dynamite  faction  of  the  Paris  Communists,  but  there  are 
many  Swiss,  South  Germans  and  Russians  who  are  engaged  in  the  thank- 
less and  seemingly  hopeless  task  of  reconciling  national  differences,  and 
these  men  have  no  small  influence  over  their  fellows  by  reason  of  their 
intelligence  and  approved  courage  and  the  sacrifices  they  have  made  for  the 
common  cause.  By  their  unceasing  labor  a  large  proportion  of  the  rank 
and  file  of  the  German  army  have  been  won  over  to  the  Socialistic  move- 
ment, and  they  do  not  despair  of  allaying  the  French  repugnance  to  affiliat- 
ing with  men  of  their  own  ideas  from  across  the  Rhine. 

The  London  celebration  of  the  anniversary  of  the  Paris  Commune  on 
the  night  of  March  18,  1889,  consisted  of  a  small  crowd  of  boozy,  beery,, 

682 


VERESTCHAGIN'S  VIEWS.  683 

pot-valiant,  squalid,  frowsy,  sodden  Whitechapel  outcasts  who  shrieked, 
and  fought  in  a  small  hall  in  their  district  under  the  eye  of  a  single  police- 
man. 

"Better  not  go  in,  sir,"  the  policeman  said  to  a  correspondent  who  en- 
tered the  door  of  the  small  hall  at  87  Commonwealth  Road.  "  There  ain't 
no  danger,  but  it's  very  unpleasant." 

It  was  the  fumes  of  scores  of  dirty  pipes  and  a  thousand  other  causes 
that  made  the  air  almost  unbearable.  About  two  hundred  people,  a  fourth 
of  whom  were  lushed,  soggy  Whitechapel  women,  were  in  the  low-ceil- 
inged  hall,  while  a  long-haired  Pole  was  screaming  an  address  from  the 
platform.  He  cursed  and  swore  with  frantic  blasphemy,  and  called  upon 
his  hearers  to  arm  themselves  and  wade  to  liberty  through  blood.  When- 
ever he  uttered  the  word  "blood,"  the  muddled  and  maudlin  crowd  set  up 
a  shriek  of  "Blood,  blood,  blood  !  "  that  was  deafening.  All  of  the  women 
and  most  of  the  men  had  soiled  red  flags  and  handkerchiefs,  which  they 
waved  in  the  air  as  they  shrieked  "  Blood  !  "  in  chorus.  Then  they  would 
sink  back  into  drunken  indifference  till  the  word  "  blood  "  was  mentioned 
again. 

Two  women  and  a  man,  says  the  correspondent,  lay  in  senseless  stupor, 
with  the  crowd  treading  on  them.  One  woman's  rags  did  not  half  cover  her. 
An  illiterate  Englishman  pushed  the  Pole  aside  and  began  to  harangue  the 
people  from  the  platform.  It  was  the  most  shameless,  ribald  and  obscene 
harangue  imaginable.  In  the  midst  of  it  one  woman  struck  another  with  a 
piece  of  a  broken  beer  glass,  and  the  two  females  began  to  fight  like  cats. 
Faces  were  cut  and  bleeding.  No  one  paid  the  slightest  attention  except 
the  policeman,  who  looked  indifferently  on.  Presently  one  of  the  women 
ran  sobbing  from  the  hall  with  her  face  streaming  blood.  Another  woman 
started  after  her,  when  a  man  made  a  sign  to  a  policeman,  and  she  was  re- 
strained. Then  a  neighbor  plucked  the  correspondent's  sleeve  : 

"  Don't  let  that  nasty  scene  deceive  you,"  he  said  shortly,  "  it  doesn't 
mean  that  Socialism  is  dead  in  London.  It  means  that  it  is  more  intelligent. 
They've  left  off  shouting  in  public  and  begun  to  work  under  cover.  This 
thing  to-night  proves  it." 

The  following,  from  the  pen  of  Vassili  Verestchagin,  the  eminent  Rus- 
sian painter,  whose  realistic  representations  of  battle  scenes  have  created  a 
great  sensation  wherever  exhibited,  and  who  is  also  a  writer  of  great 
ability,  will  show  how  the  situation  in  Europe  as  regards  Socialism,  Anarchy 
and  Nihilism  appears  to  one  close  and  intelligent  observer  : 

"There  is  no  gainsaying  the  fact  that  all  the  other  questions  of  our  time 
are  paling  before  the  question  of  Socialism  that  advances  on  us,  threaten- 
ingly, like  a  tremendous  thunder-cloud. 

"  The  masses  that  have  been  for  centuries  leading  a  life  of  expectancy, 
while  hanging  on  the  very  borders  of  starvation,  are  willing  to  wait  no  more. 
Their  former  hopes  in  the  future  are  discarded  ;  their  appetites  are  whetted, 


684  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

and  they  are  clamoring  for  arrears,  which  means  now  the  division  of  all  the 
riches,  and  so  as  to  make  the  division  more  lasting,  they  are  claiming  that 
talents  and  capacities  should  be  leveled  down  to  one  standard,  all  workers 
of  progress  and  comfort  alike  drawing  the  same  pay.  They  are  striving  to 
reconstruct  society  on  new  foundations,  and,  in  case  of  opposition  to  their 
aims,  they  threaten  to  apply  the  torch  to  all  the  monuments  pertaining  to 
an  order  that,  according  to  them,  has  already  outlived  its  usefulness ;  they 
threaten  to  blow  up  the  public  buildings,  the  churches,  the  art  galleries, 
libraries  and  museums  —  a  downright  religion  of  despair  !  .  .  . 

"My  friend  the  late  General  Skobeleff  once  asked  me,  'How  do  you 
understand  the  movement  of  the  Socialists  and  the  Anarchists  ?  '  He  owned 
to  it  that  he  himself  did  not  understand  at  all  what  they  aimed  at.  'What 
do  they  want  ?  What  are  they  striving  to  attain  ?  ' 

"  '  First  of  all,'  I  answered,  '  those  people  object  to  wars  between  nations ; 
again,  their  appreciation  of  art  is  very  limited,  the  art  of  painting  not 
excluded.  Thus,  if  they  ever  come  into  power,  you,  with  your  strategic 
combinations,  and  I,  with  my  pictures,  will  both  be  shelved  immediately. 
Do  you  understand  this  ?  ' 

"'Yes,  I  understand  this,'  rejoined  Skobeleff,  'and  from  this  on  I  am 
determined  to  fight  them.' 

"There  is  no  mistaking  the  fact  that,  as  I  have  said  before,  society  is 
seriously  threatened  at  the  hands  of  a  large  mass  of  people  counting  hun- 
dreds of  millions.  Those  are  the  people  who,  for  generations,  during 
entire  centuries,  have  been  on  the  brink  of  starvation,  poorly  clad,  living  in 
filthy  and  unhealthy  quarters  ;  paupers,  and  such  people  as  have  scarcely 
any  property,  or  no  property  at  all.  Well,  who  is  it  that  is  to  blame  for 
their  poverty — are  they  not  themselves  to  be  blamed  for  it? 

"  No,  it  would  be  unjust  to  lay  all  the  blame  at  their  door  ;  it  is  more 
likely  that  society  at  large  is  more  to  blame  for  their  condition  than  they 
are  themselves. 

"  Is  there  any  way  out  of  the  situation  ? 

"  Certainly  there  is.  Christ,  our  Great  Teacher,  has  long  ago  pointed 
out  the  way  in  which  the  rich  and  the  powerful  could  remedy  the  situation 
without  bringing  things  to  a  revolutionary  pass,  without  any  upheaval  of  the 
existing  social  order,  if  they  would  only  seriously  take  care  of  the  miserable  ; 
that  certainly  would  have  insured  them  the  undisturbed  enjoyment  of  the 
bulk  of  their  fortune.  But  there  is  little  hope  of  a  peaceful  solution  of  the 
question  now  ;  it  is  certain  that  the  well-to-do  classes  will  still  prefer  to 
remain  Christian  in  name  only ;  they  will  still  hope  that  palliative  meas- 
ures will  be  sufficient  to  remedy  the  situation  ;  or  else,  believing  the  danger 
to  be  distant  yet,  they  will  not  be  disposed  to  give  up  much  ;  while  the  pau- 
pers —  though  formerly  they  were  ready  for  a  compromise  —  may  be  soon 
found  unwilling  to  take  the  pittance  offered  them. 

"  What  do  they  want,  then  ? 

"Nothing  less  than  the  equalization  of  riches  in  the  society  to  come; 
they  claim  the  material  as  well  as  the  moral  equalization  of  all  rights,  trades, 
all  capacities  and  talents  ;  as  we  have  already  said,  they  strive  to  under- 
mine all  the  foundations  of  the  existing  state  of  society,  and,  in  inaugurating 
a  new  order  of  things  they  claim  to  be  able  to  open  a  real  era  of  liberty, 
equality  and  fraternity,  instead  of  the  shadows  of  those  lofty  things,  as 
existing  now.  .  .  . 

"  I  do  not  mean  to  go  into  the  discussion  of  the  matter  ;   I  would  not 


THE  DEFENDERS  OF  SOCIETY.  685 

pretend  to  point  out  how  much  justice  or  injustice,  how  much  soundness  or 
unsoundness  there  is  in  these  claims  ;  I  state  only  the  fact  that  there  is  a 
deep  gulf  between  the  former  cries  for  bread  and  the  sharply  formulated 
claims  of  the  present.  It  is  evident  that  the  appetite  of  the  masses  has 
grown  within  the  past  centuries,  and  the  bill  which  they  intend  to  present 
for  payment  will  not  be  a  small  one. 

"Who  will  be  required  to  pay  this  bill? 

"Society,  most  certainly. 

"Will  it  be  done  willingly  ? 

"Evidently  not. 

"  Consequently  there  will  be  complications,  quarrels,  civil  wars. 

"Certainly  there  will  be  serious  complications  ;  they  are  already  casting 
their  shadows  before  them  in  the  shape  of  disturbances  of  a  Socialistic  char- 
acter that  are  originating  here  and  there.  In  America,  most  likely,  those 
disturbances  are  lesser  and  less  pointed,  but  in  Europe,  in  France  and  Bel- 
gium, for  instance,  such  disorders  assume  a  very  threatening  aspect. 

"  Who  is  likely  to  be  victorious  in  this  struggle  ? 

"  Unless  Napoleon  I.  was  wrong  in  his  assertion  that  victory  will  always 
remain  with  the  gros  bataillons,  the  '  regulators  '  will  win.  Their  numbers 
will  be  very  great ;  whoever  knows  human  nature  will  understand  that  all 
such  as  have  not  much  to  lose  will,  at  the  decisive  moment,  join  the  claims 
of  those  who  have  nothing  to  lose. 

"It  is  generally  supposed  that  the  danger  is  not  so  imminent  yet ;  but, 
as  far  as  I  was  able  to  judge,  the  impendence  of  the  danger  varies  in  differ- 
ent countries.  France,  for  instance  —  that  long-suffering  country  which  is 
forever  experimenting  on  herself,  whether  it  be  in  social  or  scientific  ques- 
tions, or  in  politics  —  is  the  nearest  to  a  crisis;  then  follow  Belgium  and 
other  countries. 

"  It  is  very  possible  that  even  the  present  generation  will  witness  some- 
thing serious  in  that  respect.  As  to  the  coming  generations,  there  is  no  doubt 
that  they  will  assist  at  a  thorough  reconstruction  of  the  social  structure  in 
all  countries. 

"The  claims  of  Socialists,  and,  particularly,  the  Anarchists,  as  well  as 
the  disorders  incited  by  them,  generally  produce  a  great  sensation  in  society. 
But  no  sooner  are  the  disorders  suppressed,  than  society  relapses  again  into 
its  usual  unconcern,  and  no  one  gives  a  thought  to  the  fact  that  the  fre- 
quency of  those  painful  symptoms,  recurring  with  so  much  persistency,  is 
in  itself  a  sign  of  disease. 

"  Far-seeing  people  begin  to  realize  that  palliative  measures  are  of  no 
more  use  ;  that  a  change  of  governments  and  of  rulers  will  not  avail  any 
more  ;  and  that  nothing  is  left  but  to  await  developments  contingent  on 
the  attitude  of  the  opposed  parties  —  the  energetic  determination  of  the 
well-to-do  classes,  not  to  yield,  and  that  of  the  proletaires,  to  keep  their 
courage  and  persevere.  .  . 

"The  only  consolation  remaining  to  the  rich  consists  in  the  fact  that  the 
'regulators'  have  not  had  time  yet  to  organize  their  forces  for  a  successful 
struggle  with  society.  This  is  true  to  a  certain  extent.  But,  though  they 
do  it  slowly,  the  'regulators'  are  perfecting  their  organization  all  the  time; 
yet,  on  the  other  hand,  can  we  say  that  society  is  well  enough  organized  not 
to  stand  in  dread  of  attack  ? 

"Who  are  the  recognized  and  official  defenders  of  society? 

"  The  army  and  the  church. 


686  ANARCHY  AND  ANA R CHISTS. 

1 A  soldier,  there  is  no  doubt  of  it,  is  a  good  support ;  he  represents  a 
solid  defense ;  the  only  trouble  about  him  is  that  the  soldier  himself  begins 
to  get  weary  of  his  ungrateful  part.  It  is  likely  that  for  many  years  to  come 
yet  the  soldier  will  shoot  with  a  light  heart  at  such  as  are  called  his  '  ene- 
mies ; '  but  the  time  is  not  far  distant  when  he  will  refuse  to  shoot  at  his 
own  people. 

"Who  is  a  good  soldier?  Only  ona*  to  whom  you  can  point  out  his 
father,  his  mother  or  his  brother  in  the  crowd,  saying,  '  Those  are  enemies 
of  society,  kill  them'  —  and  who  will  obey. 

"  I  may  remark  here,  in  passing,  that  it  occurred  to  me  to  refer  to  this 
idea  in  a  conversation  I  had  with  the  well-known  French  writer  and  thinker, 
Alexandre  Dumas,  fils,  and  with  what  success?  Conceding  the  justice  of 
the  apprehension,  he  had  no  other  comforting  suggestion  to  offer  than  to 
say  :  '  Oh,  yes,  the  soldier  will  shoot  yet ! ' 

"  The  other  defender  of  society,  the  priest,  has  been  less  ill-used  than 
the  soldier,  and  consequently  he  is  not  so  tired  of  his  task  ;  but,  on  the 
other  hand,  people  begin  to  tire  of  him,  less  heed  is  paid  to  his  words,  and 
there  arises  a  doubt  as  to  the  truth  of  all  that  he  preaches. 

"  There  was  a  time  when  it  was  possible  to  tell  the  people  that  there  is 
but  one  sun  in  the  heavens  as  there  is  but  one  God-appointed  king  in  the 
country.  As  stars  of  the  first,  second,  third  and  fourth  magnitude  are 
grouping  themselves  around  the  sun,  so  the  powerful,  the  rich,  the  poor  and 
the  miserable  surround  the  king  on  earth.  And,  as  all  that  appeared 
plausible,  people  used  to  believe  that  such  arrangements  are  as  they  ought 
to  be.  All  was  accepted,  all  went  on  smoothly  ;  none  of  such  things  can  be 
advanced  nowadays,  however  ;  no  one  will  be  ready  to  believe  in  them.  .  . 

"  Clearly,  things  assume  a  serious  aspect.  Suppose  the  day  comes  when 
the  priests  will  entirely  lose  their  hold  on  the  people,  when  the  soldiers  will 
turn  their  guns  muzzles  down  —  where  will  society  look  for  bulwarks  then? 
Is  it  possible  that  it  has  no  more  reliable  defense  ? 

"  Certainly,  it  has  such  a  defense,  and  it  is  nothing  else  but  talents,  and 
their  representatives  in  science,  literature  and  art  in  all  its  ramifications. 

"  Art  must  and  will  defend  society.  Its  influence  is  less  apparent  and 
palpable,  but  it  is  very  great ;  it  might  even  be  said  that  its  influence  over 
the  minds,  the  hearts  and  the  actions  of  people  is  enormous,  unsurpassed, 
unrivaled.  Art  must  and  will  defend  society  with  all  the  more  care  and 
earnestness,  because  its  devotees  know  that  the  '  regulators '  are  not  dis- 
posed to  give  them  the  honorable,  respectable  position  they  occupy  now  — 
since,  according  to  them,  a  good  pair  of  boots  is  more  useful  than  a  good 
picture,  a  novel  or  a  statue.  Those  people  declare  that  talent  is  luxury ; 
that  talent  is  aristocratic,  and  that,  consequently,  talent  has  to  be  brought 
down  from  its  pedestal  to  the  common  level — a  principle  to  which  we  shall 
never  submit. 

"  Let  us  not  deceive  ourselves.  There  will  arise  new  talents,  which  will 
gradually  adapt  themselves  to  new  conditions,  if  such  will  prevail,  and  their 
works  may  perhaps  gain  from  it,  but  we  shall  not  agree  to  the  principle  of 
general  demolition  and  reconstruction,  when  such  have  no  other  foundation 
but  the  well-known  thesis  :  '  Let  us  destroy  everything  and  clear  the  ground  ; 
as  to  the  reconstruction  —  about  that  we  shall  see  later  on. '  We  shall 
defend  and  advocate  the  improvement  of  the  existing  things  by  means  of 
peaceful  and  gradual  measures." 


A  NEW  ERA   OF  REVOLT.  687 

That  is  Verestchagin's  view.  It  is  certainly  original  and  at  least  presents 
matter  for  serious  reflection  to  the  thoughtful,  even  though  his  deductions 
are  not  agreed  to. 

Only  recently  a  tremendous  sensation  was  caused  by  the  discovery  of  a 
dynamite  bomb  factory  in  Zurich,  secretly  conducted  by  students,  and  the 
tracing  therefrom  of  a  Nihilist  conspiracy  against  the  Czar,  with  extensive 
ramifications  throughout  Russia.  Official  and  court  circles  in  St.  Petersburg 
were  panic-stricken  at  the  news,  and  the  public  journals,  as  usual,  were 
promptly  forbidden  publishing  information,  making  comment,  or  saying  a 
word  on  the  subject.  In  the  meantime  the  police  pushed  investigation  in 
all  directions  and  a  large  number  of  arrests  were  made. 

Following  up  the  traces  of  the  plot,  they  found  in  a  street  of  the  capital 
most  important  evidences  of  its  ramifications  in  St.  Petersburg.  This 
conspiracy  was  said  to  be  more  formidable  than  any  preceding  one.  Nor 
was  the  danger  diminished  by  the  discoveries  made.  The  arrests  were  only 
of  minor  people,  and  these  maintained  unbroken  fidelity  to  their  leaders, 
refusing  to  divulge  even  the  little  they  were  allowed  to  know. 

All  over  the  world  the  apostles  of  disorder,  rapine  and  Anarchy  are 
to-day  pressing  forward  their  work  of  ruin,  and  preaching  their  gospel 
of  disaster  to  all  the  nations  with  a  more  fiery  energy  and  a  better  organ- 
ized propaganda  than  was  ever  known  before.  People  who  imagine  that 
the  energy  of  the  revolutionists  has  slackened,  or  that  their  determination 
to  wreck  all  the  existing  systems  has  grown  less  bitter,  are  deceiving  them- 
selves. The  conspiracy  against  society  is  as  determined  as  it  ever  was, 
and  among  every  nation  the  spirit  of  revolt  is  being  galvanized  into  a 
newer  and  more  dangerous  life. 

In  Chicago  the  signs  of  the  times  are  so  plain  that  he  who  runs  may 
read.  The  skulking  conspirators,  who  but  a  few  months  ago  met  secretly 
and  in  fear,  in  out-of-the-way  cellars  and  thoroughly  tiled  halls,  now  court 
publicity.  Their  meetings  are  advertised  and  open  —  any  one  who  chooses 
may  attend  —  and  they  evidently  feel  a  confidence  and  security  which  was 
unknown  before  this  year  of  grace  1889.  If  this  feeling  is  rampant  here 
in  Chicago,  where  the  heaviest  blow  was  struck  at  Anarchy,  what  must 
it  be  in  other  American  cities,  New  York  for  instance,  where  the  reds 
have  a  formidable  and  growing  organization,  or  in  Philadelphia,  Pitts- 
burg  or  Cincinnati  ?  It  is  manifest  that  a  new  era  of  "  revolutionary 
activity  "  is  at  hand,  and  it  is  to  be  questioned  whether  the  proper  means 
for  meeting  the  proposed  attack  have  been  taken,  or  are  being  prepared. 

In  Europe  the  same  ferment  is  apparent.  In  England  the  conspiracy 
is  still  largely  under  cover,  for  the  English  proletariat,  as  the  Anarchists 
love  to  call  the  raw  material  of  Anarchy,  is  slow  to  move  and  difficult  to 
arouse.  But  the  propaganda  is  busy,  and  occasional  rumblings  may  be 
heard  of  the  work  going  on  underground,  which  should  be  received  as 


688  ANARCHY  AND  ANARCHISTS. 

the  danger  signals  they  are.  In  London  there  are  all  the  factors  for  the 
most  dangerous  mob  the  world  can  produce.  There  are  thousands  upon 
thousands  of  half-starved,  desperate  men,  who  have  absolutely  nothing  to 
lose  save  lives  which  they  themselves  hold  as  almost  worthless,  and 
there  is  the  constant  temptation  before  them  of  wealth  so  great  and  so 
flaunting,  and  of  a  wealthy  class  often  so  cruelly  unjust,  that  it  need  never 
be  a  matter  of  wonder  when  the  East  End  of  London  springs  at  the  throat 
of  the  West.  In  England,  however,  nobody  seems  to  believe  that  there 
can  be  such  a  thing  as  a  servile  revolt  —  that  might  occur  among  the 
French  or  the  Germans  or  the  Russians,  but  never  in  John  Bull's  island, — 
and  the  conspirators,  safely  covered  by  the  fancied  security  of  the  people, 
are  permitted  to  undermine  at  their  will  the  fabric  of  English  society. 

In  France  the  Commune  is  stronger  than  it  ever  was,  and  the  Red 
Terror  may  appear  with  every  turn  of  the  whirligig  of  politics.  France 
does  not  disbelieve  in  the  danger,  but  it  is  practically  powerless  to  avert 
it,  owing  to  the  general  demoralization  which  has  followed  Boulanger's' 
success.  Of  course,  it  can  only  be  a  wild  and  bloody  riot  followed  by  a 
wild  and  bloody  retribution,  by  a  nation  frightened  out  of  freedom  back 
into  the  arms  of  a  strong  government,  for  in  France  the  issues  are  made 
up,  and  the  country  has  made  up  its  mind. 

In  Spain  and  Italy,  and  especially  in  the  smaller  states  —  Switzerland, 
Belgium  and  the  Scandinavian  countries  —  the  Socialists  are  busy,  while 
in  Germany  and  in  Russia  a  crisis  is  at  hand.  Thus,  the  world  over,  it 
is  evident  that  Anarchy  is  at  work  with  a  feverish  purpose  never  before 
displayed,  and  the  governments  are  menaced  with  a  danger  before  which 
foreign  war  is  as  nothing.  Nothing  but  the  uprooting  of  the  very  founda- 
tions and  groundwork  of  our  civilization  will  satisfy  these  enemies  of  order. 
Their  fight  is  to  the  death.  They  will  neither  take  nor  give  quarter.  It 
is  war  d  Foutrance  —  composition  or  truce  is  futile  and  foolish. 

Are  we  prepared,  or  are  we  even  preparing  for  the  shock  ? 

Let  none  mistake  either  the  purpose  or  the  devotion  of  these  fanatics, 
nor  their  growing  strength.  This  is  methodic  —  not  a  haphazard  conspir- 
acy. The  ferment  in  Russia  is  controlled  by  the  same  heads  and  the  same 
hands  as  the  activity  in  Chicago.  There  is  a  cold-blooded,  calculating 
purpose  behind  this  revolt,  manipulating  every  part  of  it,  the  world  over, 
to  a  common  and  ruinous  end.  Whether  the  next  demonstration  of  the  Red 
Terror  will  occur  where  its  disciples  are  goaded  to  desperation  under  despotic 
measures,  as  in  the  land  of  the  Czar,  or  in  our  own  country,  where  they  are 
allowed  to  preach  its  bloody  doctrines  under  a  broad  construction  of  the 
American  constitutional  right  of  free  speech,  time  alone  can  tell. 

But  believe  me,  Anarchy  is  not  an  enemy  for  society  to  despise. 


APPENDIX  A. 


THE  meeting  places  of  the  Anarchist  groups  in  Chicago  prior  to  May 
4,  1886,  were  as  follows  : 

South  Side,  Saturday  nights,  2883  Wentworth  Avenue. 
Southwest  Side,  No.  i,  Saturday  nights,  691  South  Halsted  Street . 
Southwest  Side,  No.  3,  Saturday  nights,  611  Throop  Street. 
Vorwaerts,  Saturday  nights,  204  Blue  Island  Avenue. 
Jefferson,  Saturday  nights,  at  or  near  1800  Milwaukee  Avenue. 
Town  of  Lake,  No.  i,  Saturday  nights,  514  State   Street. 

Town  of  Lake,  No.  2,  every  other  Sunday  evening,  in  Thomas  Hall,  corner  of  Fifty- 
eighth  and  Laflin  Streets. 

Bridgeport,  Sunday  afternoons,  2  o'clock,  2513  South  Halsted  Street. 

The  Lehr  und  Wehr  Verein  companies  met  as  follows  : 

First  Group  —  Tuesday  and  Friday  evenings,  at  Mueller's  Hall,  corner  of  Sedgwick  and 
North  Avenue  ;  also,  at  No.  58  Clybourn  Avenue,  Sunday  mornings,  for  instruction  in  shoot- 
ing and  rifle  practice. 

Second  Group  —  Wednesday  evenings,  and  two  weekly  meetings,  together  with  the  North- 
west Side  Group,  at  8  o'clock,  at  636  Milwaukee  Avenue. 

Third  Group  —  Wednesday  evenings  at  the  West  Twelfth  Street  Turner  Hall. 

No.  58  Clybourn  Avenue  was  a  general  meeting-place.  A  general  invitation  was  ex- 
tended to  all  to  come  there  on  Sundays  for  practice  in  shooting. 

List  of  names  of  Anarchists  and  Socialists  as  found  on  record  with  Sec- 
retaries Seliger  and  Lingg,  at  442  Sedgwick  Street : 

William  Hesse.  John  Nedovlacid,  alias  Pohl.      Peter  Huber. 

Moritz  Neff.  A.   Hirschberger.  John  Neubauer. 

William  Lange.  Edward  Schnaubelt.  Rudolph  Kobitch. 

Balthasar  Rau.  John  Altherr.  Julius  Habitzreiter. 

Albert  Bonien.  William  Buffleben.  Fritz  Fischer. 

Michael  Schwab.  Carl  Milbi.  Albin  Mittlacher. 

H.   Harmening.  Chr.  Ramm.  Fritz  Reuter. 

William  Medow.  Max  Mitlacher.  Carl  Teuber. 

A.   Hovestadt.  Paul  Grottkau.  Rudolph  Ohlf. 

Oscar  Neebe.  Joseph  Bach.  Theodore  Remane. 

Franz  Hoffmann.  Albert  Corns.  E.  Brassholz.    - 

Ch.  Charlevitz.  Julius  Stegemann,  Joseph  Knochelman. 

H.   Kaune.  Otto  Habitzreiter.  A.  Picard. 

H.  Tietgens.  William  Hoelscher.  Arthur  Fritzsche. 

Theodore  Polling.  William  Ludewig.  Franz  Domes. 

Louis  Hensling.  H.   Perschke.  John  B.  Lotz. 

E.   Buschner.  A.   Roehr.  John  Wohlleben. 

Henry  Bonnefoi.  William  Urban.  Gustav  Moeller. 

George  Meng.  Ernst  Altenhofer.  H.   Ulrich. 

W.   L.   Rosenberg.  H.   Fasshauer.  William  Neumann 

Carl  Wichmann.  Abraham  Hermann.  H.  Kallina. 

Ch.   Mauner.  Michael  Hermann.  August  Stollidorf 

Chr.   Mauer.  Lorenz  Hermann.  W.  Senderson 

601 


692 


APPENDIX. 


George  Rosenzweig. 
Robert  W.  Ebill. 
S.   Heidenbluth. 
William  Luetzgerath. 
R.   Lauterbach. 
Ernst  Fischer. 
Carl  Schroeder. 
Otto  Voigt. 
Heinrich  Menge. 
John  Neunkirchen. 
William  Kaune. 
Chris  Ammer. 
Carl  Leukert. 
H.  Boeltscher. 
H.  Vogelsaenger. 
B.   Leber. 
Joseph  Mattius. 
John  Holm. 
William  Walteck. 
Carl  Puder. 
N.  Willes. 
William  Linden. 
George  Menge. 
Louis  Krauthahn. 
Wilhelm  Schleuter. 
Paul  Riedel. 
Fritz  Huebner. 
Louis  Liebl. 
Rudolph  Effinger. 
Wilhelm  Lindner. 
Conrad  Meier. 
August  Baer. 
Wilhelm  Rieger. 
Hans  Reindel. 
Rudolph  Schnaubelt. 
William  Heinze.    * 
Anton  Schmidt. 
Fritz  Schmidt. 
Albert  Wilke. 
Gustav  Schroth. 
Carl  Meier. 
George  Engelett. 
H.  Marcmann. 
H.  Albert. 
Ch.  Blendow. 
August  Neuhaus. 
Chr.  Hase. 
H.  C.  Eden. 
H.  Thomser. 
Claus  Boege. 
Frederick  Boecer. 


H.  Kirvitt. 
H.  Lehman. 
Nic  Schroegel. 
Max  Biehle, 
Andrew  Decker. 
Johann  Mass. 
Hermann  Klug. 
H.  Honsel. 
Edward  Koelble. 
Adolph  Greschner. 
Guenther  Bock. 
Fritz  Bock. 
C.  Bock. 
Fritz  Linden. 
Leo  Wierig. 
Nic  Keller. 
Aug.  Wassilof. 
Linarz. 
Fr.  Rathke. 
Baehrendt. 
Henry  Schmidt. 
Franz  Hein. 
Chas.  Meyer. 
Otto  Bathke. 
Louis  Peters. 
Wm.  Seliger. 
Christ  Jansen. 
Chas.  Scholl. 
B.  Horschke. 
Kinder. 

Robert  Moench. 
Latinker. 
Leopold  Miller. 
E.  Trolson. 
Otto  Blonk. 
Ludwig  Sitzberger. 
Albert  Sommer. 
Albert  Dilke. 
Alfred  Bartels. 
August  Asher. 
Henry  Slvetera. 
Hermann  Pabst. 
John  Richlich. 
Ernst  J.  Nitschke. 
Fritz  Roeber. 
W.  Callinius. 
E.  Hoffmann. 
W.  Matuspkirvitz. 
Carl  Pundt. 
E.  Rudolph. 
Franz  Stahr. 


Hermann  Weg. 
H.  Judknecht. 
Christ.  Drawert. 
Julius  Blacksmith. 
Carl  Rick. 
Carl  Leukert. 
Gustav  Stolze. 
Edward  Heis. 
Wilhelm  Waldeck. 
Ludwig  Lintz 
August  Pavel. 
H.  Hildemann. 
-  Ernst  Altenhofer. 
John  Kleinsten. 
Hermann  Hoges. 
Wilhelm  Alb. 
H.  Markmann. 
H.  Albert. 
Blendow. 
H.  C.  Eden. 
John  Maas. 
Hermann  Klug. 
H.  Hansel. 
F.  Thiesen. 
Henry  Abelman. 
Joseph  Neder. 
Leo  Wierig. 
Nic  Keller. 
Max  Hollock. 
George  Binder. 
Wm.  Lueneberg. 
Anton  Besser. 
Franz  Springer. 
O.  Deichman. 
Joseph  Schramm. 
Carl  Kroger. 
Franz  Turban. 
George  Binder. 
John  Kerr. 
Wenzel  Kinzill. 
Ernst  Niendorf. 
Theodore  Blumbach. 
H.  Zwierlein. 
August  Metschke. 
K.   Kumberg. 
Charles  Lovitte. 
H.  Kauney. 
H.   Mathge. 
Ludwig  Luetzeberger. 
Frederick  Schmiecke. 
Christ  Wegemann. 


APPENDIX. 


693 


Carol  Fischhammer. 
E.  Andauer. 
Bernard  Labor. 
August  Litch. 

Names  of  Socialists 

Fritz  Kaderli. 
Alois  Preiss. 
Anton  Bonner. 

Gustav  Zerbe. 

Carl  Weidenhammer. 

Berthold  Bauer. 

Nic  Goebel. 

Franz  Frank. 

George  H.  Karst. 

Fritz  Witt. 

August  Ziemann. 

Rudolph  Spuhr. 

Ernst  Blanck. 

August  Krause. 

Wilhelm  Helm. 

Franz  Krueger. 

Frederick  Luebbe. 

Jacob  Beck. 

Hermann  Wechmann. 

Hermann  Boese. 

B.   Gromall. 

Fred  Wessling. 

Franz  Schips. 

Michael  Michels. 

John  Tallmann. 

Gustav  Hopper. 

Carl  Chuast. 

Nic  Mueller. 

Franz  Schlopp. 

Philipp  Glaser. 

John  Woehrle. 

Louis  Boechlke. 

Albert  Koch. 

John  Voss. 

Fred  Heiden. 

Franz  Heidench. 

Carl  Michael. 

George  Bloecher, 

Fred  Naffs. 
•  Robert  Wegener. 

Max  Miller. 

Frank  Wiederkehr. 

Heinrich  Volkmann. 

Friederich  Wargowsky. 

Gustav  Bressmann. 

Total  number,   139. 


Paul  Polke. 
Franz  Schumann, 
Franz  Hermann. 

Total  number  of  members, 

belonging  to  different  parts 

Hermann  Jocks. 
Peter  Dieterich. 
John  Fromm. 
Frederich  Hanne 
Carl  Norvotny. 
Heinrich  Simon. 
August  Rieger. 
Henry  Lebierri. 
Christ  Erbman. 
Rudolph  Arndt. 
John  Sellmann. 
William  Rehfeidt. 
Emil  Kaiser. 
Carl  Swansen. 
Louis  Jansen. 
Jacob  Lieser. 
Carl  Billhardt. 
Johann  Grefflath. 
Fritz  Peters. 
Albert  Bittelkau. 
Leo  Engelmann. 
Christ  Feidler. 
Peter  Bucher. 
George  Lange. 
August  Littele. 
Hermann  Pretch. 
Albert  Fork. 
Wilhelm  Hohmann. 
Hermann  Theile. 
Carl  Heinrich. 
Friederich  Rathman. 
Carl  Wild 

Wilhelm  Wetendorf. 
Carl  Gerbech. 
Friederich  Assmussen. 
Louis  Griep. 
Heinrich  Zeiss. 
Carl  Mund. 
George  Schmidt. 
August  Buchwald. 
Peter  Weber. 
Christ.  Jungknecht. 
Johann  Fleischmann. 
August  Bernatzki. 
Julius  Koschnitzki. 


Franz  Bohl. 
Christ.   Killgers. 
Max  Hollock. 
232. 

of  the  city: 

Bernard  Kaelle. 
Richard  Wagner. 
Christ.  Schumann. 
George  Stange. 
Johann  Siegfried. 
Frank  Ehlert. 
Heinrich  Becker. 
Johann  Peters. 
Hermann  Junke. 
Julius  Beck. 
Louis  Thiess. 
John  Weber. 
Robert  Lattmann. 
Mike  Hartmann. 
Heinrich  Pressler. 
Otto  Bartell. 
Martin  Lausgres. 
Heinrich  Koehler. 
Fritz  Ceding. 
Peter  Ferneeten. 
Louis  Schroeder. 
Heinrich  Rauch. 
John  Mangels. 
Hermann  Tombrow. 
John  Koehler. 
Wilhelm  Kramp. 
Hermann  Gnadke. 
Peter  Pauls. 
Adolph  Rudemann. 
Louis  Schalk. 
Rudolph  Firo. 
Joseph  Kaiser. 
Frank  Allring. 
Heirrich  Block. 
Carl  Beck. 
John  Urech. 
Gustav  Roshke. 
Ed.  Peterson. 
M.  Grant. 
August  Hoffmann. 
Gustav  Kerstarm. 
J.  Casper. 
Philipp  Wichmann 
John  Bernier. 
August  Schnedort. 


694  APPENDIX. 

Names  of  Socialistic  women  of  North  Side,    1886  : 

Mrs.  Back.  Mrs.  Fisher.  Mrs.  Pohl. 

Mrs.  W.  Lange.  Mrs.  Wilhelmina  Menge.  Mrs.  Neuhaus. 

Mrs.  Mattius.  Mrs.  H.  Habitzreiter.  Ida  Schnaubelt. 

Mrs.  Rehm.  Mrs.  Elizabeth  Reuter.  Johanna  Schnaubelt. 

Mrs.  Johanna  Schroeder.  Marie  Schnaubelt.  .  Mrs.  Schwab. 

Mrs.  Antonie  Hoverstadt.  Mrs.  Lane.  Mrs.  Miller. 

Mrs.  Rosenzweig.  Mrs.  Hermann.  Mrs.   Huber. 

Total  number,  21. 


ILLUSTRATIONS. 


Portrait  of  the  Author Frontispiece 

The  French  Revolution — The  Feast  of  Reason .16 

Storming  the  Bastile,    .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         ,       • ,         .         .  ig 

Karl  Marx, 19 

Michael  Bakounine,       .............  20 

Pierre  Joseph  Prudhon,        .         .         .         .         .         .                 .         .         .         .         .  21 

Louise  Michel,       ..............  24 

Ferdinand  Lassalle,       .............  25 

Excavated  Dynamite  Mine  in  Moscow,        .........  33 

"It  is  Too  Soon  to  Thank  God." — The  Assassination  of  Czar  Alexander  II.,          .  35 

The  Czar's  Carriage  after  the  Explosion,             .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .  36 

Diagram  of  Elnikoff ' s  Bomb,        .         .         .                           .         .         .         .         .         .  36 

The  Nihilists  in  the  Dock, 38 

Execution  of  the  Nihilist  Conspirators,        .........  39 

The  Book  Bomb,           .............  40 

Scenes  from  the  Riots  at  Pittsburg,    1877,           •         •         •         •         •         •         •         •  51 

The   Great   Strike   in    Baltimore  —  The    Militia    Fighting   their   Way  through   the 

Streets,            ..............  57 

The  Labor  Troubles  of  1877  —  Riots  at  the  Halsted  Street  Viaduct,  Chicago,        .  63 

Dr.   Carl  Eduard  Nobiling 6? 

Max  Hoedel,          ..............  67 

Banners  of   the  Social  Revolution  —  I., 69 

Carter  H.   Harrison, .  70 

The  Black  Flag, 72 

The  Office  of  the  Arbeiter-Zeitung, 76 

An  Anarchist  Procession, 78 

The  Board  of  Trade, 80 

Banners  of  the  Social  Revolution  —  II 85 

A  Group  of  Anarchists,         ............  87 

Banners  of  the  Social  Revolution  —  III 91 

The  Red  Banner  of  the  Carpenters'  Union,        ........  93 

Dr.   Nobiling's  Attempt  to  Assassinate  the  Emperor  of  Germany 95 

August  Reinsdorf,          "... 96 

Johann  Most, 100 

Banners  of  the  Social  Revolution  —  IV.,     .........  109 

Interior  View  of  Neff's  Hall m 

A  Strike  —  The  Walking  Delegate  Sowing  the  Seed  of  Discontent,           .        .         .  114 

Greif's  Hall, "5 

A  Round-up,          ..............  118 

Specimen  Rioters  —  Hynek  Djenek  and  Anton  Seveski,.    .                  .         .         .         .  120 

John  Pototski  and  Frank  Novak,      .         .         . 121 

Vaclav  Djenek  and  Anton  Stimak, 122 

—  Ignatz  Urban  and  Joseph  Sugar,      .         .         .         .         .         •         •         •         .123 

Charging  the  Mob  at  McCormick's 126 

Officer  Casey's  Peril .         .127 

Franz  Mikolanda,  a  Polish  Conspirator .         .         .128 

Fac-simile  of  the  Famous   "Revenge"  Circular, 130 

695 


696  ILLUSTRATIONS. 

The  Call  for  the  Haymarket  Meeting — Fac-simile  I.,                 .    '     .         .         .         .  132 

Fac-simile  II.,    .          .          .          .          .          .          .          .          .          .          .          .          .  135 

Neff's  Hall,  Exterior  View, 136 

The   Haymarket    Meeting — "In    the    Name   of    the  People    I    Command   You    to 

Disperse,"   ..............  140 

The  Haymarket  Riot  —  The  Explosion   and  the  Conflict,            .                  .         .         .  142 

Inspector  John  Bonfield,       ............  143 

Captain  William  Ward,        ............  144 

Lieut,  (now   Chief)   G.   W.   Hubbard 145 

Sergt.  (now   Capt.)  J.   E.    Fitzpatrick,         .........  146 

Lieut.  James  P.   Stanton,     ....         .         .         .         .         .        .         .         .         .  147 

Lieut.  Bowler,      .         .         ;        v        .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .  147 

The  Desplaines  Street  Station,     .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .151 

The  Haymarket  Martyrs,     ............  154 

Adolph  Fischer,    .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         ...  157 

The  Fischer  Family,    .............  158 

Fischer's  Belt  and  Poisoned   Daggers,         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .159 

August  Spies,        .'.-..         .         .         .         .         .         .         •.         .         .         ,  160 

Miss  Nina  Van  Zandt,         ............  162 

Chris   Spies,        '...... 163 

Miss  Gretchen  Spies,    .............  164 

Michael    Schwab, 165 

Albert  R.   Parsons,       .............  166 

Mrs.  Lucy  Parsons,      .............  167 

Oscar   W.    Neebe,         ...  - 168 

Rudolph  Schnaubelt,    the  Bomb-Thrower,         ........  170 

Balthasar  Rau,      ..............  173 

Lingg's  Candlestick, 177 

Round  Iron  Bomb, .  180 

Samuel  Fielden,    ..............  181 

Detective  James  Bonfield,    ............  184 

Officer   Henry   Palmer,         ............  185 

Officer  (now  Lieut.)  Baer, 186 

Detective  Hermann  Schuettler,    . .         .         .189 

Detective  Michael  Hoffmann,      .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .  189 

Detective  Michael  Whalen,  .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .189 

Detective  Charles  Rehm,      .         .          .         .         .         .  .         .         .         .         .189 

Detective  John  Stift,    .         .         ...         .         .     •    .         .         .         .         .       • .  189 

Detective  Jacob  Loewenstein,       ...........  189 

Edmund  Furthmann,    .............  191 

The  East  Chicago  Avenue  Station, .  193 

A  Back- Yard  Interview, 195 

A  Friendly  Communication,          ...........  197 

The  Notorious  Florus'  Hall,        .,'.-. .  203 

The  Shadowed  Detectives,   ............  204 

The  "Red"  Sisterhood 207 

Turning  the  Tables,- 209 

Underground  "Auditors,          . .         .211 

Betrayed  by  Beauty,    .         .         ...         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .214 

Thalia  Hall, 218 

Underground  Conspirators,       •''•"• •         .         •  220 

Officer  Nordrum,  221 


ILL  USTRA  TIONS,  697 

The  Scared  Amateur  Anarchist,           .         .         .                  ;  223 

Watching  a  Suspect,    .         .         .         .         .         .         .                  ,  22, 

Julius  Oppenheimer's  Double,      •.......,  231 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  William  Seliger,   ........  236 

A  Noble  Woman's  lufluence  —  A  Kiss  that  Prevented  Bloodshed 239 

John  Thielen,        .         ,         .         .         .                  .         .         .         .                  _  24g 

Louis  Lingg,   the  Bomb-maker,   ...........  257 

Lingg's  Trunk 258 

Coils  of  Fuse  Found  in  Lingg's  Trunk,     .         .         .         .         .         .         ....        .  259 

Composition  Bomb  Found  in  Lingg's  Room,     .      '    .         .         .         .         .         .  261 

Cast-Iron  and  Large  Gas-pipe  Bombs,                  .         .         .         .         •    /  •         •         •  262 

Gas-pipe  Bombs  Found  in  Lingg's  Room,            ....%....  263 

Gas-pipe  Bombs  without  Fuse,    ...........  264 

Unfinished  Gas-pipe  Bombs  Found  in  Lingg's  Dinner-box 265 

Lingg's  Revolver,           .............  267 

A  Desperate  Struggle  —  Louis  Lingg's  Arrest,     ........  269 

Iron  Bolt  Found  in  Lingg's  Trunk,    .         .    _    .         ,         .         .         .         .         .         .  271 

Lingg's  Sweetheart, 274 

Ladle  used  by  Lingg  in  Casting,  with  Can  of  English  Dynamite 276 

Muntzenberg  Peddling  Books  and  Bombs.           ........  281 

George  Engel,        ..............  284 

Miss  Mary  Engel,         .............  285 

Gottfried  Waller 287 

Underground  Rifle  Practice  —  A  Meeting  of  the  Lehr  und  Wehr  Verein,        .         .  289 

Numbered  Plates  from  L.  u.  W.  V.  Rifles,        ........  290 

"  Liberty  Hall,"            .............  295 

Otto  Lehman,        ...............  298 

Gustav  Lehman,            ...                  .........  303 

Zepf's  Hall,            ...............  306 

Timmerhof  Hall, .  309 

Herman  Muntzenberg,           ............  313 

A  Hasty  Toilet 325 

A  Dangerous  Storing -Place, 327 

An  Obstreperous  Prisoner, 329 

The  Conspiracy  Meeting — Waller  Reading  Engel's  "Plan,"     .         .         .         .         .  336 

The   "Czar"  Bomb, 343 

Anarchist  Ammunition  —  I. 348 

i.    Incendiary  Bomb,  with  powder  flask  detached.    2.   Gas -Pipe  Bombs,  without  cap  or  fuse, 
but  loaded  with  dynamite.     Found  in  Lingg's  Room.     3.   Bombs  used  in  Evidence,  after 
-    analysis   by  chemists.     4.    Gas -pipe   Bombs,   with  fuse  and  caps,   secreted  by  Julius 
Oppenheimer  under  a  dancing -platform. 

A  Group  of  the  Lehr  und  Wehr  Verein, 352 

The  Wife -Beater's  Trial,     .         ." .        .        .  .         .         .362 

An  Incendiary  Can, 365 

Henry  Spies, 368 

The  Larrabee  Street  Station,        .         .         .         .        .    • 371 

The  Hinman  Street  Station,         .      .  .         .         . 374 

Neebe's  Sword  and  Belt, 377 

Anarchist  Ammunition — II., 381 

i.    Round  Iron  Bombs,  cast  whole,  and  designed  for  use  with  percussion  caps,  to  explode  on 

falling.     2.    Sheet-iron  Molds,  used  by  Lingg  in  the  construction  of  infernal  machines. 

3,  4.     Sectional  Views  of  the  "Czar"  Bomb. 

Hon  Joseph  E.  Gary , 384 


698  ILLUSTRATIONS. 

Portraits  of  the  Jury,  ............        386,  387 

Hon.   Julius  S.  Grinnell,       ........          ....  391 

The  Great  Trial  —  Scene  in  the  Court-room,     .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .410 

Spies'  Manuscript  of  the  Famous   "Ruhe"  Signal  —  Fac-simile,         ....  421 

"Y  —  Come  Monday  Evening  "  —  Fac-simile,        ........  422 

Reduced  Fac-simile  of  Heading  of  the  Fackel,    ........  423 

Plan  of  the  Seliger  Residence,     ...........  425 

Dynamite  Packages,       .............  436 

i.  Package  left  at  Judge  Tree's  House.    2.   Package  left  at  C.,  B.  &  Q.  Railroad  offices. 

Socialistic  Bombs  —  Diagrams  from  Daily  News  of  January  14,    1886        .         .         .  437 

Chart  of  Street  Warfare,      .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .                •  .         .  438 

Interior  Plan  of  Greif's  Hall,        ...........  440 

Interior  Plan  of  Neff' s  Hall,         .         .                   .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .  443 

Adolph  Lieske,       .         *^JL  •         ••-••••••••  449 

Parsons'  Handwriting,       .     .         .         .         .........  451 

A  Picnic  of  the  ' '  Reds  "  at  Sheffield,          .........  453 

i.   Experimenting  with  Dynamite.     2.   Getting  Inspiration.     3.   Engel  on  the  Stump.    4.    "  Hoch 
die  Anarchie  !  "     5.    Mrs.   Parsons   Addressing  the  Crowd.     6.   Children  Peddling  Most's 
Literature.     7.    A  Family  Feast. 

Engel's  Blast  Furnace,          .                  ..........  469 

Moses  Salomon,    .         .-''.-..         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .               '"  .  479 

Spies  Addressing  the  Strikers  at  McCormick's,           ...         .         .         .         .  571 

Francis  W.  Walker,     .............  526 

Sigismund  Zeisler,         .............  536 

George  C.  Ingham,       .............  542 

William  A.   Foster, .  546 

Capt.  William  P.   Black 554 

Lingg's  Suicide  Bombs, 595 

E.  F.  L.  Gauss,            ....         '.        /                607 

Henry  Severin,      ..............  607 

Judge  Benjamin  D.   Magruder, 609 

Jailor  Folz,             ...•'.         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .  629 

Benjamin  P.   Price,       .............  632 

Lingg's  Terrible  Death 633 

i.    Lighting  the  Deadly  Bomb.     2.   The  Explosion.     3.   The  Deputy  Entering  Lingg's  Cell. 
4.  The  Dying  Bomb-Maker  in  the  Hands  of  the  Surgeons. 

Lingg's  Last  Request,         ;  . 635 

John  C.   Klein,      .         .      -  ,         .'        ..         .-.'  , 636 

The  Chicago  Water-works,  .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .    '     .         .641 

Sheriff  Canute  R.   Matson,            .........         ,  643 

The  Execution 645 

John  A.   Roche.     .         .         .         .         .         .         .         . 648 

Kierlan's  Souvenir,        .............  653 

The  Haymarket  Monument,         ...........  659 

An  Anarchist  ' '  Sunday-school  "  —  Teaching  Unbelief  and  Lawlessness,    .         .         .  669 

Frank  Chleboun,            .............  673 

Frank  Capek 673 

Charles  L    Bodendick, 675 

Anarchist  Sympathizers — Court-room  Sketches,          .......  678 

Hronek's  Portrait   and  Description — I.     Showing  New  Police  Method  of  Identifying 

Criminals,   ..............  679 

Hronek's  Portrait  and  Description  —  II.,     .........  680 


